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tllJT'

THE CHINESE CLASSICS.

VOL. V.

THE CH-UN TS'EW, with THE TSO OHUBN.

^o M

MBNcitrs, V. Pt. i. IV, 2.

THE

CHINESE CLASSICS:

WITH

A TRANSLATION, CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL NOTES,
PROLEGOMENA, AND COPIOUS INDEXES.

JAMES LEGGE, D.D., LL.D.,

OV THB LONDON MIBSIONAXT 80CXSTT.

m SEVEN VOLUMES.

VOL. V.-PART L,

OOKTAimitO

DUKES YIN, HWAN, CHWANG, MIN, HE, WAN, SEUEN AND CH'ING ;

AND THE PBOLEGOMENA.

HONGKONG: LANE, CRAWFORD & CO.

LONDON : TRIJBNER & Co., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW.

1872.

PL
pt.l

HONGKONG:
Pbintbd at the Lokdok Missionary Sogibtt^s

Pbiittiho OrriCB.

\».

) u •J^ 1 ^ •

PREFACE.

The author is glad to be able to publish his fifth volume in loss
than twelve months after the publication of the fourth. There
remain now only the Le Ke and the Yih King to be translated and
annotated, and then the task which he undertook will be fully
accomplished. As he must return to England in the course of next
year, he cannot say when the publication of those two Works may
be looked for. He will certainly not allow anything to interfere
with the completion of his labours upon them; but the Le Ke is so very
voluminous, find the Yih King is so entirely sui generis^ that this will
yet require some years. It will then have to be considered whether
he can get them printed in England, or must return once more to
Hongkong for that purpose. Moreover, the publication of them must
depend in a good measure on the sale which the volumes already
issued may continue to have.

The present volume contains not only the Ch*un Ts*ew of Confu-
cius, but also the Commentary on it by Tso K^ew-ming. Had the
author been content to publish merely the text of the Classic, with
a translation of it, the volume would have been of small compass.
But without the narratives of Tso the annals of the Sage would
have given a most meagre and unsatisfactory account of the period
covered by them. He did not therefore shrink from the great addi-
tional labour required to translate the whole of Tso's Work; and he
believes it will be acknowledged that he has thereby rendered an
important service to students of Chinese literature and to his readers
generally. From the narratives of Tso there may be gathered as full
and interesting an account of the history of China, from B.C. 721 to
about 460, as we have of any of the nations of Europe during th^
Middle Ages.

Xi PREFACE.

The translation of the Ch^un Ts^ew itself may be made by an
ordinar}^ Chinese scholar currente calamo; but it is not so with the
translation of the Tso Chuen. And the author had not the benefit
of the labours of previous translators with either of them. In pre-
paring his former volumes, he did liis work in the first place
without reference to those who had traversed the same fields before
him, but he afterwards found it occasionally of advantage to com-
pare his versions with those of others. This he has not been able
to do in the present case. If any Sinologue be at times inclined to
differ from him in the rendering of a passage of Tso, the author
would ask him to suspend his judgment for a little. Prolonged
study nuiy perhaps show him that the meaning has seldom been
mistaken. To have introduced notes vindicating his renderings,
where the meaning was not immediately evident, would have greatly
increased the size of the volume, already sufficiently large. His
object has always been to translate faithfully, without resorting to
paraphrase, which he considers a slovenly and unscholarly practice;
yet he hopes that his versions are not in language that can be
represented as uncouth, or unpleasant to read.

He has received the same assistance as in the case of the fourth
volume in reading most of the proofs. And his obligations to the
Rev. Mr. Chalmers have been even greater than before. Not only
did he prepare the indexes of Subjects and Proper Names, but the
author is indebted to him for the valuable maps of China in the
Ch'un Ts'ew period, for the chronological table of the lunar months
during it, and for various assistance on other points.

Hongkong, September 26th, 1872.

CONTENTS.

I. THE PROLEGOMENA.

CHAPTER I.

THE KATUBB AND VALUE OF THE CH^UN TS^BW.
SECTION PAGE

L Disappointment of the expectations raised by the earliest accoants of the Ch*un

Tsew 1

n. Tlie Sources of the Ch*un Ts'ew, and its Nature. Did Confucius nilow himself

any liberty of addition or retrenchment in the use of his authorities? 6

III. Recovery of the Ch'un Ts'ew during the Han dynasty. Was this indeed the

Ch*un Ts*ew of Confucius? 16

rV. The three early Commentaries on the Ch*un T8*ew 22

V. The value of the Ch'un Ts*ew 88

L Specimens of the Commentaries of Kunj^-yang and Kuh-Ieansr 54

II. A letter questioning the Confucian authorship of the Ch'un Ts'ew, by Yuen Mei.... 81

CHAPTER II.

THE CHRONOLOOr OF THE CH*UN TS'EW.
SECTION

I. The chronology of the Text; — with tables of solar eclipses, and of the lunar

months for tlie whole period 85

II. Tlie dates in tlie Tso Chuen 97

III. Lists of the kings of Chow, and of the princes of tlie principal fiefs, from the

beginning to the close of the Chow dynasty 102

CHAPTER III.

THE CHINA OF THE CH*UN TB*BW PKRIOD: — CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO ITS TERRITORIAL
EXTENT: THE DISOBDER WHICH PREVAILED; THE GROWTH AND ENCROACHMENTS OF

THE LAEOES STATES; AND THE BARBAROUS TRIBES WHICH iSCRROUNDEO IT 112

CHAPTER IV.

LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN EMPLOYED IN THE

PREPARATION OF THIS VOLUME.

SECTION

I. Chinese Works ; with brief notices of them 136

II. Translations and other Foreign Works 147

via

CONTENTS.

11. THE BODY OP THE VOLUME.

BOOK

I. Duke Yin.

II.

III.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

XU.

>»

Hwan , 35

Cliwang 73

Mill 123

He ,\ 132

Wftn 227

Seuen 284

Ching 336

Seang 411

Cli'rtou 568

Ting 742

Gae....; 792

Supplement of Tso 838

»*

III. INDEXES.

I. Index of Subjects 865

11, Index of Pn)per Names 876

III. Index of Chinese characters and phrases 888

ERRATA.

1. IN TBK CH1NB8B TEXT OF THE CH^UN T6*BW.

Page

Column

Pay<

5, for ISfifH read ^1^.

168,

)»

6;etaL, „ j/^ n ^.

231,

»»

'> " ^ " i&-

291,

22,

5, after ^S de/e comniR.

471,

*6.

4, for ;jg read Ip.

742,

186,

8, e/a/., „ ;;;^ ^ read ^^ ^.

4, after J^ dele comina.

6, A/«g[ff.

2, for^ |^,^readg{|r |> -^,.

7, „ JJSP '^"d Jlg.

2, " ^3E'^d^'3E-

More than one half of the above are merely errors as regards the text of the K'ang-he Ch*un
Tfl^ew, and have arisen from the compositors gathering the characters from copies in which the
text of Tso-she was alto{;ether adiiered ta In the same way is to be explained the occasional

occurrence of J^ for "-r* in the text, and of "-p for J^ in the Chnen.

II. IN THE CHIKESB TBXT OF THE CHUBK.

Page Cobtmn

20, 11, for ^ read

29, 2, „ JM 3[£ should begin a column.

i> o. 9, ^ ^ do. do.

128, 9, before jj^ insert ^&.

135, 3, deie o beside fiS^*

148, 16, for^ »»1^*

304, 9, „ B " B-

380, 8, „ ^ „ 1^.

Page Ci^umn
418, 8,

451,

645,
646,

679,
721,
776.
816,
822,
823,

12,
H,
10,
16,
10,

for

„

read

,»

»,
f,
„

„

41-

III. CHIKS8B CHARAOTBBB IH THB NOTES.

59,

77,

319,
387,
387,
291,

40,

2, . 8,
1, 6,

^€ige Cdwnn Line
4, 1, 8, for ^ read 3E-
30, 2, 32, insert Eung and Kah have

„ Kunghas^forJl^.

„ KunghasM„jg.
„ Knng and Kuh have
^ for ^.

67, „ Kuh has ^ for ^.

80, for ^ read ^.

8, insert Kung has MJ for ^L

10, „ Kung hM 1^ 1^ for

2,
2,
2,

Pc^s Column Line

305,

385,

427,

465,
696,

688,
791,
806,
829,

1,
1,

2,
2,
1,

6, insert ^^ after jST.

12, „ Kung has g for Jl^.
14, for ^ read ffi^.

7, insert kung and Kuh hmvt
for

72, for ^ read ^j^.

4, ,. :?E „ J^

18, insert KuDg hat j|B for gR.

IV. CHINE8B 0HABACTEB8 IN IKDEZ HI.

Page Col. LL Page Col, LL

880, 32, 82,33, for ;ji0_^ read ;J8^Q. 1898, 2, 47, for ^ read ^.

ERRATA.

V. IN THE PBOLEGOMENA.

Page

Notes
Line

12,

21,

11,

26,

after Ig insert ^.

for % ;|C rend fflt >J<.
„ fQ read ^.

Page Line

126, 1, for ]^ road

»»

f»

»»

±.

Col. 2, X. 2, for v^ read ^.
„ 1, ., 18, after ffi insert^.

VI. IN THE TRANSLATION.

''^^ tL ^

64,
08,
79,

I. iv. 4, for invakcd read invaded.

ILU. 6; vu. 3, „ T*ftng, „ Tftng.

in. xxvii. l;«/fl/.,»a7«, „ Ke(i:g) „ K*e.

V. ix.2, „ Tsaou „ Ts'aou.

„ xxiz. 4, for great fall a „agreat fall.

VI. ii. 1. 1. 2, „ he „ the

VIII. ii. 9, „ Kung-tg*e „ Kungtsze.

IX. xvi. 7, for T«*e n*ad Tsin.

„ thirty-second „ twenty- second,
„ K'c-sun ,. Ke-suu.

„ XXII.,

X. ii. 4,

„ vii. 8, „ Ling

„ xiii. 4, „ T'ing-K'ew

„ xix. 2, „ Slic

,, XX. 4, „ Ch-ing

XI. xiv. 16, „ SluHi

.. Seang.

„ P»ing-k*ew.

„ c:ho.

„ Cliin.

„ Ch()o.

Nearly all the above errors might be corrected from Index HI.

VII. IN THE NOTES.

Page
15,

23,

42,

50,

»»

61,

90,

112,

Column Line

1, I; eta/., for Keread K*e. The
ac*count of K*e*8 capital in the
par. is also wrong; but this
and some otlier geographical
mistakes in tlie notes can be
corrected from Index III.
30, for 5 read 4.
40, dele dis..

13, for a marquisate read an

earldom.
2, for earldom read marquisate
86, „ 8 „ 3.

20, „ Yen-chow „ T*ae-gan.
47, „ Yuen-chung read Yuen

Chung.

Page
119,
125,
199,

214,
217,
304,
305,
357,

Cohnnn Line
2, 12,

1,
1,

— »

2,
1,
1,

for o ronil 6.
,, Koo>loli ,. Loh-koo.
„ dis. of Kwei-chow n*ad

Kwei Chow.

2 read 3.

3 „ 4.
3 of Inst read 2 of 7th.

4, after K*ih insert K'wan.
47, for 3 read 4.

16,
31,

15,
15,
10,

»»

51,

«»

57,

372,

404,

581,

30,

650,

62,

Par. 4

„ Jin-shin „
„ diarists „
9

>»

»,

Par. 3.
4.

13.
Jin-yin.
chariuts.

JK).

VIII. 15 THE PROLEGOMENA.

Page
2,
16,

21,
23,

23,

24.

25,

Line

I, note, for Pt. i. read Pt. ii.

8, after thing insert a comma.

17, for sufflcint read sufficient.

30, after period dele^.

6, note, carry 2 jS ^E -^ over to

page 24.
10, for title read title^.

4, „ King „ king.

Page
43,
44,
45,
79,
88,

112,

118,

122,

dele

Line

22, after 9th (tele comma.

37, „ Ch4ng „ ].

22, „ remonstrances „ comma.
17, col. 1, for appiont read Hp|)oiiit.
9, note, „ Mouments „ MtinumenU.

„ Ch'un.

Ch'nn

15, after States insert a coinmu.
20, before commerce insert of.

PEOLEGOMENA.

CnAPTER I.

THE NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH'UN TS'EW.

APPENDIXES.—

I. SPECIMENS OF THE COMMENTARIES OF KUNQ^TANO AND KUH-LEANO.

II. A LETTER QUESHONING THE CONFUCUN AUTHORSHIP OF THE CHUN TS'EW BY YUEN

MEI OF THE PRESENT DYNASTY.

SECTION I.

DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE EXPECTATIONS RAISED BY THE EARLIEST

ACCOUNTS OF THE CH»UN T8*EW.

1 . In the prolegomena to vol. L, on page 1, I have said that of
the five King or classical works, the authorship, or compilation
rather, of which is loosely attributed to Confucius, ' the Ch'un Ts^ew

Was the Ch^un Ts^ew model '^^ ^^^ ^"^^ ^"® which Can rightly be described
by Confucius? / ^g q£ j^-g ^^^ making.' If I had been as familiar

with the Ch^un Ts'evv in 1861 as I am now, instead of appearing,
as in that judgment, to allow that it is an original Work of the
sage, I should have contented myself with saying that of it alone
has the making been claimed for him. The question as to what he
really did in the matter of this Classic is one of great perplexity.

2. The earliest authority who speaks on the subject is Mencius.
No better could be desired; and the glowing account which he gives

Mencius' account of the I ^f ^'^^ Work excites our liveliest expectations.
Ch*unT8*ew. f jjj^ language puts it beyond doubt that in his

time, not far removed from that of Confucius, there was a book
current in China, called the Ch'un Ts'ew, and accepted without
question by him and others as having been made by the sage.

iKiLKooJiByA.] NATURE AXD VALUE OF THE CII'UK TS*EW. [ch. i.

*'The world," lie says, * was fallen into decay, and right principles
had dwindled away. Perver>e discourses and oppressive deeds were
again waxen rife. Cases were occurring of ministers who murdered
their rulers, and of sons who murdered their fathers. Confucius
was afraid, and made the Ch'un Ts'ew.'^ He describes the work as
of equal value with Yu's regulation of the waters of the deluge, and
the duke of Chow's establishuig his dynasty amid the desolations and
disorder which had been wrouj^ht bythelatersovereignsof thedynasty
of Shang. 'Confucius completed the Ch'un Ts'ew, and rebellious
ministers and villainous sons were struck with terror.'^ Going more
particularly into the nature of the Work, and fortifying himself with
the words of the Master, Mencius says, 'Thesubjectsof theCh'unTs'ew
ore Hwan of Ts'e and Wan of Tsin, and its style is the historical. Con-
fucius said, "Its righteous decisions I ventured to make."'^ And
again, 'What the Ch'un Tsew contains are matters proper to the
son of Heaven. On this account Confucius said, " Yes! It. is the
Ch'un Ts'ew which will make men know me; and it is the Ch'un
Ts'ew which will make men condemn me.''* Tlie words of Mencius,
that 'Confucius made the Ch'un Ts'ew/ becjimj thereafter part of
the stock phraseology of Chinese scholars. If the Work itself had
not been recovered under the Han dynasty, after the efforts of the
tyrant of Ts'in to destroy the ancient monuments of literature, we
should have regretted its loss, thinking of it as a history from the
stylus of the sage of China in which had been condensed the grandest
utterances of his wisdom and the severest lessons of his virtue.

3. The making of a history, indeed, is different from the making
of a poem, the development of a philosophy, and other literary

1 Mencla., UI. Ft. I IX. 7, 8 :- (It ^ |g ^H^, ^ |^ ^ fj >g^ ff, g^ |^ Jt

^ ^ -=i^ ^ ^ *1i ^^ tK' fffi ^ T ^' iS >g^ ^ II ^^ !^ l£ i^' rm
•@-jjia£,ifLi^;i)t^^JfnEeMi^t&^- 3 mcp., iv. pt. h. xxr.

j^. We imi9t supptMc that Hwan of Ts'e and W&n uf Tsin arc here adduced as two of tlic mosi

remarkable personHges hi the Ch*uii T«'ew, and that the first clause is not intended to convey the
idea that the Work whs all about \\\m\\\. I have mused often and long over the other parts of the

paragraph. iMl "^ BlJ d^ might be translatetl:— *The text is from the historiographers.'

But where then wouhi there be any room for * the righteous decisions' of Confucius liimself ? I

must holtl to the version I have given of the observation quoted from the sage, and it seems to

require the translation of the previous clsiuse as I liave published it. Julien has: — Ejus stylus, tunc

kisWricus, Con/ucius aiebat; IJiec tquitas, tunc ego Khieon privalim sumpsi UUim* 4 III. Pt. i. I\.

— r- y

SKCT. 1.] DISAPPOINTMENT WITH THE WORK. [pkolkoomkxa.

achievements in which we expect large results of original thought.

What we are to expect in a history, [n thosC We look for neW COnfiblliationS

of the phflBuomena of human character, and new speculations on
the divine order of the universe, — 'things unattempted yet in
prose or rh3Mne.' But from the historian all that we are entitled
to require is a faithful record of facts. If he would win our
special approval, he must weave his facts into an interesting nar-
rative, trace their connexion with one another, and by unfolding
the motives of the actors teach lessons that may have their fruit in
guiding and directing the course of events in future generations.
Tlie making of history should be signalized by the vigour and
elegance of the composition, and by the correct discrimination, im-
partiality, and comprehensiveness of the author's judgments.

When, with these ideas of what a history should be, we look into

the Ch'un Ts'ew, we experience immediately an intense feeling of

Our disappointment in reading with^ disappointment. Instead of a history

such expectaiioiis the Ch'un Ts^ew. j ^f eveuts woven artistically together,

we find a congeries of the briefest possible intimations of matters in
which the court and State of Loo were more or less concerned,
extending over 242 years, without the slightest tincture of literary
ability in the composition, or the slighest indication of judicial
opinion on the part of the writer. The paragraphs are always
brief. Each one is designed to commemorate a fact; but whether
that fact be a display of virtue calculated to command our admira-*
tion, or a deed of atrocity fitted to awaken our disgust, it can
hardly be said that there is anything in the language to convey to
us the shadow of an idea of the authors feeling about it. The
notices, for we cannot call them narratives, are absolutely unimpas-
sioned. A base murder and a shining act of heroism are chronicled
just as the eclipses of the sun are chronicled. So and so took
place; — that is all. No details are given; no judgment is expressed.
The reader may be conscious of an emotion of delight or of indigna-
tion according to the opinion which he forms of the event mentioned,
especially when he has obtained a fuller account of it from some
other quarter; but there is notliing in the text to excite the one
feeling or the other. Whether the statements found in the Ch'un
Ts'ew be all reliable, and given according to the truth of the facts,
is a point of the utmost importance, which will be duly considered
by and b)^ I am at present only concerned to affirm that the
Work is not at all of the nature which we should suppose from our

PROLBOOMBWA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH UN TSEW. [ch. i.

previous conception of it as a history by a great man, and from the
accounts given of it by Confucius himself and by Mencius.^

4. If 1 have given in these remarks a correct, though brief, idea
of what the Ch*un Ts'ew is, we know not what to make of the state-

The saying of Confutiiie that lie bad made) ment of ConfuciuS qUOted by Men-
the righteous decisiona in the Ch^n T.^ew. | ^j^^^ ^^^^ j^^ j^^j himself Ventured

to make the righteous decisions contained in it. Whether the book
which we now have be that wliich Confucius is said to have made,
or another, we examine it in vain for any ' righteous decisions,' for
any decisions indeed of any kind, on the events which are indicated
in it. This difficulty is a Gordian knot which I do not see any way
of Tin tying, and I have often wished that I could cut it by denying
the genuineness of the present Ch^un Ts^ew altogether.^ But, as
will by and by appear, the evidence which connects and identifies
the existing Work with that inadey whatever be the sense in which
-we are to take that term, by the sage, cannot be rebutted. The
simplest way of disposing of the matter is to set the testimony of

1 It is amusing to read the following account of the Chhin Ts^ew given by the writer of the
treatise *0n the Antiquity of the Chinese/ on pp. 47, 48 of the 1st vol. of the 'Meniuires Con-
cernant les Chiiioisf —

' Le Tcliun-tsieoH est un livre ecrit de gdnie. Notre Socrate y manie THistoire en horame
d*£tat, en (Htoyen, en Philosophe, en Savant, et en Moraliste. Son laconisme naif et sublime le
force k serrer sa narration, pour presenter les faits tout nouds et ddtachc^^, pour ainsi dire, de U
chaine des ev^nemens ; inais ils sont dessin^s, culor^s, ombres et peints avec tant de force et de
feu, qu'on sent d'abord pourquoi et jusqu'oii ils sont dignes de louanges ou de blfcme. Nous ne
connaissons point de Itvre en Europe, oh Ton voit si bien le commencement, le progr^s, le d^noue*
ment, et le remede des revolutions dans TEtat et dans les nicBurs ; les vrais signes de roideur ou
de uioUesse, de tyrannic ou de discredit, de moderation simulee ou d'incons^quence dans le Goa-
vernement ; les differences du talent, du g^nie, de rexp^rience, de la profondeur des vues, de la
bont^ du coap-d'oeil, et des ressources d*un esprit f^cond dans les Princes et dans leur niiniatres,
Timposant dVnc administration bruyante et le faux d*une politique pateline, les souterrains de
la trahison et les maneges de la negociation, les premieres etincelles d'une re volte qui commence
et les derniers eclats d'une ligue epuis^e; la maniere enfin dont le Chang-ti (Dieu) dirige le cours
des evi^nemens, [lour elever ou renverser les Trunes, et punir ou recompenser tour-k-tour les Sujeta
par leurs Princes et les Princes par leurs Sujets. Le Tchun-tsicou, envisage sous ce point de
vue, est le modele do toutes les Histoires. Confucius a un style qui ne va qu*k lui. II semble
que chaque caractere ait et^ fait pour Tendroit oil 11 le place. Plus il est avare de mots, plus
ceux qu*il emploie sout clairs et expressifs.'

The above is certainly of a piece with the estimate of tlie ancient odes of China which I quoted
from the same article in the prolegomena to vol. IV., pp. 114, 115. Dr. Williams (Middle King-
dom, vol. I., p. 512) gives a more fair account of the Ch*un Ts'cw, but even he thinks that it
contains mucli good matter of which we find no trace: — ^It is but little better than a dry detail
of facts, enlivened by few incidents, but containing many of those practical observations which
distinguish the writings of the sage.' Anyone who looks into the body of this volume will see
that the text consists of nothing but a dry detail of facts or incidents, without a single practical
observation, Confucian or non- Confucian.

1 There have been Chinese scholars who have taken up this position. Wang Taou, in a mono-
graph on the subject, places Ma Twan-lin among them ; but this is more than Ma*8 words, quoted

in the third section, will sustain. With more reason he gives the name of Hoh King (^R m[)

of the Ming dynasty, who contends that the Ch'un Ts^cw of Confucius was not transmitted, «nd

that we have only frat^inents of it in Tso-she. Wang also snys that according to Tung Chung-

ehoo and Sze-ma Ts*cen the text consisted of ^veral myriads of characters, in several thousand

paragraphs, whereas Cliang Gan of the T*ang dynasty found in it only ISOOO character:*. But

there can be no doubt the present text is siibstantially the same as that known in the Han

dynasty. See Appendix II.

SECT. I.] DISAPrOINTMENT WITH THE WORK. [prolegomena.

Mencius on one side, though that method of proceeding can hardly
be vindicated on critical grounds.

There can be no doubt, however, that the expression in Mencius
about 'the righteous decisions' has had a most powerful and perni-
cious influence over the interpretation of the Classic. Chaou K'e, the
earliest commentator on Mencius, explains tlie passage as intimat-
ing that the sage in making the Ch'un Ts'ew exercised his preroga-
tive as 'the unsceptred king.' A subject merely, and without any
order from his ruler, he yet made the Work on his own private
authority; and his saying that he ventured to give his own judg-
ments on things in it was simply an expression of his humility.^
Chaou gives the same explanation of those words of Mencius, that
'what the Ch'un Ts'ew contains are matters proper to the son of
Heaven.' 'Confucius,' says the commentator, 'made the Ch'un
Ts'ew by means of the Historical Records of Loo, setting forth his
laws as an unsceptred king, which are what Mencius calls "the
matters of the Son of Heaven." '^

Hundreds of critics, from Kung-yang and Kuh-leang downwards,
have tried to interpret the Classic on the principle of finding in
almost every paragraph some 'righteous decision;' and in my notes
I have in a hundred places pointed out the absurdities in which
such a method lands us. The same peculiarity of the style, such as
the omission of a clan-name, becomes in one passage the sign of
censure and in another the sign of praise.* The whole Book is a

4 It may be well here to give the diflcasaion of one notable case, the occasional omission of the
term king: —taken from Chaou Yih*s RS ^ ^"*' '**' "^

•Every year should commence with "In the sprinjr, in ihe king's first month," or if there was
nothing to be recorded under the first month, " In the spring, in the king's second month," or

years

the king had not issued the calendar; but seeing the prime intent of the Ch*un Ts'ew was to
lionour the king, is it likely that for such an omission the classic would have denied the year to
be the king's? Moreover, such omission was most likely to occur when the court was in confusion,
as in the troubles occasioned by the princes T*uy, Tae, and Chaou; and yet we find the years of
those times all with the regular formula. How unlikely that the calendar should have been given
out in seasons of disorder, and neglected when all was tranquil in the times of Yin and Hwant
Too*s explanation is inadmissible.

•Ch'ing R-ch*uen says, " Duke Hwan succeeded to Loo by the murder of bis predecessor, and
in his first year the author wrote * the king's,' thereby by a royal law indicating his crime. The
same expression in the second year in the same way indicates the crime of Tuh of Sung in murder*
ing his ruler. Its omission in the third year shows that Hwan had no [fear of the] king before
his eyes." But tliis is very inconsistent. If we say that the omission of " the king's" shows thai
Hwan had no fear of the king, surely it ought to Iiave been omitted in his first year, M-hen he was
guilty of such a crime. If we say that its occurrence in the first year is to indicate his crime,

proleoomexa] NATrttE AND VALUK OF THE CAWS TSEW. [cii. i.

collection of riddles, to which there are as many answers as there
are guessers. It is hardly possible for a Chinese to cast off from his
mind the influence of this ' praise-and-censure ' theory in studying
the Classic. He has learned it when a child by committing to memo-
ry at school the lines of the ' Primer of Three Characters,'^ and it has
been obtruded upon him in most of his subsequent reading. Even
a foreigner finds himself occasionally casting about for some such
way of accounting for the ever varying forms of expression, unwill-
ing to believe that the changes have been made at random. I
proceed in another section to give a fuller idea of the nature of the
Work, and to consider what were its sources, and whether we have
reason to think that Confucius, in availing himself of them, made
additions of his own or retrenchments,

are we to infer that wherever it occurs it indicates the crime of the ruler? What hnd Loo to do
with Tuh of Sung*8 murdering his ruler? Is it reasonable that L-.>o'8 historiographers should
haye constructed their annals to punish himf

*Ho Hew says, — "In [jHwan's] 10th year we find * the king's/ bcciusc ten is tlie completion of
numbers, and we find it in his 18th year, because that was the last of his rule." According to
this we ought to find " the king's " only in the year of a ruler's accession, in his tenth year, and
the year of his death ; but the practice in the Ch*un Ts'ew is quite different from this. Ho
Hew's remark is unintelligible.

'It may be said that since the Chow commencement of the year was not universally followed
during the Clrun Ts'cw period, some States reckoning by the 1st month of Yin and others by
that of Hea, although Loo generally held to the ritual of Chow, yet its irregularities in the matter
of intercalation show that it did not keep to the first month of Chow. Perliaps the historio-
graphers did so sometimes, and then Confucius wrote **the king's first month,'* by way of dislinc-
tton, while he left the cases in which they made the year begin dififerently unmarked by such a
note, — ^thereby condemning them.' This last is poor Chaou Yih's own explanation of tlie phaeno-
menon, not a whit better than the devices of others which he condemns! It shows the correctness
of my remark that it is next to impossible for a Chinese scholar to shake off the trammels of the

creed in which he has been educated. ^f^^T^T'^^f^'^J^ S^» S'l

^;-.see the H ^ J^» "• ^9, 80.

SECTION II.

THE SOURCES OF THE CH'UN TS*fi'W, AND ITS NATURE. DID CONFUCIUS
ALLOW HIMSELF ANY LIBERTY OF ADDITION OR RETRENCHMENT

IN THE USE OF HIS AUTHORITIES?

1. What were Confucius' authorities for the events which he
has chronicled in the Ch'un Ts'ew? In proceeding to an inquiry
into the Sources of the Work, it will be well to give at the com-
mencement an explanation of its name.

SECT, n.] MEANING OF THE NAME. [pholkgombna.

The two characters, translated literally, simply mean Spring and
Autumn. 'Anciently,' says Maou K'e-ling, 'the historiographers, in

Meaningof tho name,— the Ch^anTa'cvr. recording events, did 80 with thc

specification of the day, the month, the season, and the year, to
which each event belonged; and to the whole they gave the name
of annals. It was proper that under every year there should be
written the names of the four seasons, and the entire record of a
year went by the name oi Spring and Autumn^ two of the seasons,
being a compendious expression for all the four.'^ 'Spring and
Autumn ' is thus equivalent to — Annals, digested under the seasons
of every year. An inspection of the Work will prove that this is
the proper meaning of its title. Even if there were nothing to be
recorded under any season, it was still necessary to make a record
of the season and of the first month in it. Entries like that in the
6th year of duke Yin, — 'It was autumn, tlie 7th month,' where the
next paragraph begins with 'In winter,' are frequent. If now and
then a year occurs in which we do not find every season specified,
we may be sure the omission is owing to the loss of a character
or of a paragraph in the course of time. Chaou K'e explains the
title in the same way,^ and so does Too Yu in the preface to his
edition of the Tso Chuen.^ Other accounts of the name are only
creations of fancy, and have arisen from a misconception of the
natnre of the Work. Thus Dr. Williams says, 'The spring and
autumn nnnals «re so called, because "their connnendations are life-
giving like spring, and their censures are life-Avithering like
autumn.'* The Han scholars gave forth this, and otlier accoimts
of a similar kind, led away by their notions as to the nature of the
Work on which I have touched in the preceding section. Not
even, as i have said, in the Work itself do we find such censures and
commendations; and much less are they trumpeted in the title of it.

^B^M'^^^^ ^jta'-^ K % J^ #. the Introductory chapter.
2 ^ ^' lit ^ $ 0 B#- Sfi H f^ :<: ;g !-on Men. III. Ft. li. XXt. 8.

ffX §B ^ >8 ill* ^" *^*' passage K'ung Ying-tah quutes the following words from Ching
K*uiig-8hing:-^ ^ IS H P3 B# iji ; and then he adds himself, ,g H ^ ^ J£

^^08$^ ^ifc* * ^^^^^ Middle Kingdom, vol. I., p. 512. See to the same effect

Du Hulde's *DestTiplion dc I'Empire de la Chine, et de la Tartarie Chinoisc,' vol. II. p. 318.

PROLEGOMENA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CU'UN TS E\V. [cii. r.

2. That we are not to seek for any deep or mystical meaning in
the title is still more evident from the fact that the name was in

The name ChHm T8'ew was in uee^ "^e before it WHS given to the compilu-
before the time of Confucius. > ^Jq,j ^f Confucius. The first narrative

of the Tso Chuen under the second year of duke Ch'aou, when
Confucius was only eleven years old, shows that this was the case
in Loo. Then the principal minister of Tsin, bL»ing on a visit to
the court of Loo, examined the documents in the charge of the
grand-historiographer, and 'saw,' we are told, *the Yih with its
diagrams and the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo.'^

But the records, or a class of the records, of every State in the
kingdom of Chow appear to have been ^culled by this name of
Spring and Autumn. In the 'Narratives of the States,' the appoint-
ment of Shuh-heang to be tutor to the heir-apparent of the State
of Tsin is grounded on *his acquaintance with the Ch'un Ts*c\v.'2 I
take the name there as equivalent to history in general, — the
liistorical summaries made in the various States of the kingdom.
Shuh-heang's appointment was made in B.e. 568, about twenty yeara
before Confucius was born. In the same Narratives, at a still earlier
date, it is laid down as a rule for the heir-apparent of the State
of Ts'oo, that he should be taught the Ch'un Tsew.^ According to
Mencius, the annals of Loo went by the name of the Ch'un Ts'ew,
while those of Tsin were called the Shing, and those of Ts'oo the
T'aou-wuh.* All these, however, he says, were books of the same
character; and though the annals of different States might have
other and particular names given to them, it seems clear that they
might all be designated Ch'un Ts'ew. Thus we have a statement
in Mih Teih that he 'had seen the Ch'un-ts'ew histories of a
hundred States';^ and elsewhere we find him speaking of the Ch'un
Ts'ew of Chow, the Ch'un Ts'ew of Yen, the Ch'un Ts'ew of Sung,
and the Ch'un Ts'ew of Ts'e.^ *

^ M # >8^ ]^ -^ ^' )?. ^ ^ 1^ # ^ ^- ^" '^'y translation of this pw-
sage on p. 683, 1 have omitted inadvertently to render tho S M» ^, and the whole might be
taken 110 if Uhe Ch*un Ts^cw of Lou* were not one of the documents in the keeping of the histo-
riographor. 2 ^ IS* ^ ^ ;^^ #;. 7^t|&^ ± ^ il^^-- tl.c g ^.

prince to be taught was the son of king Chwang, who died n. c. 590. 4 Men IV. Pt. ii. XXf.

^. See tho ^ ■?• -f^ ^, appciuleU to the I5tli Hook i>f hh Wurks. G In his ffl

SECT. II.] THE SOURCES OF THE WORK. [pboueocuena.

4. The Ch*uii Ts'ew of Loo supplied, it seems to me, the materi-
als for the sage's Work; — if, indeed, he did any thing more than

The Ch»un Ts^ew of Loo supplied the) COPX ^^^ what WaS ready tO his hand-
materials for the existing Ch^un T.»cw. / JJq jjg^^ ^he famous Han editor of

Kung-yang's commentary on it, in his introductory notes to the
first year of duke Yin, quotes from a Min Yin to the effect that
Confucius, having received the command of Heaven to make his
("h-un Ts'ew, sent Tsze-hea and others of his disciples, fourteen men
in all, to seek for the historical records of Chow, and that they got
the precious books of 120 States, from which he proceeded to make
his chronicle.^ This, however, is one of the wild statements which
we-find in many writers of the Han and Tsin dynasties. There is
nothing in the Work to make it necessary to suppose that any other
records were consulted but those of Loo. This is the view almost
universally entertained by the scholars and critics of China itself, as
in the statement given from Chaou K*e on p. 5. The omission,
moreover, of many events which are narrated in the Chuen of Tso-
she makes it certain to my mind that Confucius confined himself to
the tablets of his native State. Whether any of his disciples were
associated with him in the labour of compilation we cannot tell. Pan
Koo, in the chapter on the Literary History of the early Han
dynasty, says tUat Tso K'ew-ming was so.^ How this was will be
considered when I come to speak of Tso's commentary. Sze-ma
Ts'een's account would rather incline us to think that the whole
was done by Confucius alone, for he says that when the Work was
completed and shown to the disciples of Tsze-hea, they could not
improve it in a single character.^

5. The Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo then was the source of the Ch*un
Ts'ew of Confucius. The chronicles or annals which went by this

note to Lew mn*8 catalogue of the tablets of the Ch'un Ts'ew and Works on it, '^ ^ ^

I** S^ ^' ^w 3nf "f^* ^®° P*ang-tsoo, another scholar of the early Han dynasty, gives
rather a different form to Tso's association with Confucius in the Work,— that they went together
to Chow to examine the Books in the keeping of the historiographers at the royal court: —

^. Quoted by K*ung Ying-tah on Too Yu's Preface to the Tso Chuen. ^ ^1^ jS^

PROLBQOKBHA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH'UN TS*EW. [ch. i.

T^wonh^^^^. ^'""} name were the work of the historiographers or
recorders, who, we know, were attached to the royal court and to
the courts of the various feudal princes. I have spoken of those
officers in the prolegomena to vol. III. p. 11, and in those to vol.
IV., pp. 24-26. Pan Koo in the same chapter from which I have
made a quotation from him in the preceding paragraph, says that
the historiographers of the Left recorded words, that is, Speeches,
Charges, &c., and those of the Right recorded affairs; that the words
formed the Shoo, and the affairs the Ch*un Ts'ew.^

But if we are to judge of what the Ch*un Ts'ew of the States
were from what the one Ch'un Ts'ew preserved to us is, the state-
ment that they contained the records of events cannot be admitted
without considerable modification. There can have been no details
in them, but only the briefest possible compends of the events, or
references to thiem.

That there were the records of events, kept in the offices of
historiography, must be freely admitted, and it will appear, when I
come to speak of the commentary of Tso K'ew-niing, that to them
we are mainly indebted for the narratives which impart so much
interest to* his Work. But the entries in the various Ch*un Ts'ew
were not made from them, — not made from them fairly and honestly as
when one tries to give in a very few words the substance of a narrative
which is before him. Those entries related to events in the State
itself, at the royal court, and in other States with which it maintained
friendly relations. Communications about remarkable and ominous
occurrences in one State, and about important transactions, were sent
from it to others, and the receiving State entered them in its Ch*un
Ts*ew in the terms in which they were made out, without regard
to whether they conveyed a correct account of the facts or not.
Then the great events in a State itself, — those connected with the
ruling House and the principal families or clans in it, its relations
with other States, and natural phaBuomena supposed to affect <he
general wellbeing, also found a place. Sometimes these things were
recorded under the special direction of the ruler; at other times we
must suppose that the historiographers committedthem to their tablets
as a part of their official duty. How far truth, an exact conformity of
the record with the circumstances, was observed in these entries about
the internal affairs of a State, is a point on which it is not competent
for me at this point of the inquiry to pronounce an opinion.

10]

SECT. 11.] FULLER ACCOUNT OF THE NATURE OF THE WORK, [prolboomena.

6. In the prolegomena to vol. IV. p. 25, referring to the brief
account which we have in the official Book of Chow of the duties
of the historiographers of the Exterior at the royal courts I have
made it appear that they had charge of the Histories of all the
States,! rendering the character che by 'Histories.' M. Biot, in his
translation of the Official Book, has done the same; but Maou K*e-
lins: contends that those che were the Ch'un Ts'ew of the different
States, or the brief notices of which they were made up.^ I have
failed, however, to find elsewhere any evidence to support his
view;^ and when he goes on to argue that three copies of those
notices were always made,— one to be kept in the State itself, one for
the royal court, and one to be sent to the historiographers of the
various feudal courts with which the State was in the habit of ex-
changing such notifications, — the single passage to which he refers
by no means bears out the conclusion which he draws from it ;* and
indeed, as many copies must have been made as there were States to
which the notice was to be sent. In other respects the account
which he gives of those notices is so instructive that I subjoin a
summary of it.

They were merely, he says, *slips of subjects,' and not 'sum-
maries' or synopses,— containing barely the mention of the subject to
Maou K'e.iing;8 account of the contenu) which each of them referred.^ It
of the Chnin T»*ew of the States. / ^^ necessary there should be nothing

in them inconsistent with, or contradictory to, the fuller narratives,

^^'mnnmn^^i^m >^ m n m^ mm^m

jj^, 8 Compare the use of ^, in Mencius, III. Pt. i. II. 8, and Ft. ii. I. I., and in the

Tso Chuen on VL il 1 ; vL 8 : VII. xU. 2 : VIII. iv. 7 ; e< ai 4 From the § ^> @ ^i

p , Art 7, — at the end. 5 Ace. to Maou, the contents of the ancient Ch*un Ts^ew might

all be arranged under twenty-two heads :— 1st, the changing of the first year of a ruler (Bj|f TH) S
2d, the new ruler's solemn accession (j^ ^f) ; 8d, the birth of a son to llie ruler (^b -^ ; as
in n. tL 5) ; 4th, the appointment of a ruler in another State ( jj^ S' ; as in I. iy. 7) ; 5tl), court
and complimentary visiu (gfl ^, in the Tarlous forms of ^; >|^ ^; Qf ; ^ ^; ^ JJ^;
^ '^) ; 6th, covenants and meetings (^ 1^, in the various forms— ^ ; 9B. ; ^ ffl ;
JfitS!':^ SIj^M'S? W^' ^5 ^^5 7th, incursions and invasions, (>g
>ffe, in the various forms->g; >ffe; [^i A » S ' |S' fl5t; J^; ^'^ 1^ gj^; Z

jm :^) ; 8tli, the removal and extinction of States (j|S jtitj in the various forms— ^S ; jdt ;

; itT) J ^'h* marriages (^ ^, in the various forms-jg^ 1^^ ^ ^' >^ ^ ^

* 1& ' S^ !^* ^ i^ ' il^ IS ' pR) ) ^^'^' entertainments and condolences

11]

PROLMOMS*.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH-UN TS'EW. [ca. in

but they themselves gave no indication of the beginning or end of
the events to which they referred, or of the various circumstances
which marked their course. For instance, suppose the subject was
going from Loo to the court of Tsin. — In VIII. xviii. 4, we are told
that 'the duke went to Tain,' the occasion of his doing so being to
congratulate the new marquis of Tsin on his accession ; whereas, in
IX. iiL 2, we have a notice in the same characters about the child-
marquis S^ang, his going to Tsin being to present himself to that
court on his own accession to Loo. Suppose, again, the subject to be
a meeting between the rulers of Loo and Ts'e. — In III. xiii. 4, we
are told that it is said that 'duke Chwang had a meeting with the
marquis of Ts'e, when they made a covenant in Ko,' the object
being to make peace between the two States after the battle of Shing-
k'ew; whereas, in xxiii. 10, we have the notice of a meeting and
covenant between the same princes in Hoo, having reference to an
alliance by marriage which they had agreed upon.

After further illustrating the nature of the notices, Maou observes
correctly, that to look in them for slight turns of expression, such
as the mention of an individual's rank, or of his clan-name, or the
specification of the day when an event occurred without the month,
and to find in the presence or absence of these particulars the

(•fil^, pg); I [til, death! and burinH (^ ^. Id tlie vuioui formt □[ j|^ ;^; ^; S;
jBg,i.tl...«l.u.f<,m.0l^;f;.;|i}.i1i;fl;i||,«;;f'f^i^^,;^^,

® ® ' s « i siJB ' *s ■ ffi a a i S)i "*. '"■""■»' (H »i i""" ■"I""

fomiiof ^i^;^; ^;^)|li: A fiij); l*tM>nilding (^ ^. lo the Toriou* fornti

-±■3. m^:-nf^m -n^i^- mm' mm-. m&- ^m-. ^

SS ' ^ ^ i '^1^ : ^ ^) i 16^ military .rraDgementi (^ ^, in the fornw of '^
fPf^li^&^{i=.W'^'^ ||)il«th, mUituj tu.iion (53 gft' ''"'•

""'■'i (» M. '« "■• '™- "< ^ *i flji -g- a^ iE ?i ffl i « P 5R:)i '»*.

ominoD* oocDirence* (^ JJ^ in tha forms of Q ^ ; jS ; ^ ^( ; ^^ ^, ; ^ f^ ;

3P © M'MSi ^M'MM>' '""•' ""'»« »•■■ ""' " ^"w (ffi B' '■ "»

formeof^j^i tti ^ ' [fl i ^ "i*); 20th,entering«oity orState (^ g|, in thetonnt

<* Si Aia.i!i?U§Si^Bi*.5fc#i»S Si"". "«"- «"""■■"""

(^ ^ " 'I" ''""» »' SS ©1 igi lii SS)i M, puniehment. ( JpJ ^, i. Ih, lom. el
m'M-^'m-fl'm-M<n<^MW- ■n.i.„.l,.i.«.h.Ci...eT«,
I* insenloua; bat it ii all baied on tlie Ch'un Ts'ew of Confuciui. Some of the Bnbjecta maj be
called in queation, m, t.g., the Sd. Jn liic l!! book* of tlie Spring and Antumn only one (uch
birtli ii clironicled.

12]

SECT, u.] WHETHKR CONFUCIUS ALTERED HIS AUTHORITIES, [feolbooiisna.

expression of praise or blame, is no better than tlie gropings of a
man in a dream. In this I fully agree with him, but as he has said
that the 'slip-notices of the Ch*un Ts'ew' should not be inconsistent
with the facts in a detailed narrative of the events to which they
refer, he seems to push the point as to the colourlessness of the
notices to an extreme, when he adds the following illustration of it
on the authority of a brother of his own: — 'The deaths of princes
and great officers recorded in the Ch'un Ts'ew took place in various
ways; but they all appear under the same form — "died." Thus in
V. xxiv. 5 it is said that "E-woo, marquis of Tsin, died," the fact
being that he was slain; in X. viii. 2 it is said that "Neih, marquia
of Ch'in, died," the fact being that he strangled himself; in 11. v. 1 it
is said that "Paou, marquis of Ch'in, died," the fact being that he
went mad and died; in XI. xiv. 6 it is said that "Ewang, viscount
of Woo, died," the fact being that he did so of wounds received in
battle; in XI. lii. 2 it is said that "Ch'uen, viscount of Woo, died,"
the fact being that he burned himself to death; in III. xxxii. 3 it is
said that "the Eung-tsze Ya died," the fact being that he was com-
pelled to take poison; in X. iv. 8 it is said that "Shuh-sun P'aou
died," the fact being that he was starved to death; in X. xxv. 7 it is
said that "Shuh-sun Shay died," the fact being that he did so in
answer to his own prayers; and in X. xxix. 3, it is said that "Shuh E
died," the fact being that he did so without any illness. The one word
*'died," is used in such a variety of cases, and it is only one who knows
profoundly the style of the text who can explain the comprehensive
meaning of the term.'^ But there is no meaning in the term beyond
that of dying, and the conclusion of the mind is that the death in*
dicated by it was a natural one. It is not history in any proper sense
of the term which is given in such an undiscriminating style.

7. The reader has now a sufficiently accurate idea of what all
the annals that went under the name of Ch'un Ts'ew were, of what
especially the Ch'un Ts'ew still existing and with which we have to
do is. It only remains for me in this section to inquire whether we

IMd Ctonfucius in compiling his Ch*im Tf*«w> ^^^6 rcaSOU tO bclieve that CoU'

addtoortakefromhisauthorito? I fucius made any changes in the

style of the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo,

On this point, as on so many others connected with the Work,
we have not sufficient evidence to pronounce a very decided opinion.
We are without a single word about it from Confucius himself, or
from any of his immediate disciples; and from later scholars and

13]

FROLKGOiiENA.] NAIURE AND VALUE OP THE CH*UN TS'EW. [ch. i.

critics we have the most conflicting utterances regarding it. I have
quoted a few words on p. 9, Trora Sze-ma Ts'een's account of the
Ch'un Ts'ew, but I now give the whole of it: — ' The master said,
**No! No! The superior man is distressed lest his name should not
be honourably mentioned after death. My principles do not make
way in the world ; — how shall I make myself known to future ages?"
On this, from the records of the historians he made the Ch'un Ts'ew,
commencing with duke Yin, coming down to the 14th year of duke
Gae, and thus embracing the times of twelve marquises. He kept
close in it to [the annals of] Loo, showed his affection for Chow,
and purposely made the three dynasties move before the reader.^
His style was condensed, but his scope was extensive. Thus the
rulers of Woo and Ts'oo assumed to themselves the title of king;
but in the Ch*un Ts'ew they are censured by being only styled
viscounts. Thus also the son of Heaven was really summoned [by
the marquis of Tsin] to attend the meeting at Tseen-t'oo (V. xxviii.
8), but the Ch'un Ts'ew conceals the fact, and says (par. 16) that
" the king by Heaven's grace held a court of inspection in Ho-yang."
Such instances serve to illustrate the idea of the master in the cen-
sures and elisions which he employed to rectify the ways of those
times, his aim being that, when future kings should study the work,
its meaning should be appreciated, and all rebellious ministers and
villainous sons under the sky become afraid.^ When Confucius
was in office, his language in listening to litigations was what
others would have employed, and not peculiar to him; but in
making the Ch*un Ts*ew, he wrote what he wrote, and he retrenched
what he retrenched, so that the disciples of Tsze-hea could not
improve it in a single character. When his disciples received from
him the Ch'un Ts'ew, he said, " It is by the Ch'un Ts'ew that after
ages will know me, and also by it that they will condemn me." '^

l1^#»^MifefiCj|ftjS^H^- I BhaU be glad if any Sinologue can make
oat the meaning of this passage more clearly than I hare done. . Chang Show^tseeh (S^^P'^})
the glossarist of Sze-ma Ts'een under the T^ang dynasty (His preface is dated in the 8th month
of ^. 786), M78 on the iMt cUn«^|g. ^-fe-X + lSSIS^^^-til-

a Here ■gmin Sse-oui's style U inroWed, and ter from dear: Ijj^ ^^ |^ J^ )j^ ^ -W^ fj^

jM -7* 1^ E. 8 Lew He (Prolog, to toL IH, p. 205) has a strange note on this utter.

«nceofConf«ci«.:-^^.:?t^#:t5i#P:t'^3E^;S^^

^^ j^ ^f * The knowers would be those who practised the principles of Yaou and Shun ; the

condenmers would be kings and dukes in office who were censured and condemned [by the sage's
righteous decisions].' This is ingenious, but far-fetched.

14]

BBOT. XL] WHETHER CONFUCIUS ALTERED HIS AUTHORITIES, [pbolboombka.

A thousand expressions of opinion, modelled upon that of Sze-ma
Ts*een, might easily be adduced, all, it seems to me, as I have said
already, prompted by an endeavour to reconcile the existing Work
with the accounts of the Ch'un Ts'ew given in Mencius. As
we come down the course of time, we find the scholars of China
less positive in the view that Confucius made any change in the
text of the Ch*un Ts'ew of Loo. Choo He says, 'The entries in the
Ch'un Ts'ew, that, for instance, "Such a man did such a thing" are
according to the old text of the historiographers of Loo, come down
to us from the stylus of the sage, transcribing or retrenching.
Now-a-days, people, when they see the Ch'un Ts'ew, are sure to
say. "Such and such a character has its stigma for such and such a
man," so that Confucius thus took it on him, according to his pri-
vate views, to dispense without authority his praise or blame.
But Confucius simply wrote the thing correctly as it was, and the
good or evil of it was manifest of itself. If people feel that they
must express themselves as I have said, we must get into our hands
the old text of the historiographers of Loo, so that, comparing it
with what we now have, the difference and agreement between
them would be apparent. But this is now impossible.'*

Chaou Yih adduces two paragraphs from the 'Annals of the
Bamboo Books,' which, he thinks, may be the original form of two
in the Ch'un Ts'ew. The one is — 'Duke Yin of Loo and duke
Chwang of Choo made a covenant at Koo-meeh,'^ corresponding to
L i. 2, 'In the third month, the duke and E-foo of Choo made a
covenant in Meeh.' The other is — 'Duke Heen of Tsin united
with the army of Yu, and, attacking Kwoh, extinguished Hea-
3'anjr,'^ corresponding to V. ii. 3, 'An army of Yu and an army
of Tsin extinguished Hea-yang.' 'These two cases,' observes Chaou,
'show that the style of the historiographers of the States was, we
may say, similar to that of the Ch'un Ts'ew, and that Confucius on
deliberation only altered a few characters to lodge in others of his
own his praise or censure'.^ But to make these two instances
exactly to the point, it would be necessary that they should occur
in the aimals of the State of Loo, somehow preserved to us. Besides,

4 See the^Kang-he Ch'un Ts'ew, ^ ||, p. 18 :-^ ^ J^ #» ^B ^ A § -^
*, -^--T^. 5 See the proleg. to ¥oL lU., p. 160. 6 76., p. 163. ^ ^ itfc ^ ^

15]

PROLBOOMEKA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH*UN TS'EW. [ch. i.

the expressions *duke Chwang' and ^duke Heen' are retrospective,
and n'ot after the manner of the Ch'un Ts*ew.

With regard to the entry in III. vii. 2, that 'at midnight there
was a fall of stars like rain,' referring, we must believe, to a grand
appearance of meteors, Kung-yang tells us that the old text of the his-
toriographers was — *It rained stars to within a foot of the earth, when
they re-ascended'? Certainly the text was not altered here by Confu-
cius to express either praise or censure. And if Kung-yang was able
thus to quote the old text, it is strange he should only have done it
in this solitary instance. If it had been so different from the present,
with his propensities he would not have been slow to adduce it
frequently. I must doubt his correctness in this case.

After the first entry under the 14th year of duke Gae, with which
according to all Chinese critics the labours of Confucius terminated,
Tso-she gives no fewer than 27 paragraphs, bringing the history
down to the death of the sage in Gae's 16th year. Those paragraphs
were added, it is said, from the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo by Confucius'
disciples ; and I can see no difference between the style in them, and
in the more than a thousand which passed under the revision of the
master.

Is it a sign of my having imbibed something of the prejudice of
native scholars, of which I spoke in the end of last section, that I do
not like to express my opinion that Confucius did not alter a charac-
ter in his authorities? Certainly he made no alterations to convey
his sentiments of praise or blame; — the variations of style where
there could be no change of sentiment or feeling underlying them
forbid our supposing this.

^I^W^^MMMMMA<^«MMAA/S^A^MMM«M«MM.MA

SECTION III.

RECOVERY OF THE CH*UN TS*EW DURING THE HAN DYNASTY. WAS
THIS INDEED THE CH*UN T8*EW OF CONFUCIUS ?

1. Lew Hin's catalogue of the Works in the imperial library of

the early Han dynasty, prepared, as I have shown in the proleg. to

vol. I., p. 4, about the commencement of our Christian era, begins.

Evidence ofLewHitfs Catalogue) o^ the Ch^uu Ts'Sw, with two Collections

of the Han imperial libiwy ; ^f ^^^ ^^ ^f t^^ Classic :— *The old text

of the Ch*un Ts'ew in twelve p^cen ; and 'The text of the Ch'un

16]

M5CT. III.] THE TEXTS IN THE HAN CATALOGUR [pjiowwoMJiarA.

Ts'ew in eleven keuen or Books.'^ This is followed by a list of the
Chuen, or Coinnientaries, of Tso, Kung-yang, Kuh-leang, Tsow,
and Keah;2 so that at this early time the text of the Classic waa
known, and there were writings of five different masters in illustra-
tion of it, the greater portion of which, the Cliuen namely of Tso,
Kung.yan^r, and Kuh-leang, remain to the present day. A dozen
other Works follow, mostly by Kung-yang and Kuh-leang or their
followers, showing how the Classic and the commentators on it had
already engaged the attention of scholars.

2. Were the texts mentioned in the Han catalogue derived from
the commentaries of Tso, Kung-yang, and Kuh-leang, or from some
other independent source? In a note to the entry about them, Yen
The texts in the Han Catalogue. Sze-koo of the T^HRg dynasty says that
they were taken from Kung-yang and Kuh-leang. Many scholars
confine his remark to the second collection, and it gives some coun-
tenance to this view that the commentaries of tliose two masters
were then in eleven Books; but it is to be observed on the other
hand that with the differences which exist in their texts they could
hardly have been formed into one collection.

With regard to the first entry — 'the old text in twelve p^ee7i' — ^it
is the general opinion that this was the text as taken from the Work
of Tso. And there can be no doubt that during the Han dynasty the
text and the commentary were kept separate in that Work, for Too
Yu tells us that in his edition of it, early in the Tsin dynasty, he
* took the years of the text and arranged them along with the cor-
responding years of the commentary.'^ Moreover, in the Han
dynasty, Tso's school and that of Kung-yang were distinguished as
the old or ancient and the new or modern.* To myself, however,
the more natural interpretation of * the old text' in the entry appears
to be — the text in the ancient character; and if there were evidence
to show that there was an edition of the text in Lew Hin's time,
independent of that derived from the three commentaries, the result
would be satisfactory. Yuen^ Yuen was the first, so far as I know, to

|fe, K -4^ -|^, at the beginning. 3 }^ TT;— »e« the proleg. to vol. I., p. 133.

17]

FROLBoomnrA ] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH*UN TS*EW. [en. L

do this, in the present century. In the preface to his 'Examination of
the text of Tso's Commentar)'^ and K'ungYing-tah's Annotations on
it,'* he calls attention to the fact that among the discoveries of old
tablets in the wall of Confucius' house^ there were those of the
Ch'un Ts'ew. Pan Koo indeed omits to mention them in his
appendix to Lew Bin's catalogue of the Shoo and Works on it,
where he speaks of the Shoo, the Le Ke, the Lun Yu, and the Heaou
King as having been thus found; but Heu Shin, in the preface to his
dictionary, the Shwoh Wan, published a.d. 100, adds to the tablets
of these Works those of the Ch'un Ts'ew.^ I am willing therefore
to believe that it was this copy of the text of the Ch'un Ts*ew in
the ancient character which headed the catalogue of Lew Hin; and
if it were so, all question as to the genuineness of our present
Classic may be considered as at an end.

3. Tliere are many of the scholars of China, who would hesitate to
concur with me in this view, and prefer to abide by the opinion of
which very full expression has been given by Ma Twan-lin. He
View on the subject of Ma Twan-iin. says, 'Although there appears in the
catalogue of the Han dynasty ''The old Text of the Ch'un Tsew,''
yet the original text, as corrected by the master, was never discovered;
and the old texts compiled in the Han dynasty and subsequently
have all been taken from the three commentaries, and called by
the name of *'The correct text." But there are many differences in
the texts which appear in those commentaries, and it is impossible
for the student to decide between them. For instance: — in I. i. 2
Tso gives the meeting between the marquis of Loo and E-foo of
Choo as having taken place in Meeh (^), while Kung and Kuh
give the name as ^, so that we cannot tell which of these charac-
ters the master wrote. So Mei (j^jj), in IIL xxviii. 4, appears in
Kung and Kuh as tS' ^"^ Keueh-yiu (1^ j^), in X. xi. 7, appears
in Kung and Kuh as J|^-^* Instances of this kind are innumerable,
but they are generally in the names of places and unimportant.
In L iii. 3, however, we have in Tso-she the entry j^ ^ 2^, which
would be the notice of the death of Shing Tsze, the mother of duke
Yin, whereas in Kung and Kuh we read ^ ^ 2^, referring to the
death of a high minister of Chow; so that we cannot tell whose
death it was that the master clironicled as having taken place on

^ ^ i # !^ ^ ^^ i!f nE- ^ See pn,leg. toL I., pp. 12, 18 6 ^ pff

IS]

■BCT. ui.] MA TWAN LIN ON THE HAN TEXTS. [pbolboomena.

the day Sin-maou of the 4th month of the third year of duke Yin.i
'And not only so. In the 21st year of duke Seang, both Kur.g-
yaiig and Kuh-leang have an entry to the effect that Confucius
was then born. But in the Ch'un Ts'ew only the births of the
heir-sons of the rulers of States were entered, as in II. vi. 5. In
other cases, the births even of hereditary nobles, who exercised an
all-powerful sway in the government of their States, like the members
of the Ke family [in Loo], did not find a place in tlie tablets; and
though the master be the teacher of emperors and kings for myriads
of ages, yet at his birth he was only the son of the commandant of the
city of Tsow. The historiographers of Loo would not make a record
of that event, and to say that he himself afterward entered it in the
classic which he prepared, is in the highest degree absurd.

* Moreover Tso, after the capture of the lin in the I4th year of duke
Gae, has further protracted the text to the 4th montli of the 16th
year, when the death of Chung-ne is recorded; — which even Tso
Ching-nan considered to be not far from an act of forgery.

*Thus there are not only additions in the three commentaries to
the proper text of the Ch'un Ts'ew of tilings which are strange and
partly incredible, but the authors of them added [to the text] and
suppressed [portions of it] according to their pleasure. In what
they write under the 21st year of Seang, Kung and Kuh added to
the text, to do honour to the master from whom they had received
it, and Tso made his addition in the 16th year of Gae, to show his
grief for the death of the] master; — neither addition was in the
original text of the ChHin Ts'ew. The three writers made their
commentaries according to what was current in men's mouths, and
what they heard with their ears, in their time, ai>d each of them
thrust in whatever addition he desired to make. Subsequent scholars
again have adopted what they found in the three commentaries, one
favouring this and another that, and trying to make it clear; but
that they have attained to the mind of the sage in the use of hia
styluSj now writing down and now retrenching, a thousand years
before them, is what I am not able to believe.'^

1 See my note on the passage in question, wliere I approve of a different interpretation of -thd
text of Kung and Kuh from that which Ma Twan-liii mentions. My Chinese text in that passage
is that of Kung and Kuh, and I take tliis opportunity to sny that tlie text tliroughout is gathered
from the K'ang-he edition of the Classic. Tlie editors generally follow Tso-slie ; but occasionally^
Rs in this case, they adopt the text of Kung or Kuh. They have not told us by what principles
they were guided in the formation or preference of that which they have given.

19J

] NATURE AND VAl.l'E OK THE CHL'.N TSEW. [on. i.

4. I have given the whole of Ma's remarks, because of the
weight of his authority and the freedom with which he has
expressed his views. The poiiita, however, on which he Insists do
Ma'i concloriona te«m orentrHined. not make BO Unfavourable an impression
on my mind against the integrity of our present text as they did
upon his. That there was not in the Han dynasty a text of the
Classic besides the texts found in the three commentaries is not
80 certain as he makes out. Very possibly, as I have shown in
the second paragraph, a distinct text was found, as related by Heu
Shin, in the year B.a 153. But if we base the text simply on what
ia given in the commentaries, we must feel that we approximate very
nearly to what it was when they made their appearance, to what it
had been before the tyrant of Ts'In fancied that he had made an
end of it There is no evidence that anyone of them suppressed
portions of the text as Ma affirms; and the additions of which he
makes so much are only two, one by Kung-yang and Kuh-leang

H #^. -t J^ «.«. 4^ « «;8 « » RH T< * * ^^ » » *

^ * A •&■ ^ R ¥■ m« S M ^. ffi .S iP ± -til. «! M *
»f»Bs#.M0^*W;2:5E«.ft«ttA*T-¥

6iS. *S a 4& 4. 7> Sf a ;*: * <: .f- :^:, S lb jte * » •&• « jfi

3t.*l#Ji«s#*.:T:W*«*i5ra«.ifnHiF-««

20]

SECT, til.] MA'S OBJECTIO^'S OVEUSTRAINED. [prot^eoombxa.

(with a variation, however, to which he does not advert), and one
by Tso, for we may consider all the paragraphs that follow the
account of the capture of the Kn as one addition. They were both
very natural, and I should suppose were intended originally as
notes rather than additions to the text. The various readings
again in the three are really not of great importance. Occurring
mostly in the names of inen and places,^ they need not trouble us
more than diiferent ways of spelling unusual words in different edi*
tions of an English book would do. The most important variation
of another character between them is "that on which Ma insists so
strongly, — ]Q* ^ and ^ ^ in I. iii. 3. This is not what we may
compare to an error of orthography, arising from writing the same
sound in different ways; — it is evidently an error of transcription.
'J so, I am of opinion, copied down ^ instead of ^, and then tried,
ingeniously but unsatisfactorily, to account in his commentary for
the unusual combination of ^ ^. Kung and Kuh copied ^
correctly, but their historical knowledge was not sufficint to enable
them to explain who ^ ^ was. Ma has altogether overlooked the
consideration of the value attaching to the various readings as showing
the independence of the three recensions. Adding to them the two
of Tsow and Keah which soon, perished, we have five different texts
of the Ch*un Ts'ew in existence in the second century before our
era. Tso, Kung-yang, and Kuh-leang, had each his school of ad-
herents, who sought to exalt the views of their master above those
of his rivals. It is still competent to us to pronounce upon their
respective views, and weigh the claims which they have to our
consideration; but the question at present is simply about their
texts. Notwithstanding the differences between these, there is
no doubt in my mind that they flowed from a common original.

3 The following passage from Woo Ch'ing (^ ^; A.D. 1249-1333), may be considered a"
decisive on this point. I adduce it in preference to others, because he touches' on some othei^
matters which will interest some of my readers.^^^ ^ jj^ -j^ ^ j^, ^r ^, ^^ ^Jft,

21]

FROLE60MBNA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CHUN TS*EW. [ch. i.

— an original which must have been compiled by Confucius from
the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo. On the subsequent preservation of that
text it is not necessary to enter, excepting in so far as the early
history of the three commentaries is concerned. When the authori-
ty of them was once established, there was a succession of scholars
who from dynasty to dynasty devoted themselves to the illustration
of them, the Works of hundreds of whom are existing at the present
day. It may not be possible for us to determine the exact reading,
of names especially, in every paragraph, and there may be lacunae
in other paragraphs, and some paragraphs perhaps were lost before
the three texts were transcribed ; but the text as formed from them
must in my opinion be considered, notwithstanding its various read-
ings, as a fair reproduction of what Confucius wrote, a sufficient
copy of the Work by which he felt that posterity would judge him.
I proceed in the next section to describe the three early comment-
aries, after which we shall be prepared to estimate the value of the
Work itself.

SECTION IV.

THE THREE EARLY COMMENTARIES ON THE CH*UN TS*EW.

1. Of the three early commentaries the first which made its

appearance in the Han dynasty, and incomparably the most

The commentary of Tso. important, was that of Tso, or of Tso-k*ew, for

the opinions of scholars differ both as to the surname and the name

of the author.^ The account of it given by Pan Koo is — that Tso

1 It is a common opinion, which Mr. Wylie TGencral Notes on Ctiinese Literature, p. 6)
endorses without hesitation, that the * Narratires of the States ' was by the same author as the
Commentary about which we are inquiring ; and we hare the testimony of Sze-ma Ts'een's auto-
biographical letter to a friend (1^ ^ :r% + Il» ^j ,B| 3§i» '(^ ^ H + Zl)," to
his surname being Tso-k'ew, and name Ming C^ J^ ^ ^, Wj^ ^ ^ ^; and again, ^

J^ ^^ ^ ). Our Tso would then have the surname of Tso-Vew. This is still held by many.
Choo E-tsun particularly insists on it as a point *• exceedingly clear,' and explains the dropping of
the K'Sw ( J^ or ^R) from a superstitious feeling not to be always repeating the name of the

Master. (?[^ ^B)* ^^^ ^^ appears to have considered the simple Tso to be the surname and

K'Sw-ming the name ; and there are many who concur with him. Others maintain that the sur-
name was simply Tso^ and that the name has been lost. So it is virtually now, for the Work is
simply called the Tso Chuen. On these disputes about tlie surname and name, Hwang Tsih

(jf j^; Yuen dyoMty) «y. with truth:-:^ ^ qq, ]^ H it :^ ^ ;g ^, ^

22]

•fiCT. IV.] COMMENTARY OF TSO. [raoLBGOMEWA;

K'ew-ming was a discipleof the sage, whoconsulted along with him the
historical records of Loo, before making his great Work; that when
it was made, it was not advisable to publish it because of the praise
and censure, the concealments and suppressions, which abounded in
it, and that therefore he delivered it by word of mouth to the disciples,
who thereupon withdrew and gave different. accounts of the events
referred to in it; that K'ew-ming, in order that the truth might not
be lost, made his commentary, or narratives of those events, to make
it clear that the master had not in his text used empty words; and
finally, that it was necessary for him to keep his work concealed,
to avoid the persecutions of the powerful rulers and officers whose
conduct was freely and fully described in it.^ Pan Koo's account
is correct thus far, that we have in Tso's Work a detailed account
of most of the events of which the text of Confucius gives only
hints. The Ch'un Ts'ew may be loosely compared to the headings
or summaries of contents which are prefixed to the chapters in many
editions of our Bibles, and Tso's commentaries to the chapters them-
selves. But we shall find that they contain more than this.

2. Who Tso was it is not easy to say. In the Analects, V.
xxiv., Confucius says, ' Fine words, an insinuating appearance, and
WhoTsowas. excessivc respect; — Tso-k'ew Ming was ashamed of such
things, and I also am ashamed of them. To conceal resen tment against
a person, and appear friendly with him; — Tso-k'ew Ming was nshamed
of such conduct, and I also am ashamed of it.'^ Chaou K'e says, on
the authority of K'ung Gan-kwoh, that the person whonj Confucius
spoke of thus, was the grand-]iistoriogra|)her of Loo, but adds nothing
as to his being contemporary with the sage, or of an earlier time.
The critics generally hold that he was some Worthy of an earlier age,
ou the ^xi'ound that Confucius only drew comparisons between him-
scH'and men of a former period.- I am not fully convinced by their
reasonings. The Chinese text of the Analects is not so definite as
the English translation of it. What Confucius says about Tso-k'ew
Ming might be rendered in the present tense in the same way as
what he says about himself. Nothing, however, would be gained
by discussing a text on which it is not possible to arrive at a

1 E. g. Cluiou K'wangC;!! g ; of the T*ang dynasty) snys :-|^ ml^^^Jilk^y

23]

PBOLKOOMEKA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CU*UN TS*EW. fen, h

positive decision. At the same time I may say that the view that
Tso was a disciple of the master has very formidable difficulties to
encounter. The Classic stops in the 14th year of duke Gae, B.C.
480, but Tso's counnentary extends to the 4th year of duke Taou,
Gae's successor, B.C. 463. In the last paragraph of it, moreover,
there is an allusion to the ruin and death of Seun Yaou or Che Pih, a
great officer of Tsin, which took place in 452, 27 or 28 years after
the close of the Ch'un Ts'ew. Not only so. The Head of the
Chaou family is mentioned in the same paragraph by his posthu-
mous or honorary title, and of course he could not have received it
till after his death, which took place in B.C. 424, 56 years after the
capture of the /m, and 54 years after the death of the sage. Is it
possible to believe that one so much younger than Confucius was
among his disciples and possessed his confidence to the extent which
the commonlv received accounts of the makinc^ of the Ch'un Ts'ew

tf CD

suppose?

3. Leaving these speculations about the name and person of

Tso, we find that his commentary made its appearance soon after

First appearance and subsequent^ ^^^^ ^ise of the Han dynasty. Heu Shin

liistory of his commentary. J ^^ |jig acCOUUt of the disCOVCry of the

Ch'un Ts*ew in tbe wall of Confucius house, quoted on p. 18, sub-
joins the statement that Chang Ts'ang, marquis of Pih-p*ing pre-
sented the commentary of Tso written in the old characters of the
Chow dynasty.^ Now this Chang Ts'ang had been high in office
under the Ts'in dynasty, in charge, it would appear, of the imperial
library. Having joined the party of the duke of P'ei, the founder
•of the Han dynasty, he became at last a favourite with him, and
was placed in various positions of the greatest trust.^ His appoint-
ment to be marquis of Pih-p'ing® took place in B.C. 200, about fifty
years before the discovery of the text in the wall of Confucius'
house. Heu Shin says that * Chang presented' the Work, meaning,
I suppose^ that he did so to the first emperor of Han, who was too
.much occupied, however, with the establishment of his dynasty to
give tttvvth attention to literary matters. But after the time of
Chang Ts*ang we never lose sight of Tso's commentary. From him
it passed to Kea E, of whom we have many notices as a famous

"4^ ^.f t^e first memoir. 8 Pih-p'ing embraced the present department of Yung-ping,

Chih-le, and some tadjacent territory.

24]

8J6CT. IV.] THE COMMENTARY OF TSO [pnoLKGOJiESA.

scholar and statesman in the reign of the emperor Wan (b.c. 178 —
156).* He published a Work of his own upon it;^ and then it
passed on to his grandson Kea Kea,^ and Kwan Kung/ a great
scholar at the court of King Heen of Ho-keen,® through whom an
attempt was made to obtain for it the imperial recognition, which
was defeated by the friends of the commentary of Kung-yang.
This, though later in making its appearance, had already found a
place in tlie imperial college.^ Kwan Kung transmitted his treasure
to his youngest son, named Chang-k'ing,^^ and from him it went on
to Clianjs: Ch'anoj^^ and Chans: Yu,^^ both famous men of their time.
To one of them, no doubt, belonged tlie 'Niceties of the. Ch'uii
Ts'ew, by Chang-she,' mentioned in Lew Hin's catalogue.^^ Yu
was intimate with Seaou Wang-che,^* perhaps the most dis-
tinguished man of the time, whom he interested in the Work
of Tso, so that he called the attention to it of the emperor
Seuen (b.c. 72-48), and it might now have been formally recog-
nized but for Yu's death. The names of Yin K&ng-ch'e^^ and
his son Yin Heen,i^ of Teih Fang-tsin,!^ Hoo Chang,is and Kea
Hoo^^ lead us from Yu to Lew Hin.^ Hin's connexion with Tso's
Work may be considered as forming an era in its history. ' Having
found,' weare told in his biography, 4n the imperial library, the Ch'un
Ts*ew and Tso's Chuen in the ancient characters, he became very
fond of them. At that time Yin Heen, a secretary of the prime
minister, being well acquainted with Tso-she, examined along with
Hin the text and commentary. Hin took his opinion in some
particulars, and sought to learn the correct interpretation and great
aim of the Works by application to the prime minister Teih Fang-
tsin. Before this, because of the many ancient characters and
ancient sayings in Tso's Chuen, students had contented themselves
with simply explaining their meaning; but when Hin took it in hand,
he quoted the words of the commentary to explain the text, and made

6 ^ ^. 7 ^ ^. 8 See the proleg. to toI. IV. p. 11. 9 K'ung Ying-tah,

in his preface to Too Yu's edition of the T0O Chuen says:— J^ ^ *^ (bo. 189—86) |^, jfiT

:^± ^o^m- i»5l#- ^2gg^. i8Si^#^tlfc.

-J-« j^. 14 S ^^ ^, There is a long and interesting memoir of him in the )^ ^,

.J^ -4-^ y^. We find him, on his first introduction to the emperor Seuen, appealing to a passage
in the Ch*un Ts«ew. ^^ ^ H ^ *^ ^ j^' ^^ ^ y'^ ^- ^^ ^

1^ 19 ^ ^. 20 ^] ^.

23]

PttOLBGOMBNA.] NATUKE AND VALUE OF THE CH*UN TSEW. [ch. l

them throw light on each oth(»r, and from this time the exhibition
of them in paragraphs and clauses was cultivated. Hin preferred
Tso to Kung-yang and Kuh-leang, considering that he agreed in his
likings and dislikings witli the sage, and that lie had himself seen
the master, — a very different case from that of Kung and Kuh who
were subsequent to the seventy disciples '^^ The history then relates
the disputes between Hin and his father Heang, who was an adherent
of the commentary of Kuh-leang, and how he made an attempt to get
the emperor Gae (b.c. 5 — a.d.) to give Tso a place in tlie imperial
college along with Kung and Kuh, which was defeated by the jealousy
of their supporters. From this time, however, the advocates of Tso-she
became more numerous and determined to have justice done to their
master. They were successful for a short time in the reign of the
emperor P'ing (a.d. 1 — 5), but Tso's Work was again degraded as
of less authority than the other two commentaries; and though Kea
Kwei*^*^ presented an argument on forty counts to prove its superi-
ority, which was well received by the emperor Chang (a.d. 76 — 88),
it was not till a.d. 99, under the emperor Ho,23 that the footing of
Tso in the imperial college was finally established. The famous Ch'ing
K'ang-shing (a.d. 127 — 199) having replied to three Works of Ho
Hew, 2* the maintainer of the authority of Kung-yang, against Tso and
Kuh-leang, and shown the superiority of Tso, the other two comment-
aries began from this time to sink into neglect. It is melancholy to
read the list of writers on Tso during the second and third dynasties
of Han, of whom we have only fragmentary sentences remaining; but
in A.D. 280, Too Yu or Too Yuen-k'ae, a scholar and general at the
commencement of the Tsin dynasty, ^^ completed a great Work under
the title of ' Collected Explanations of the Text and Conunentary of
Tso-she on the Ch'un Ts*ew, in thirty chapters.'^s This Work still
remains, and will ever be a monument of the scholarship and pains-
taking of the writer.

21 See the J?|| ^ I^ -|- ^, ^ 7C jf, ^ ^ >rj- ^ ^*^® carefully read over
tiie Work of ^J j^ jf^ of the present dynasty, included in the ^ "^ j^ ^, and called
a£ ^\ ^p ^\ ^^ p^t i" which he labours to upset all the testimony about Lew Hin, but it
is quite inconclusive and unsatisfactory. 22 w ^^. 23 Luh Tih-ming and others say

this took place under Ho, in the 1 1th year of the period yT fl.. But that period lasted only ona
year. -JQ fl. must be a mistake for^ jr. 24 ^ "6t;— see further on. 25 ^|fe

^:^^^tf^^?'H + ^J-V tt Ji. -tiled 7C illf He U .!«, clleJ
ilf 1^, from his military upo rations in tlie South, as in the quotation from Ma Twan-lln on p.
19. He was born a.d. 222, and died in 28 1.

2(q

812CT. IV.] . THE COMMENTARY OF TSO. [proleooxbtia.

4. Nothing need be said on the history of* the commentary
of Tso since the beginning of the Han dynasty. Some of the
scholars of that age traced it back from Chang Ts'ang to nearly the

Attempt to trace T8o'8 Work > time of Confucius, and K'ung Ying-tah in

nearly to the Ume of Confucius.! his preface tO ToO Yu's Work qUOtCS the

following from a production of Lew Heang (b.c. 80 — 9) which is now
lost: — 'Tso K'ew-ming delivered his Work to Tsang Shin. Shin
transmitted it to Woo K'e; AVoo K'e to his son K'e; K'e to Toh
Tseaou, a native of Ts*oo, who copied out selections from it in 8
books ; Toh Tseaou to Yu King, who made 9 books of selections
from it; Yu K'ing to Seun K'ing; and Seun K4ng to Chang
Ts'ang.'^ I wish we had different and more authoritj' for this state-
ment, as Heang was not himself an adherent of Tso's Work. In
liis son Hin's catalogue which I have already referred to, two
Works are mentioned by Toh-she and Yu-she, but there is nothing
in their titles to connect them with Tso ;- and Sze-ma Ts'een says
nothing in his memoir of Seun K'ing about any connexion that he
had with the transmission of the commentary.^ Tsang Shin was
the grandson of Tsang Sin, one of Confucius' principal disciples, —
the Tsang Se of Mencius, II. Pt. i. I. 3. Tso's committing his
Work to him would agree with what I have said in par. 2, and cast
a doubt on his being a contemporary of the sage himself.

5. I have said that generally we have in the Work of Tso the
details of the events of which we have but a shadow or the barest

Tiie nature of Tso's Work, intimation in the text of the Ch'un Ts'ew;
but we have more than this. Of multitudes of events that during
the 242 years of the Ch^un Ts'ew period took place in Loo and
other States, to which the text makes no allusion, we have from
Tso a full account. Where he got his information he does not tell
us. Too Yu is probably correct when he says that Tso was himself
one of the historiographers of Loo. ^ Whatever of the history of
that State was on record he was familiar with. If the records of
other States were also collected there, he hud studied them equally
with those of his own. If he did not find them there, he must

27]

raoLBOomOTA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH'UN TS'EW. [o». I.

have gone in seartih of them, for he is as much at home in the
events of Chow, Tsin, Ts'e, Sung, Ch'ing, Ts'oo, and other States,
as he is in those of Loo. And not only does he draw from the
records about the ruling Houses of the States, but also from the
histories of the principal families or clans and the chief men in
them.2 From whatever quarter, in whatever way, he got his
information, he has transmitted it to us. The events and tlie cha-
racters of the time pass as in reality and life before us. In no
ancient history of any country have we such a vivid picture of any
lengthened period of its annals as we have from Tso of the 270
years which he has embraced in his Work. Without his Chuen the
text of the sage would be of little value. Let the former be preserved,
and we should have n.o occasion to regret the loss of the latter.

To myself it appears plain that Tso's Work was compiled on a
twofold plan. First, he had reference to the text of the Ch'un
T.0'. Work compiled on a two-fold plan.) Ts'ew, and wished to give the details
Ho»UhedflmioMpi«i.nbetcxt. i of the events wliich were indicated

in it. Occasionally also he sets himself to explain the words of
that text, being sometimes successful and sometimes not. He lays
down canons to regulate the meaning and application of certain
characters, but it can hardly bo said that we find him under the
influence of the 'praise-and-censure' theory. In this respect he
differs remarkably from Kung-yang and Kuh-Ieang; and I have
sometimes fancied that the characteristic is an evidence that he lived
before Meiicius, and bad never read the accounts of the Classic
which we find in him. His object evidently was to convey to his read-
ers a knowledge of the facts given in the master's paragraphs as
if independent and isolated in their connexion with one another.
Hence he often mentions new facts which are necessary for that

2 The following pmiage from Tan T»oo(pJ^ ^) of the T'ang dynasty wM forth L-oirectlj this
charactcrlBtic of Tio's work, and I adduce it withont T«fereni« to Tsoo'a peculiar opinions abont

.„ ..■,..,:-t f^ « i a. » » * «• SI # a s » a ». ».

1 3*: * j3 . « s 1» le. X .« * IS !i* A iife * a; -f- ;t. #

SECT. IV.] THE COMMENT AKY OF TSO. [prolbgombha.

purpose. As he generally introduces them chronologically, at the
time of their occurrence, he seems at times merely to increase the
mass of indigested matter; but by and by we find what he has thus
I'elated to stand in the relation of cause to something subsequently
chronicled. But his method with these additions to the text,
which are yet connected with it, is very various. As Too Yu says,
*Now he anticipates the text to show the origin of an aiFair; now
he comes after the text [with his narrative] to bring out fully the
meaning; now he lies alongside the text to discriminate the princi-
ples in it; and now he appears to cross the text to bring together
things that differ: — thus various according to what he considered
the requirements of the case.'^ What is very surprising is that he
does not appear to be conscious of frequent discrepancies between
the details of his narratives and the things as stated by Confucius.
Now and then, as on VI. xviii. 6, he says that the text conceals the
nature of the fact; but generally he seems insensible of the untrust-
worthiness of the representation in it.

Let it be understood, however, that Tso does not give the details
of every event which the Classic briefly indicates. We must suppose
that where he does not do so, his sources of information failed him,
and he was obliged to leave the notice of the text as it was. There
is the erroneous or defective entry in III. xxiv. 9, — ^The duke of
Kwoh.' On it Tso says nothing. So on the five paragraphs of
Chwang's 26th year he has nothing to say, while he introduces brief
narratives of two other things, for the latter of which only we can
account as being given with an outlook into the future. Generally
speaking, the information given in the Chuen is scanty or abundant
in proportion to its distance from or nearness to the era assigned to its
compilation. The 18 years of*duke Hwan, B.C. 710 — 693, occupy in
the following Work 37 pages; the 15 years of duke Ting, B.C. 508 —
494, 50 pages. The 32 years of Chwang, B.C. 692 — 661, occupy 59
pages; the 32 of Ch'aou, B.C. 540 — 509, 173 pages. This certainly
gives us for the Work one attribute of verisimilitude.*

)^ lil ^ ^» 1^ ^ flO ^»~-'®® Too's preface. 4 I take tbe opportuuity to advert

here to a question which has produced no end of speculation and discussion among the scholars
of China.— Why does the Ch'un Ts*ew begin with duke Yin? Might we not have expected the
rage to go back to the first origin of the State of Loo? I believe that the only reasonable answer
to these inquiries is this, — ^that the annals of the State previous to duke Yin*s rule had been
altogether lost, or were in such a miserable state of dilapidation and disarrangement that nothing
could be made of them. We might have expected a sentence or two from the sage to enlighten
us on the subject; but his oracle is dumb. Neither does the Chuen say anything about it. How
different the practice of writers of history in the West!

29]

FROLBCOMENA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CIPUN TS EW. fcii. x.

But while Tso intended his Work to be a commentary on the text

of the Cii'un Ts'ew, I believe that he had in view another and higher

«,, , . rrr . . ,. object, and wished to give his

The second view of Tso; — to give a goneran *f -f ^ o ^

view of the history of China during the cii*un> readers a general view of the his-
* ^^ ^^" ' tory of the cou-ntry throughout all

its States during the Ch^un Ts'ew period. The account of the Chuen
quoted above from Too Yu carries us a considerable way to this
conclusion. Tso shows the origin and issue of many events, one
phase of which merely is mentioned in the text. The unconnected
entries of the classio are thus woven together, and a history is made
out of them. But the new matter introduced by him is so ver}' much,
and often having no relation to anything stated in the text, yet
calculated to bring the whole field of the era before us, and to
indicate the progress of events on towards a different state of the
kingdom, that we must suppose this to have been a prominent object
in the author's mind. This characteristic of the Work lias not
escaped the notice of native scholars themselves. As early as the
Tsin dynasty, Wang Tseeh preferred to it the commentary of Kung-
yang on this account. 'Tso's style,' said he,' is so rich, and his aim
so extensive, that he is to be regarded as an author by himself, and
not having it for his principal object to illustrate the classic.'^ Nearly
to the same effect is the account of Tso's Chuen given by Wang
Clieh of the Sung dynasty. After praising Tso as a skilful reader of
the old histories and collector of various narratives, so that he
accumulated a very complete account of the events in the Ch'un
Ts'ew, he yet adds: — ' But though his book was made as an appendix
to the classic, yet, apart from and outside that, it forms a book by
itself, the author of which was led away by his fondness for strange
stories, and carried his collecting th*em beyond what was proper.
He was remiss in setting forth the fine and minute ideas of the sage,
but yet his Work has a beginning and end, being all the compilation
of one hand.' Chinese scholars write of Tso under the influence of
their admiration and veneration for the sage. T could wish that he
had written altogether independently of the Classic, in which case
we might have had a history of those times as complete as a man

the J^^^^7>^^' 169, p. 8. In Bk. 174, p. 3, there is qaoted from him his contrary view of Kung-

30]

SECT. IV.] THE COMMENTARY OF TSO. [prolegomena.

knowing only the heroes and events of his own country could make.
It is not too much to call Tso the Froissart of China. The historical
novel called ' The History of the various States ' shows the use which
can be made of his narratives. They lie necessarily in my pages so
many disjecta membra^ but some one may yet give, mainly from them,
an account of the closing centuries of the feudal state of China that
shall be found to have an universal interest.

6. Three more points in regard to Tso's Work have yet to be
considered: — the manner of his composition; how far his narratives
are entitled to our belief; and whether there is reason to believe
that additions were made to them by writers of the Ts'in and
Han dynasties. By the m.anner of Tso's composition I do not mean
the general character of his style. There is but one opinion as to
that. It is acknowledged on all hands that he was a master of his
recuiiarity of T8cj*8 composition, art. Condensed, yet vivid, he is eminently
pictorial. The foreign student does not for some time find it easy
to make out his meaning, but by and by he gets familiar with the
style, and it then has a great charm for him. In the words which
tlie foremost of French sinologues once used to me of him, Tso was
un graml ecrivain} But the peculiarity which I have in view is the
way in which Tso constantly varies the appellations of the actors in
his narratives. Very often they are named by their sacrificial or
honorary epithets which were not given to them till after their
death, so that it is plain he did not copy out the contemporaneous
accounts or records which we suppose him to have had before him,
and some critics have from this contended that the narratives were
entirely constructed by himself, not drawn from historical sources.^
But such a conclusion is more than the premiss will justify. Tso
might very well call his subjects of a former time by the titles
which had been accorded to them after their death, and by which

1 1 aelect only two Cliiuese tcstiuioiiies of the excellence of Tso's style. The first is from
fteun Sung (>^ ^) of the T«in dynasty:-^ ^ ^ jj^,^ W i!5^ H f^' Si ^
M^' \^ i^ ^^M'^^pW'^Mi^Z' Theotheri. from Choo
E-I8un of the present dynwiy :-^ ^^^■til'X>^IS^>1^^^- *

£.g^ Lew Hwang (^ IJJ) of the T'ang dynaaty aaya:-;^ l^^^'^Wl^M

31]

PROLBOOMENA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH-UN TSEW. [c«. i;

men generally would in liis days speak of them. What is really
perplexing is that in the same account the same individual is now
called by his name, now by his honorary epitliet, and now by his
designation, or by one or other of his designations if he had more
than one, so that the narrative becomes very confused, and it
requires consideral)le research 0!i the part of the reader to make
out who is denominated in all this variety of ways. To give only
one example: — in the account of the battle of Peih, in the 12th
year of duke Seuen, of the leaders on the side of Tsin, we have, 1st,
Seun Lin-foo, who by and by is styled Hwan-tsze;^ 2d, Sze Hwuy,
who is variously denominated Woo-tsze of Suy, Suy Ke, and Sze
Ke, while elsewhere he is called Woo-tsze of Fan;* 3d, Seen Hwoh,
also called Che-tsze, and elsewhere Yuen Hwoh, or Hwoh of
Yuen ;^ 4th, Seun Show, called also Che Chwang-tsze and .(^he
Ke;^ 5th, Han Keueh, by and by Han Heen-tsze;^ 6th, Lwan Shoo,
by and by Lwan Woo-tsze ;8 7th, Chaou Soh, by and by Chaou
Chwang-tsze;^ and 8th, Keih K'ih, by and by Keih Heen-tsze.^^
Similar instances might be quoted in great number. Chaou Yih
says that such a method of varying names and appellations was
characteristic of the style of that time.^^ If, indeed, it was
characteristic of the time, I must think that Tso possessed it in an
exaggerated degree. The confusion produced by it in his Work
seems to have led to its cure. Sz3-ma Ts'een and the writers of the
Books of Han are careful, at the commencement of their bio-
graphies, to give the surname, name, and designation or designa-
tions of their subjects, so that the student has none of the perplexity
in reading them, which he finds with Tso's Chuen.

The other two points regarding the Work, which I indicated are
of more importance, and I will consider them together. Have we

Are Tso's narratives reliable? Were) ^eason to receive Tso's narratives as
they supplemented or added to. > reliable, having been transcribed by

him from pre-existent records with merely such modifications of
style as suited his taste ? Or did he invent some of them himself?
Or were they added to by writers in the Ts'in dynasty and that of

^ftait '-•** ^''•"" °" ♦'"' ^'''"" '^''*^''' ^'' ^ t# ^ ♦^ ^ ^ ^ '"'

32]

SECT. IV.] THE COMMENTARY OF TSO. [pbolegomkna.

the Fornaer Han ? It is difficult to reply to these questions cate-
gorically. What has the greatest weight with me in favour of
Tso's general credibility is the difference between his commentary
and those of Kung-yang and Kuh-leang. What of narrative belongs
to the latter bears upon it the stamp of tradition, and evidently
was not copied from written records but from accounts current in
the mouths of men. It is, moreover, of com[)aratively small com-
pass. Their Works must have' been written when the memory of
particular events in the past had in a great measure died out. If
Tso's sources of information had been available for them, they
would, we may be sure, have made use of them. The internal
evidence of the three Works leaves no doubt in the mitid as to the
priority of Tso's. And as they all made their appearance early in the
Han dynasty, we are carried back for the composition of Tso's into
the period of Chow. As his last entry is about an affair in the 4th
year of duke Taou, who died B.C. 430, and he mentions in it the
Head of the Chaou family in Tsin by his honorary epithet of Seang-
tsze, which could not have been given before 424, we can hardly be
wrong in assigning Tso to the fifth century before Christ. This
brings him close to the age of Confucius who died in B.C. 478.
Tso may then have been a young man ; — he could hardly be a
disciple enjoying that intimate association with the sage which
Lew Hin, Pan Koo, and other Chinese scholars were fond of
asserting.

But to maintain the general credibility of Tso's Chuen as having
been taken from authoritative sources and records acknowledo^ed as
genuine among the States of China when he wrote, leaves us at
freedom to weigh his narratives and form our own opinion on
grounds of reason as to the degree of confidence which we ought to
repose in them. There are few critics of eminence among the Chinese
who do not allow themselves a certain amount of liberty in this
respect. Ch'ing E-ch'uen laid down two canons on the subject. *The
Chuen of Tso,' he says, ' is not to be entirely believed; but only that
portion of it which is in itself credible.'^^ To this no objection can
be taken; but he opens a very difficult question, when he goes on,
* We should from the Chuen examine the details of the events referred
to in the text, and by means of the text discriminate between what

:t f^ '^ j!^ is Jiy If ^ ^ IS '-'^ "«' IE -^ #• «•'• '«»' p <*

33]

PROLBGOMBWA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH*UN T9*EW. [ch. i.

is true and false in the Chuen.'i^ Qn this I shall have to give an
opinion in the next section, and only remark now that if we find
the statements of the text and the Chuen in regard to matters of
history irreconcileable, the most natural course would seem to be
to decide in favour of the latter.

; The K'ang-he editors defer in general to the authority of Tso; but
even they do not scruple to suppress his narratives occasionally,
or to elide portions of them. They suppress, for instance, the
account of the conference between the marquises of Loo and Ts*e
at Keah-kuh, given under XI. x. 2, considering the part which
Confucius is made to play at it to be derogatory to him.

Wang Gan-shih^* of the Sutig dynasty published a treatise under
the title of * Explanations of the Ch'un Ts'ew,' in which he undertook
to prove from eleven instances that the Chuen was not composed
by Tso K'ew-ming of the Chow dynasty, but by some one of a later
date, under the dynasty, probably, of Ts'in.^* Wang's treatise is
unfortunately lost, and we know not what all the eleven instances
Were. One of them was the use of the term lah^^ in the Chuen on
V. V. 9, to denominate a sacrifice after the winter solstice, which, it
is contended, was first appointed under the dynasty of Ts^in. It
may have been another where in IX. xi. 10 and xii. 5 we find men-
tion 9>ade of military commanders of Ts'in .with the title of
shoo chang^^^ which, again it is contended, was of later date than the
Chow dynasty. Ch'ing E-ch'uen at any rate adduces these two as
cases in the Chuen of purely Ts'in phraseology.^^

Apart from any discussion of these instances, I venture to state
my own opinion, that interpolations were made in the Chuen after
Tso had put his finishing touch to it, and probably during the dy-
nasty of the former Han ; and there are two classes of passages
which seem to bear on them and in them the evidence j^f having
been so dealt with.

[i ] There are the monilizings which conclude many narratives
and are interjected in others, generally with the formula — The
superior man will say,' and sometimea as if quoted from Confucius.
They have often nothing or next to nothing to do with the subject
of the narrative to which they are attached, and the manner in
which they occasionally bring in quotations from the odes reminds

34] .

•ECT. IV.] THE COMMENTARY OF TSO. [prolegomena.

US of Han Ying's Illustrations of the She, of which I have given
specimens in the proleg. to vol. IV. Choo He well asks what con-
nexion the concluding portion of the Chuen after I. vi. 2 has to do
with what precedes, and points out many reflections in other parts
which cannot be considered as the utterances of a superior man but
the speculations of a mere scholar.^^ Lin Leuh of the Sung dynasty
and a multitude of other scholars attribute all these passages to
Lew Hin.i^ They certainly seem to me to bear upon them the Han
stamp.

[ii.] There is a host of passages which contain predictions of the
future, or allusions to such predictions, grounded on divination,
meteorological and astrological considerations, and something in
the manner or deportment of the parties concerned; — predictions
which turn out to be true. We may be sure that none of these
were made at the time assigned to them in the Chuen. Some of
them which had their fulfilment before the end of the Ch^un Ts'ew
period may have been current in Tso's days, and incorporated by
him with his narrative. Others, like the ending of the Chow
dynasty after an existence of so many hundred years, the fulfilment
of which was at a later date, were, no doubt, fabricated subsequently
to that fulfilment, and interpolated during the time of the first Han.

But after deducting all these suspicious portions from Tso's
Chuen, there remains the mass of it, which we may safely receive
as having been compiled by him from records made contemporane^
ously with the events, and transmitted by him with the graces of
his own style. It is, in my opinion, the most precious literary
treasure which has come down to posterity from the Chow dynasty.

Critical lotrodnction to the K*ang-h« Ch'an Ts'ew, pp. 28, 29. ^^ ^It 18^ O' £ 19

fi^W ^ "^ B*&$9^^ 1^- ^^ ^*^® following ie a list of pasaagea of the

the end: IX. xxu 8; xxiv. 5, and at the end ; xxvii. 5; xxix. 2d and 4th after 1,8; xxx. 7, and
after 7 ; xxxi. at the beg., 2, 5, and after 7 : X. 2, and 2d after 2, 4 ; vii. 4 ; ix. 8 ; x. at the beg.;
xL 2, 3, and after 3 ; xii. 3 ; xv, 2, and after 6 ; xviii. at the beg.; xx. at the beg.; xxi. at the beg.,

1 ; XXV. J ; xxxi. 7; xxxil. 2, 4: XI. ix. 3; xv. 1 : XII. ix. after 4. In the ^ ^ ^£ ^ ^

35]

pnoLEGOMBNA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CHUN TS»EW. . [ch. i.

7. On the other two early commentaries, those of Kung-yang
and Kuh-leang, it is not necessary that I should write at so much
« Tiie commentaries of Kung.) length. There is really nothing in them to

yang and Kuli-leang. | ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^.j^^g attention. Down tO

tlie present day, indeed, there are scholars in China who publish
their lucubrations in favour of the one or of the other ; but I think
that my readers will all agree with me in the opinion which I have
expressed about them, when they have examined the specimens of
them which are appended to this chapter.

The commentaries themselves and various Works upon them are
mentioned in Lew Hin's catalogue; — as stated above on page 17.

With regard to the Work of Kung-yang, Tae Hw&ng, of the second
Kung-yang. Han dynasty, tells us that Kung-yang Kaou received the
Ch'un Ts'ew and explanations of it from Confucius' disciple Puh
Shang or Tsze-hea, and lianded it down to his son Kung-yang P*ing;
that P'ing handed it down again to his son Te; Te to his son Kan ; Kan
to his son Show; and that, in the reign of the emperor King (b.c.
155 — 140), Show, with his disciple Hoo-woo Tsze-too, committed it
to bamboo and silk. According to this account, the Work was not
committed to writing till about the middle of the second century
before Christ. If it were really transmitted, from mouth to mouth,
down to that time from the era of Confucius, we can hardly suppose
that it did not suffer very considerably, now receiving additions
and now losing portions, in its onward course.^ The fact, more-
over, of its having been confined for more than 300 years to one

^ ^^ ~T\, this get of passage* is touched on. It is said:— /^ Tgt ^^ r^ ^t ^

]g:^(onm.xxiL3).^ eg ^^^ ;^ j^ ;^ ^ ^, ^^^^^

1^'B^^Z^MM ^'("^ '«• 2). ^ ^ # ji ^ ^- Choo Ho often
■peak* Tery doubtfully about Tao'a Chuen. ^-g-j^^^ ^^/< i^' ^ii^i.
P^ "Pj ^ ^ Jt jW >|6 Z, •^' ''"* ^''" '"** in«inuRtion ii mere lurmiw.

^^■^^Al5^#-T*^^^11'l^' quoted in the preface to Ho Hew',
edition of Kung-yang. 2 According to Ho Hew, tliis transmission of the Classic from mouth

to mouth was commanded by Confucius, from his foreknowledge of tlie attempt oFthe tyrant of
Ts'in to burn all the monuments of ancient literature !~7lj Hp ^ ^^ ^ j|^ ^^ ^^> iMl

36]

8BCT. IF.] KUNG-YANG AND KUH-LEANG. [prolegomena.

family takes away from the confidence which we might otherwise
be inclined to repose in it.

There can be no doubt, however, that it was made public in the
reign of King, and was acknowledged and admitted by his successor
Woo (B.C. 139 — 86) into the imperial college. Hoo-woo was a con-
temporary and friend of the scholar Tung Chung-shoo;^ and in the
biograpliy of the scholar Keang Kung,* an adherent of Kuh-leang's
commentary, we are told that the emperor Woo made Keang and
Tung dispute before him on the comparative merits of their two
Masters, when Tung was held to be the victor. The emperor on
this gave in his adhesion to Kung-yang, and his eldest son becajne a
student of his Work.

It is not important to trace the history of Kung-yang's commentary
farther on. The names of various writers on it and of their Works
are preserved, but the Works are lost till we arrive at Ho Hew (a.d.
129 — 183), who published his 'Explanations of Kung-yang on the
Ch'un Ts'ew.'s This still remains. Ho Hew did for Kung-yang what,
as we have seen. Too Yu did at a later period for Tso K'ew-ming.

The commentary of Kuh-leang is, like that of Kung-yang, carried
back to Tsze-hea ; but the line of transmission down to the Han
Kuh-leang. dynasty is imperfectly given. The general opinion is
that Kuh-leang's name was Ch'ih,^ but Yen Sze-koo says it was He.7
The next name mentioned as intrusted with the text which Ch*ih
or He had received, and the commentary which he had made upon
it, is Sun K'ing, the same who appears on p. 27, as the 6th in the
list of those who handed on the Work of Tso. From Sun K'ing it
is said to have passed to a Shin Kung of Loo.^ Keang Kung, men-
tioned above, received it from Shin;^ and though it did not win the
favour, as advocated by him, of the emperor Woo, yet it gained a
place in the imperial college in the reign of Seuen (a.d. 72 — 48),
and for some time was held generally in great estimation. It has
been preserved to us in the Work of Fan Ning, a famous scholar
and statesman of the Tsin dynasty in the second half of the 4th cen-
tury; the title of which is, ' A Collection of the Explanations of the
Chuen of Kuh-leang on the Ch'un Ts^ew.'®

For the biography of Fan Ning, see the ^ ^> -t + 3L' ^ij t^f ^ 0 "H 3^-

37]

PROLBOOMESA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH»UN TS^EW. [ch.* i.

Z. One cannot compare carefully even the specimens of tlie two
commentaries which I have given without seeing that there is often
a great similarity between them, and having the conclusion sug-

. . , ,, ^ gested to the mind that the one

Speculation as to a connexion between tlie) " i • i

commentaries of Kung and Kuh; and thatS- waS not made Wlthout reference tO
these were only one person. \m ^i y.. ^.i_ j j

the Other. It is not to be wondered
at that some scholars, like Lin Hwang-chung of the Sung dynasty,
should have supposed the two to be the production of the same writer, i
But the differences between them, and cfccasionally the style of
composition, forbid us entertaining such a view. That they were
one man has been maintained on another ground. The surnames
of Kung-yang and Kuh-leang ceased with the publication of the
commentaries. No Kung-yang nor Kuh-leang appears after that in
Chinese history.^ This is certainly strange, especially when we
consider that there were five Kung-yangs concerned, according to the
received account, in the transmission of the commentary from Tsze-
hea to the Han dynasty. I must leave this matter, however, in its
own mist Ch^ing Ts'ing-che,^ Lo Peih,* and other Sung scholars
held that the author of the two commentaries had been a Keang,
and that Kung-yang and Kuh-leang were merely two ways of
spelling it;^ but the method of spelling by finals and initials was, there
is reason to believe, unknown in the Han dynasty.

1 The E'ang-he editors in their Critical Introduction, p. 7, quote on this point from Choc He:
%i& *^.^^ ^ — ^ # 28ee the ^ Jit ^. chh. 147. 16«.

is^mfAnm-

SECTION V.

THK VALUE OF THE CH'XJN TS'fiW.

1, I come now to what must be considered as the most important
subject in this chapter, — to endeavour to estimate the value of the
Object of this section. Ch'un Ts*ew as a document of history; and this
will involve a judgment, first, on the character of Confucius as its
author, or as having made himself responsible for it by copying it
from the tablets of his native State and giving it to the world with

38]

8BCT. T.] ARE THE NOTICES IN THE CH«CN TS*EW TBUE? [proleoomema.

his imprimatur^ and, next, a judgment on the influence which it has
had on the successive governments of China and on the Chinese
people at laro;e.

2. My readers have received, I hope, a distinct idea of the
nature of the Work as made up of the briefest possible notices of
Statement of the case, the events of the time which it covers, without
any attempt to exhibit the connexion between them, or any expres-
sion of opinion as to the moral character which attaches to many of
them. I have spoken of the disappointment which this occasions
us, when we address ourselves to its perusal with the expectations
which its general reputation and the glowing accounts of it given
by Mencius have awakened. We cannot reconcile it with our idea
of Confucius that he should have produced so trivial a Work ; and
we cannot comprehend how his countrymen, down to the present
da}% should believe in it, and set it forth as a grand achievement.

If there were no other attribute but this triviality belonging to it,
we might dismiss it from our notice, and think of it only as of a
mirage, which had from the cloudland lured us to it by the attractive
appearances which it presented, all vanishing as we approached it
and subjected it to a close examination. But there are other attri-
butes of the Work which are of a serious character, and will
not permit us to let it go so readily. On p. 13 I have applied the
term colourlessness to the notices composing it, meaning thereby
simply the absence of all indication of feeling or opinion respecting
the subjects of them on the part of the writer or compiler. But are
the things so dispassionately told correct in point of fact? Are all
the notices really informing, or are many of them misleading? Is
the very brief summary a fair representation of the events, or is it
in many cases a gross misrepresentation of them?

In what I have said in the preceding sections, I have repeatedly
intimated my own opinion that many of the notices of the Ch*un
Ts*ew ai'e not true; and the proof of this is found in the contradic-
tions which abound between them and the events as given in
detail in the Chuen of Tso, contradictions which are pointed out
in my notes in hundreds of cases. It may occur to some that the
Classic itself is to be believed rather tlian the narratives of
Tso and the other commentators on it. If we are to rest in
this dictum, there is of course an end of all study of the Ch'un
Ts'ew period. From the Work of Confucius, confessedly, we
learn nothing of interest, and now the relations of Tso which arB

39]

PBOLBOOMBNA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH»UN TS*EW. [ch. i.

80 rich in detail are not to be credited; — the two centuries and a
half become a blank. But it is impossible to rest in this view.
The multitude of details which Tso gives makes him the principal
witness in the case; but Kung and Kuh, greatly differing as they
do from him in tlie style of their commentaries, very often bear
out his statements, and are equally irreconcileable with the notices
of the sage and the inferences which we naturally draw from them.
How is it that the three men, all looking up with veneration to
Confucius, yet combine to contradict him as they do? Kung and
Kuh have their praise-and-censure theory to explain the language
which the master uses; but we have seen that it is inadmissible, and
it supplies no answer to the question which I have just put. And
the mass of Chinese scholars and writers, for nearly 2000 years,
have not scrupled to accept the history of the Ch'un Ts'ew period
given by Tso as in the main correct, maintaining at the same time
their allegiance to Confucius as ' the teacher of all ages,' the one
man at whose feet the whole world should sit, accepting every
paragraph from his stylus as a divine oracle. The thing is to me
inexplicable. There have been many times when I have mused
over the subject in writing the pages of this volume, and felt that
China was hardly less a strange country to me than Lilliput or
Laputa would be.
3. The scholars of China are ready, even forward, to admit that

Chinese schoianiiidmit that) Coufucius in the Ch^uu Ts'ew oftcu coucealsi
the Classic conceau things, i the truth about things. On V. i. 6 Kung-

y'ang says, 'The Ch'un Ts'ew conceals [the truth] on behalf of the
high in rank, out of regard to kinship, and on behalf of men of
worth.'2 On V. i. 1 Tso says that it was the rule for the historio-
graphers to conceal any wickedness which affected the character of
the State.^ But this * concealing' covers all the ground occupied by
our three English words — ignoring, concealing, and misrepresenting,
[i.] The Ch'un Ts'ew often ignores facts, and of this I will
content myself with adducing two instances. The first shall be
It ignores facts, comparatively, if not quite, an innocent omission. The
fifth Book, containing the annals of duke He, commences simply with
the notice that 'it was his first year, the spring, the king's first month.'

1 The character employed for to conceal is gs, which is explained in various dictionaries hj
jR, «to avoid;' ^, *to keep out of view/ and jj^, *to shun/ 'to be cautious of.* 2

40]

SECT, v.] THE CH*UN TS*EW IGNORES FACTS. [prolbgomkna.

It is not said that * he came to the [vacant] seat,' that is, that he
did so with the formal ceremonies proper to celebrate his accession
to the marquisate. Tso asks why this notice was not given, and says
it was because the duke He had gone out of the State. * The duke,'
says he, ' had fled out of the State and now re-entered it; but this
is not recorded,. being concealed (i.e.j being ignored). To conceal
the wickedness of tlie State was according to rule.' On the murder
of duke Chwang's son Pan, who should have succeeded to his father^
Shin, who became duke He, had fled to the State of Choo, and a^
boy of eight years old, known as duke Min, was made marquis, and
when, within, less than two years, he shared the fate of Pan, Shin
returned to Loo, and took his place. What connexion all this had
with the omission of the usual pageantry or ceremonies, and whe-
ther we have in it the true explanation of the absence of the usual
notice, I am not prepared to say ; but we cannot see what harm
there could have been in mentioning duke He's fli«i;ht from the
State and subsequent return to it. A good and faithful chronicler
would have been careful to do so, especially if the events did affect, as
Tso says, the inauguration of the new rule.*

The second instance of ignoring shall be one of more importance.
It is well known that the lords of the great States of Ts'oo and
Woo usurped during the Ch'un Ts'ew period the title of king, thus
renouncing their allegiance to the dynasty of Chow which acknow**
ledged them only as viscounts. It is by this style of viscount'
that they are designated in the Ch'un Ts'ew; but the remarkable
fact is that it does not once notice the burial of anyone of all the
lords of Ts'oo, or of Woo. The reason is that in such notices he
must have appeared with his title of king. The rule was that
every feudal lord, duke, marquis, earl, or baron, should after death be
denominated as kung or duke, and to this was added the honorary
or sacrificial epithet by which he was afterwards to be known.
When a notice was entered in the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo, say of the
burial of the marquis Ch'ung-urh of Tsin, tlie entry was that on
such and such a month and day they buried duke Wfin of Tsin.
But the officers, deputed for the purpose from Loo, had assisted at
the burial not of any duke of Ts*oo or of Woo, but of king so and

4 It will be well for the student to read the long note of K*ang Ying-tah on Too Yu*8 remarksj
on the Chuen here. He acknowledges that it is impossible to say when the rule for conceHliug
things was observed and when not. B^^^Jf^^ /J\ B^ |$ /J^ ^ |$ ;^»

rRoLEooMBXA.] NATURE AXD VALUE OF THE CU'UN TS*EW. \cvl l

80. What were the historiographers to do? If they called the king
Avheii living a vieconnt, it would seem to us reasonable that they
might have been s^itisfitMl to call him a duke when dead. But this
^YOuld have be^n a direct falsification of the notification which they
had received from the State of the deceased. They therefore
ignored the burial altogether, and so managed to make their su-
zerain of Chow the only king that appeared in their annals.
Confucius sanctioned the practice; or if he suppressed all the
paragraphs in which the burials of the lords of Ts'oo and Woo were
entered, either as dukes or kings, then specially against him lies the
charge of thus shrinking from looking the real state of things fairly
in the face, as if he could make it any better by taking no notice
of it.

[ii.] A lar^^e list of cases of ignoring might be made out by
conipariniif the notes and narratives of fso with the entries of the
Ch'uu Ts'iiw, but the cases of concealing the truth are much more
It cimcenis tiia truth about thing*, numcrous; and in fact it is difficult to
draw the line in regard to many of them between mere concealment
and misrepresentation. I have quoted, on p. 13, from Maou K'e-ling
miiiy st:irtling instances of the manner in which the simple notice
* he died ' is used, covering almost every possible way of violent and
unnatural death. It may be said that most of them relate to the
deaths of princes of other States, and that the historiographers of Loo
simply entered the notices as they were communicated to them
from those States. Might we not have expected, however, that
when their entries came under the revision of Confucius, he would
have altered them so as to give his readers at least an inkling of the
truth? But it is the same with the chronicling of deaths in Loo
itself. Duke Yin was basely murdered, with the connivance of his
brother who succeeded him, and all that is said about it in I. xi. 4
U — ' In winter, in the 11th month, on Jin-shin, the duke died.'
His successor was murdered in turn, with circumstances of peculiar
atrocity, and the entry in II. xviii. 2 is simply — *In summer, in
the 4th month, on Ping-tsze, the duke died inr Ts'e.' In III. xxxii. '
tiiree deaths are recorded. We read: — 'In autumn, in the 7th
month, on Kwei-sze, duke [Uwan s son] Ya died;' *ln the 8th month,
on Kwei-hae, the duke died in the State-chamber;' *In winter, in
the 10th month, the duke's son Pan died.' Only the second of
these deaths was a natural one. Ya was compelled to take poison
by a hali'-bi^thtT Ke-yew, under circumstances which are held by

42]

•ECT. v.] THE CH*UN TSEW CONCEALS THE TRUTH. [prolkgomkxa.

many critics to justify the deed. Pan who was now Tnarquis;
though he could not be entered as such by the historiographers till
the year had elapsed, was murdered by an uncle, who wished to
feeize the marquisate for himself, without any mitigating circum-
stances. How is it that these three deaths, so different in their nature
and attendant circumstances, are described by the same word?
Here it is said *Ya died,' and *Pan died;' and they did not die
natural deaths. In I. v. 7 it is said — 'duke [Fleaou s] son K'ow died,'
and in VHI. v. 13 we have — *Ke-8un H&ng-foo died;' and they both
died natural deaths. What are we to think of a book which relates
events in themselves so different without any diflference in its forms
of expression? The K'ang-he editora are fond of the solution of
such perplexities which says that Confucius meant to set his
readers inquiring after the details of the events which he indicated;
but why did he not obviate the necessity for such inquiries
altogether by varying his language as it would have been very
easy to do? But for the Chuen we should entirely misunderstand
a great number of the entries in the text.

To take two instances of a less violent kind than these descriptions
of deaths, — in III. i. 2, we read that ^ in the 3d month the [late duke
Hwan's,] wife [WSn Keang] retired toTs'e,' and in X. xxv. 6 we read
that 'in the 9th, month, on Ke-liae, the duke [Ch*aou] retired to Ts'e/
In both passages * retired' is equivalent to *fled.' Duke Hwan's widow
was understood to have been an accomplice in the murder of her hus-
band, and to have been guilty of incest with her half-brother, the mar-
quis of Ts'e; — ^she found it unpleasant, probably dangerous, for her to
remain in Loo, and so she fled to Ts*e, where she would be safe and
could continue to follow her evil courses. All this the historiogra-
phers and Confucius thought it necessary to gloss over by writing
that she withdrew or retired to Ts'e. The case of duke Ch*aou was
different. He had been kept, like several of his predecessors, in a
state of miserable subjection b}'^ the principal nobles of the State,
especially by the Head of the Ke-sun family. Instigated by his sons,
high-spirited young men who could not brook the restraints and
shame of their condition, he attempted to cope with his powerful
minister, and got the worst of it in the struggle. The consequence was
that he fled to Ts'e; and the text is all that the Cli'un Ts'ew tells us
about these affairs, unless we accept its most important entry of the
ominous fact that a few months before the duke's flight *grackles
came to Loo and built nests in trees!' Everv one will allow that

pjioLEooMENA.] NATURE AND VALCE OF THE CHUN TS'EW. [gh. u

sons should speak tenderly of the errors of their parents, and ministers
and subjects general ly throw a veil over the faults of their rulers;
but it seems to be carrying the instinctive feeling of dutiful for-
bearance too far when a historian or chronicler tries to hide the
truth about his ruler's conduct and condition from himself and his
readers in the manner of the Ch'un Ts'ew. It should be kept in
mind, moreover, that the historiographers of Loo, if Ch^aou had
been the ruler of another State, would, probably, not have scrupled
to say that Ke-sun E-joo drove him out, and that he fled to Ts'e.
Where their own State was concerned, they dared not look the truth
in the face. Had W&n Keang been the marchioness of another State,
they would have thought that it did not come within their province
to say anything about her.

Two more instances of concealment will finish all that it is neces-
sary to say on this part of my indictment against our Claasic; and
they shall be entries concerning the king. In V. xxviii, 16, it is
said that ' the king [by] Heaven's [grace] held a court of inspection
at Ho-yang;' and we suppose that we have an instance of one of those
exercises of the royal prerogative which distinguished the kingdom
in normal times. But the fact was very different. In the 4th
month of the year Tsin had defeated Ts'oo in a great battle, and the
States of the north were safe for a time from the encroachments of
their ambitious neighbour. Next month the marquis of Tsin called
a great meeting of the northern princes at which he required the
king to be present. The king responded to the summons of his
feudatory, and a brother of his own presided over the meeting; —
though both of these facts are ignored in the text. In the winter,
the marquis called another meeting in Ho-yang, a place in the present
district of Wan, in the department of Hwae-k'ing, Ho-nan, at which
also he required the presence of the king, and which is chronicled
in the 16th paragraph. Tso quotes a remark of Confucius on the
case, — that ^ for a subject to call his ruler to any place is a thing not
to be set forth [as an example];' but to this I would reply that, the
fact being so, it should not be recorded in a way to give the reader
quite a different idea of it.

The other instance is less flagrant. In V. xxiv. 4 it is said, *The
king [by] Heaven's [grace] left [(^how], and resided in Ch'ing].'
The facts were that a brother of the king had raised an insurrection
Ugainst him, so that he was obliged to leave his capital and the
imperial domain, and take refuge in Ch'ing, where he remained

44]

«ECT. v.] THE CH UN TS*EW MISREPRESriNTS FACTS. [prolsgomena;

until in the next year he was restored to the* royal city by an army
of Tsin. But as the Ch'un Ts'ew says nothing of the troubles
which occasioned the king's flight, so it says nothing about the
" manner in which he was restored. The whole history of the case is
summed up in the paragraph that I have quoted, which conceals
the facts, and of itself would not convey to us anything like an
accurate impression of the actual circumstances.

[iii.] I go on to the third and most serious charge which can be
brought against the Ch'un Ts'ew. It not only ignores facts, and con-
The cii*un Ts-ew roitrepretents. ceals them, but it also often misrepresents
them, thus not merely hiding truth or distorting it, but telling us what
was not the truth. The observation of Mencius, that, when the
Ch*un Ts^gw was made, rebellious ministers and villainous sons be-
came afraid, suggests the instances by which this feature of the^
Classic may be best illustrated.

Let us first take the case of Chaou Tun, according to the entry in
VII. ii. 4, that * Chaou Tun of Tsin murdered his ruler, E-kaou.'
The fact is that Tun did not murder E-kaou. The marquis of Tsin
was a man of the vilest character, utterly unfit for his position, a
scourge to the State, and a hater of all good men. Tun was his
principal minister, a man of dignity and virtue, and had by his
remonstrances, excited the special animosity of the marquis, who at
one time had sent a bravo to his house to assassinate him, and at
another had let loose a bloodhound upon him. Wearied out with
the difficulties of his position, Tun had fled from the Court., and
had nearly left the State, when a relative of his, called Chaou
Ch^uen, attacked the marquis and put him to death; on which Tun
returned to the capital, and resumed his place as chief minister.
The only fault which I can see that he committed was that he con-
tinued to employ his relative Ch'uen in the government; but the
probability is that he had not the power to deal with him in any
other way. Had he been able to execute him, and proceeded to do
so, it would have been, I venture to think, a proceeding of doubtful
justice. But I ask my readers whether it was right, considering all
the circumstances of the case, to brand Tun himself as the murderer
of the marquis.

According to Tso, the entry in the text was made in the first place
by Tung Hoo, the grand-historiographer of Tsin, who showed it
openly in the court, and silenced Tun when he remonstrated with
him on its being a misrepresentation of himself Tso also gives a

45]

PROLBOOXENA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CH^UN TS*EW. [cii. i.

remark of Confucius, praising Tung Hoo, who made it his rule in
what he wrote *not to conceal!' and praising also Chaou Tun who
humbly submitted to a charge of such wickedness. *Alas for him!'
said our sage. 4f he had crossed the border of the State, he would
have escaped the charge.' The historiographers of Loo had entered
the record in their Ch*un Ts'ew as they received it from Tsin; but
I submit whether Confucius, in revising their work, ought not to
have exercised his 'pruning pencil,' and modified the misrepresenta-
tion. A sage, as we call him, he might have allowed something for
the provocations which Tun had received, and for the wickedness
of the marquis's government; he ought not to have allowed Tun to
remain charged with what was the deed of another.

Let us take a second case. In X. xix. 2 we read — ' Che, heir-son
of Heu, murdered his ruler Mae.' This, if it were true, would com-
bine the guilt of both regicide and parricide. According to all the
Chuen, Che was not the murderer in this case. He was watching
his sick father, and gave him a wrong medicine in consequence of
which he died. We have no reason to conclude that there was
poison in the medicine which the son ignorantly gave. Some
critics say that he ought to have tasted it himself before he gave it
to his father. He might have done so, and yet not have discovered
that it would be so injurious. There is no evidence, indeed, that
he did not do so. The result preyed so on the young man's mind
that he resigned the State to a younger brother, refused proper
nourishment, and soon died. Even if it were he himself who
insisted on the form of the entry about his father's death, Confucius,
if he had feeling for human infirmity, would have modified it, and
not allowed poor Che to go down to posterity charged with the
crime of parricide, which, if we had only the Ch*un Ts*ew, there
would be no 'means of denying.

Let us take a third case. It may seem to come properly under
the preceding count of concealment of the truth, but I introduce it
here, because of its contrast with the record in the next case
which I will adduce. In X. i. 11, it is said, — *In winter, in the
11th month, on Ke-yew, Keun, viscount of Ts'oo, died.' The vis-
count, or king as he styled himself, was suddenly taken ill, of
which Wei, the son of a former king, was informed, when he
was on his way, in discharge of a mission, to the State of Ch'ing.
He returned iminediately, and entering the palace as if to inquire
for the king's health, he strangled him, and proceeded to put

46]

■BCT. ▼.] THE CH*UN TS*EW MISREPRESENTS FACTS. [proleoombwa.

to death his two sons. Here certainly was a murder, which
ought to have been recorded, as such. No doubt, the murderer
caused a notification to be sent to other States in the words of
the Ch*un Ts'ew, saying simply that Keun had died, as if the death
had been a natural one, and the historiographers had chronicled it
in the terms in which it reached them; but ought not Confucius, in
such a case especially, to have corrected their entry? To allow so
misleading a statement to remain in his text was not the way to
make ^rebellious ministers afraid.'

The fourth case relates to the death of the above Wei, also called
K'een, the murderer of his king. Twelve years afterwards he him-
self came to an evil end. In X. xiii. 2 it is said — *In summer, in
the 4th month, the Kung-tsze Pe of Ts'oo returned from Tsin to
Ts^oo, and murdered his ruler K'een in Kan-k'e.' The real facts
were these. Wei or K'een displayed in his brief reign an insatiable
ambition, and was guilty of many acts of oppression and cruelty.
Having despatched a force to invade Seu, he halted himself at Ran-
kle to give whatever aid might be required. Certain discontented
spirits took the opportunity of his absence from the capital to
organize a rebellion, which was headed by three of his brothers,
one of whom was the Kung-tsze Pe. This Pe had fled to Tsin
when K'een murdered Keun, and was invited by the conspirators
from that State back to Ts'ae in the first place, and forced to take
command of the rebel forces. These were greatly successful. They
advanced on the capital of Ts^oo, took possession of it, and put to
death the sons of the absent king. The intelligence of these events
threw him into the greatest distress and consternation. His army
dispersed, and he took refuge with an officer who remained faithful
to him, and in his house he strangled himself in the 5th month,
unable to endure the disgrace and misery of his condition. What
are we to make of such opposite and contradictory methods of
describing events? Wei murdered Keun; and the deed is told as
if Keun had died a natural death. The same Wei strangled him^
self, and the deed is told as if it had been a murder done by the
Kunj^-tsze F^e. Pe was led by the device of a brother, K*e-tsih,
to kill himself in the 5th month, perhaps before Wei had committed
suicide. The Ch^un Ts'ew says of this event that * Ke-tsih put to
death — not murdered — the Kung'tsze Pe;' and we may suppose that
K'e-tsili, who became king, sent word rou!id the States that Pe had
murdered his predecessor; but surely Confucius ought to have

PJIOLBOOMBMA.] NATURE AND VALUE OF THE CIi*UN TSEW. [cii. u

taken care that the whole series of transactions should not be misre-
presented as it is in his paragraphs.

Let us take a fifth case. In XII. vi. 8 it is said thai * Ch'in K'eih
of Ts'e murdered his ruler T'oo.' In the previous year, Ch*oo-k*ew,
marquis of Ts'e, had died, leaving the State to his favourite son
T*oo, who was only a child. His other sons, who were grown up,
fled in the winter to various States. Ch4n K*eih, one of the principal
ministers of t.lie State, finding that the government did not go on well,
sent to Loo for Yang-s&ng, one of Ch^oo-k^gw's sons, who had taken
refuge there, and so managed matters in Ts^e that he was declared
marquis, and the child T'oo displaced. Yet K*eih had no malice
against T*oo, and so spoke of hirn in a dispute which lie had with
Yang-s&ng, not long after the accession of the latter, as to awaken his
fears lest the minister should attempt to restore the de-graded child.
The consequence was that he sent a trusty officer to remove T'oo from
the city where he had been placed for safety to another. Whether
it was by the command of the new marquis, or on an impulse
originating with himself, that officer took the opportunity to murder
the child on the way. This man, therefore, whose name was Choo
Maou, was the actual murderer of T'oo. If he were too mean in
position to obtain a place in the Ch'un Ts^gw, the murder should
have been ascribed to Yang-s&ng or the marquis Taou, by whose
servant and in whose interest, if not by whose command, it was
committed. To ascribe it to Ch*in K*eih must be regarded as a
gross misrepresentation. I cannot think that the existing marquis
of Ts*e could have sent such a notification of the event to Loo, for
for liim to make Ch*in K'eih responsible for the deed was to declare
that his own incumbency of the State was unjust, as it was Ch*in
K'eih who had brought it about. Are we then to ascribe the entry
entirely to Confucius? And arc we to see in it a remarkable proof
of his hatred of rebellion and usurpation, and his determination to
hold the prime mover to it, however distant, and under whatever
motives he had acted, responsible for all the consequences flowing
from it?

The sixth and last case which I will adduce may be said not to
be so contrary to the letter of the facts as the preceding five cases,
and yet I am mistaken if in every western reader, who takes the
trouble to make himself acquainted with those facts, it do not
awaken a greater indignation against the record and its compiler
than any of them. In VII, x. 8 we read that 'flea Ch'injr-shoo of

48]

CT. T.] JUDGMEin' OF CONFUCIUS. [pbolboombna.

Ih'in murdered his ruler P*ing-kwoh.' The circumstances in which
le murder took place are sufficient, I am sure, to make us pro-
ounce it a case of justifiable homicide. Hea Ch'ing-shoo's mother^
widow, was a vile woman, and was carrying on a licentious con-
exion with the marquis of Ch'in and two of his ministers at the
line time.^ The things which are related about the four are
lexpressibly filth)% As the young man grew up, he felt deeply
le disgrace of his family ; and one day when the marquis and his
linisters were feasting in an apartment of his mother's mansion, or
ither of his own, for he was now the Head of the clan, he over-
eard them jokiiig about himself. * He is like you,' said the marquis
) one of his companions. ^And he is also like your lordship,'
3turned the other. The three went on to spequlate on what share
sich of them had in the youth, till he could no longer contain him-
;lf, and made a violent attack upon them. The ministers made
leir escape, and the marquis had nearly done so too, when, as he
as getting through a hole in the stable, an arrow from the young
lan's bow transfixed him. So he died, and the Ch'un Ts'ew records
16 event as if it had been an atrocious murder! The poor youth
let with a horrible fate. In the following year, the viscount of
8*00, himself flaunting the usurped title of king, determined to do
istice upon him. Aided by the forces of other States, he invaded
h4n, made a prisoner of Hga Ch4ng-shoo, and had him torn in
ieces by five chariots to which his head and his four limbs were
ound. This execution is coldly related in xi. 5 by * The people
f Ts*oo put to death Hea Ch^ing-shoo of Ch*in.' The text goes
n to tell that the viscount entered the capital of Ch^n, and
3Stored the two ministers, partners in the marquis's adultery, who
ad made their escape to Ts'oo; the whole being worded, according
> Tso, Ho show how he observed the rules of propriety 1'
4. It remains for me, having thus set forth the suppressions,
be concealments, and the misrepresentations which abound in the
!h*un Ts'ew, to say a few words on the view which we must take

What are we to think from the) from it of CoufuciuS aS itS author Or COm-

b^unWewofConfuciui? I pikr. Again and again I have spoken of
le triviality of the Work, and indicated my opinion of its being
nworthy of the sage to have put together so slight a thing. But
lese positively bad characteristics of it on which I have now
nlarged demand the expression of a sterner judgment.

I See Tol. IV. Pt. I. xii. ode IX,
49]

F«atKOOMRWA0 NATUKE AND VALUE OF THE CH^UN TS*EW. , [ch. l

The appointment of historiographers, at whatever period it first
took place, was intended, no doubt, to secure the accurate record of
events, and Confucius tells us, Ana. XV. xxv., that 'even in his
[early] days a historiographer would leave a blank in his text,' that
is, would do 80 rather than enter incorrectly anything of which he
was not sure. I have mentioned on p. 45 the exaggerated idea of
his duty which was cherished and manifested by Tung Hoo the
grand-historiographer of Tsin; and in Tso's Chuen on IX. xxv. 2,
we have a still more shining example of the virtue which men in
this office were capable of displaying. There three brothers, his-
toriographers of Ts'e, all submit to death rather than alter the
record, which they had made correctly, that * Ts'uy Ch*oo of Ts'e
murdered his ruler Kwang,' and a fourth brother, still persisting
in the same entry, is at last let alone. These instances serve to show
the idea in which the institution originated, and that there were men
in China who understood it, appreciated it, and were prepared to die
for it. Such men according to Confucius' testimony were no more
to be found in his time. According to the testimony of a thousand
scholars and critics, it was because of this fact, — the few faithful his-
toriographers in the paat and the entire want of them in the present,
—-that the sage undertook the revision of the Ch'un Ts*ew of Loo.
Might not the history of the institution in that ante-Christian time
be adduced as a good illustration of what Lord Elgin once said, that
*at all points of the circle described by man's intelligence, the Chi-
nese mind seems occasionally to have caught glimpses of a heaven
far beyond the range of its ordinary ken and vision?''

Well — we have examined the model summary of history from the
sti/lm of the sage, and it testifies to three characteristics of his mind
which it is painfjil to have thus distinctly to point out. First, lie
had no reverence for truth in history, — I may say no reverence for
truth, without any modification. He understood well enough what
it was, — the description of events and actions according as they
had taken place; but he himself constantly transgressed it in all
the three ways which I have indicated. Second, he shrank from
looking the truth fairly in the face. It was through this attribute
of weakness that he so frequently endeavoured to hide the truth
from himself and others, by ignoring it alto^^ether, or by giving an
imperfect and misleading account ot it. Wherever his prejudices
were concerned, he was liable to do this. Third, he had nioi'e

1 Sec I^etters and Journals of Jaiues, eight ii fiarl of Elgin, p. 392.

•ECT. v.] JUDGMENT OF CONFUCIUS. [prolegomeka.

Bympathy with power than with weakness, and would overlook
wickedness and oppression in authority rather than resentment and
revenge in men who were suflFering from thein. He could conceive of
nothing so worthy of condemnation as to be insubordinate.^ Hence
he was frequently partial in his judgments on what happened to
rulers, and unjust in his estimate of the conduct of their subjects.
In this respect he was inferior to Mencius his disciple.

I have written these sentences about Confucius with reluctance,
and from the compulsion of a sense of duty. I have been accused of
being unjust to him, and of dealing with him inhumanly.^ Others
have said that I was partial to him, and represented his character
and doctrines too favourably. The conflicting charges encourage me
to hope that I have pursued the golden Mean, and dealt fairly with
my subject. My conscience gives no response to the charge that I
have been on the look-out for opportunities to depreciate Confucius.
I know on the contrary that I have been forward to accord a generous
appreciation to him and his teachings. But I have been unable to
make a hero of him. My work was undertaken that I might under-
stand for myself, and help others'to understand, the religious, moral^
social, and political condition of China, and that I might see and
suggest the most likely methods of accomplishing its improvement.
Nothing stands in the way of this improvement so much as the
devotion of its scholars and government to Confucius. It is he who
leads them that causes them to err and has destroyed the way of
their paths.

5. The above sentence leads me to the last point on which I
proposed to touch in this section, — the influence which the Ch*un

' Influence of the ch^un Ts^ew on) Ts^ew has had ou the sucqcssive govem-
Chineae govemmenta and the people.; xnents of China and on the Chinese people

at large. And here I will be brief.

A great part of the historical literature of the country continues
still to be modelled after our Classic and the Chuen of Tso. Immedi-
ately after the Chow dynasty the name of Ch'un Ts'ew was given
to a species of Work having little affinity with that of Confucius.
We have the Ch*un Ts'ew of Leu Puh-wei, the chief minister of Tsin,
Luh Keas Ch'un Ts'ew of Ts'oo and Han,i and many others, which
were never held in great repute. In the after Han dynasty, how-

2 See the Analects, VII. zxxr. 8 See a review of my Ist volume, in the Edinburgh RevieWy
April, 1869.

1 gqfCj^, g^^^^l^W^l^^^- See Chaou Yih-. flrat d»pter
on the Ch*un T8*ew, where he gives the names of a score of ihese Works.

MOLM .UBS*.) NATDRE ASD VALUE OF THE CHUS TSEW. [cb. i

ever, there was composed the 'Chronicles of Han,** on the pUn of
the Ch'un Ts'ew. Histories of this kind receiyed in the Sung
dynasty the name of 'General Mirrors, '^ and 'General Mirrors, wi^
Summary and Details,'* the summary corresponding to the text of
the Ch'un Ta'ew, and the details to the Chuen. Down to the
present dynasty Works have been composed with names having
more or less affinity to those; and in reading them the student has
to be on the watch and determine for himself how far the det^la
bear out the statement of the summary. Such Works as the 'Digest
of the History of the Successive Dynasties'* are more after the plan
of the text of the Ch'un Ts'^w, but they become increasingly com-
plex and difficult of execution with the lapse of time and the
iucreasing extent of the empire.

But the influence of the Ch'un Ts'ew on the literature of China
is of little importance excepting as that influence has aided its
moulding power on the government and character of the people;
and in this respect it appears to me to have been very injurioos.
The three defects of Confucius which have left their impress so
clearly on his Work have been painfully conspicuous in the history
of the country and the people down to the present day. The
teachings of Menciiis, bringing into prominence the lessons of the
Shoo and the She concerning the different awards of Providence,
according as a government cherished or neglected the welfare of the
people, have modified the extreme reverence for authority which
was so remarkable in Confucius; but there remain altogether un-
mitigated the want of reverence for truth, and the shrinking from
looking fairly at the realities of their condition and relations. And
these are the great evils under which China is suffering at the
present day. During the past forty years her position with regard to
the more advanced nations of the world has been entirely changed.
She has entered into treaties with them upon equal terms; but I do
not think her ministers and people have yet looked this truth fairly
in the face, so as to realize the fact that China is only one of many
independeTit nations in the world, and that the 'beneath the sky,'
over which her emperor has rule, is not all beneath the sky, but only
a certain portion of it which is defined on the earth's surface and

2 )^ j^, composed by ^ ^, at the command of the empfior Been (jH^<^). $ E,g^
Su-ma Knng'. $ '^ jg ^, and Choo He'i ^ ^ j||| g . j||| g meant a tKt,-~Ou>
rope by which the whole u drawn togetlwr and llie eyea or medim of which it ii compoMd. 4

62]

•BCT. v.] JUDGMENT OF COXFCCIUS. [pbolboomeka.

can be pointed out upon the map. But if they will not admit this,
and strictly keep good faith according to the treaties which they have
accepted, the result will be for them calamities greater than any that
have yet befallen the empire. Their lot has fallen in critical times,
when the books of Confucius are a very insufficient and unsafe guide
for them. If my study of the Ch^un Ts*ew help towards convincing
them of this, and leading them to look away from him to another
Teacher, a great aim of my life will have been gained.

«»>»^^^^^'^^W^M^/^'»^V^/^^^^^^*i

5a]

APPENDIX

SPECIMENS OF THE COMMENTARIES OP KUXG-TANG AND
KUH-LiiANG.

The jirst year of duke Yht, par. 1.
It was the [duke's] first year, the spring, the king's first montli.

■Ifc.

Si-MSLzmmnimnM

m±.ZMmimmtl^±.
M**ii e <: w iif- # iufc. A

54]

<&-(srja^»iBfi;.j!!(;&*.

aai^.H.^iE.
mm.r&Kzm.r-&KZ

j?3iiJa«fi.Mftj)t4£<:f
»g«.nrtte=F*<:B.

APPKVDiz I.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNG-YANG AND KUH-LEANG. [pbolboombha.

The Chnen of Knng-yang says: —

* What is meant by JC ^ ? The first
year of the ruler.

What is meant by ^ (spring) ? The
first season of the year.

What is meant by -F (the king)?
It means king Wan.

Why does [the text] first give "king,"
and then "first month ?" [To show that]
it was the king's first month.

Why does it [so] mention the king's
first month ?

To magnify the union of the kingdom
[onder the dynasty of Chow],

Why is it not said that the duke came
to the [vacant] seat ? To gfive fiill ex.
pression to the duke's mind.

In what way does it give fiiU expres-
sion to the duke's mind? The duke
intended to bring the State to order, and
then restore it to Hwan.

What is meant by restoring it to
Hwan?

Hwan was yonnger, but nobler [than
the duke by birth]; Yin was grown up,
but lower [than Hwan by bii'th]. The dif-
ference between them in these respects,
however, was small, and the people of the
State did not know [their father's intention
about the succession]. Yin being grown
up and a man of worth, the great officers
insisted on his being made marquis. If
he had refused to be made so, he did
not know for certain that Hwan would
be raised to the dignity; and supposing
that be were raised to it, he was afraid
that the great officers might not give
their assistance to so young a ruler.
Therefore the whole transaction of Yin's
elevatit)n was with a view [in his mind]
to the elevation of Hwan.

But since Yin was grown up and a
man of worth, why was it not proper
that he should be made marquis?

Among the sons of the wife proper,
the succession devolved on the eldest, and
n'>t on the worthiest and ablest. Among
a ruler's sons by other ladies of his
harem, the succession devolved on the
noblest, and not on the eldesC

In what respect was Hwan nobler [in
rank] than Yin?

His mother was of higher position

[than Yin's mother].

Though the uiother was nobler, why

should the son be [also] nobler? A sou

The Chuen of Knh-leang says: — 'Al-
though there was nothing to be recorded
[under the first month], it was necessary
to specify it ; — ^its being the commence-
ment [of the rule] required this attention
tg be paid to it.

Why is it not said that the duke came

to the [vacant] seat ? To give fiill ex-
pression to the duke's mind.

In what way does this gfive full expres-
sion to the duke's mind? It tells that
Yin did not himself care to be duke.

What is meant by saying that he did
not himself care to be duke ? That he
intended to resign the marquisate to
Hwan.

Was it correct in him [to wish] to
resign it to Hwan ?

It was not correct.

The Ch'un Ts'ew gives fiill expression
to men's excellent qualities, but does not
do so to their evil; — why should it give
such expression to [the intention of] Yin
which was not correct ?

With a view to show detestation of
Hwan.

How does that detestation of Hwan
appear ?

Yin intended to resign in his favour,
and yet Hwan murdered him; — showing
Hwan's wickedness. Hwan murdered
hirn, and yet Yin would have resigned in
his favour; — showing Yin's goodness.

If Yin was thus good, why do you say
that he was not correct ?

In the Ch*un Ts*ew, what is righteons
is held to be noble, and not what is
[merely] kind. It would lead forwai'd in
the [straight] path, and not in the crook-
ed. A filial son tries to display the ex-
cellent qualities of his father, and not the
evil ones. The father was not correct,
but perverse, in seeking to give the State
to Hwan. Notwithstanding, he over-
came this perversity of mind, and the
State was given [at last] to Yin ; but Yin
had fathomed the purpose of their fikther,
and thereon would have given the State
to Hwan; — carrying out their father's
wickedness. That there should be elder
brother and younger brother is in the
order ot Heaven. A man receives his
sonship from bis father; and a feudal
prince receives his rank from the king.
To disannul the order of Heaven, and
forget his ruler and father in order to do
a small kindness, is what is called walk-
ing in a small path. Looking at Yin, we

5o]

.] COMUENTARIES OF EDNG-YAKG AKD KUH-LEANO. [co. i.

wu held to ahare in the nobility of his I may Bay iltat he could make light of a
mother; and a motlier shared in the State of a tbonaand chariots, bat oonU
[Babseqnent] nobility of her Bon,' not tread the way thiit is right,'

Tfie eleventh year of duke Hwan, par. 4.
The people of Sung seized Chae Chung of Ch'ing.

S,«»«.»4^5E.e?l.«
Wja4#*E.H5rJilfi-JJtr.

*»f»,ti««a.gK««
jag^.tAMgff.*-?^

The Cbaen of Knng-yang Hays: —

'Who was Chae Chnng?

The ohtef niinist«r of Ch'ing.

Why JB he not mentioned by his name?

Because of his worth.

What wurtbinees was there in Cliuc

S*(»0,*At.5l?4;-1fc.
SBA-W-lfe,.i2<:-tfc.

The Chaen of Kuh-l^ng says: —

' ^ [people] here means the dnke of
5img.

Why is he designated ^ (the people^
)r one of Uie people)?

To condemn him,'

56J

Dix L] COMMENTARIES OF KUNQ-TANQ AND KUH-LEANG. [frolbooxsita^

> ia to be oonsidered as knowing how
b aooording to circamstances.
what waj did he know to act aooord-
0 circnmBtanoes?

identlj the, capital of Ching was in
A former earl of Ch'ing was on
31y terms with the duke of Kwei;
laving an intrigne mth his wife, he
the capital of Kwei, transferred that
I'ing to it^ and left Lew to become
Idemess. After the death of duke
tng, Ghae Chnng was going to inspect
itate of Lew; and as his road lay
igh Sang, the people of that State
d him, and said, "Drive ont Hwnh
'ang's eldest son, who was now earl
iHng) for ns, and raise Tuh (Hwnh's
ler) to the earldom."
Ghae Chnng did not do as they re-

d, his mler most die, and the State
h. If he did as they required, his

wonld exchange deadi for life, and

Itate be preserved instead of perish-

Then by and by, [by his gradual

kgement], Tnh might be sent forth^

efore, and Hwnh might return as

e. If these thinga oonld not be
ed, he wonld have to suffer [under
mputation of evil conduct], but yet

would be the State of ChSng.
a the ancients acted according to
zigency of circumstances, they acted
le way in which Chae Chung now

hat is meant by acting according to
zigency of circumstances?
is acting contrary to the ordinary
e of what is right, yet so that good
result. Such a course is not to be
iOd apart from the imminent danger
Bkth or ruin. There is a way to re-
e the pursuing of it. A man may
', it when the censure and loss wOl
n himself, but not to the injury of
ler. A superior man will not slay
ler to save himself, nor ruin another
aserve himself.'

57]

H»5^3E

nMMomwM^I COMMBlITARIEa OF KUNG-TAKG AND KUH-LEANO. [ch. l

7^e Jifieenth year, par. 1.

In spring, in the second month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace]
sent KSa Foo to Loo to ask for carringes.

il-ib.

The Chaeo of Eaag-ysng laTi:^ —

' Wlij was tliii entry miiidft F

By way of ooosare.

Ceumire of what?

The king! did not aak for Bnything*.
To mIc for carria^ was contrary to
propriety.

ssimnB.-kMnm^B

The Chnen of Knh-leang says: —
'Anciently the feudal princes at the
[proper] times presented to the son of
Heaven their offbrings of tb« tfaini^
which they had in their States- He
might thns decline, bat he did not de-
mand or aslc for, [anything]- To aik for
carriages was contrary to propriety ; to
•^ for money was stul more so.

The fourth year of duke Chwang, par. 4.
The marquis of Ke made a grand leaving of his State.

Miit«»B:¥.:'i.ia:^.

58]

Aii(!<!i.tK«#«.0

The Chnen of Knh-leang says: —
' " Made a grand leaving " is as mncti
as to say that [the marqniej did not leave
a man behind ixim. It tells us that the
people did not cease to follow him till all
were goue in the apace oi four yuars.
The iimrquis of Ke was a worthy prince,
and the marquis of Ta'e extinguished bis
State. The text does not say so, but
that he maile a grand leaving of it, there-
by not allowing [the ii^nrioos action of]
a small man towards a eaperior man to
appear-

AFPSXDix L] COMM£NTARIfiS OF KUNG-YANQ AND KUH-L£ANO. [FftOLMOMBx a.

urn.
mMWinzm..^m>}mit

The Chuen of Knng-yang says: —

'Wbibt is meant by '^made a grand
leaving ?"

That [the State] was eztingoished.

Who extinguished it ?

Ts'e.

Why does [the text] not say that Ts'e
extingnished it ?

It conceals the £act oat of regard to
dnke Seang. The ChSin Ts'ew conceals
things out of regard to men of worth.

What worthiness was there in duke
Seang?

He was taking vengeance.

Vengfeance for what?

For the boiling of his remote ancestor
duke Ghie at [the court of] Chow, through
his being slandered by a marquis of Ke.
The action of duke Seang at this time is
considered as a carrying by him to the
utmost of his service of his ancestors.

How so?

When he was about to avenge the
[old] wrong, he consulted the tortoise,
shell, and was told that he would lose
half his army. [He observed], " Though
I should die myself the answer should
not be considered unlucky."

59]

PKoiRtiOMRNA.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNG-^ANQ AND KUU-LEANG.

[CH. I.

How many generations remored from
him wafl the remote ancestor P

Nine.

May iin injury be avenged after nine
generations ?

Yes; even after a hmidred.

May [the Head of] a clan take such
vengeance?

No.

Why then may [the raler of] a State
doit?

The roler and the State are one. The
disgrace of a former mler is the same as
the disgrace of the mler of to-day. The
disgrace of the mler of to-day is the same
as the disgrace of a former mler.

How are the mler and the State con-
sidered as one?

The mler regards the State as his
body, and one mler comes after another; —
hence the mler and the State form one body.

Bat the present [marquis of] Ke had
been guilty of no ofifence; — was not this
[extinction of him] a case of rage?

No. If there had been in the ancient
time an intelb'gent son of Heaven, the
[then] marquis of Ke would have been
taken off, and there would have been no
[more any] marquis of Ke. His not
having been taken ofi^ and there being
still a marquis of Ke, was the same as if
there were no intelligent son of Heaven.
Anciently the princes had their occasions
of meetmg together, and their inter,
changes of court and complimentary vis-
its, when they made reference in their
language to their predecessors as furnish-
ing the ground of their intercourse ; but
nothing of the kind ever took place be-
tween Ts'e and Ke; — it was incumbent
on them not to exist together under the
same sky. Therefore [when Ts^e] set
about removing the marquis of Ke, it
could not but remove [the State of] Ke.

If there had been [now] an intelligent
son of Heaven, could duke Seang have
done what he did ?

No.

Why then did he do it?

When there is in the highest position
[as it were] no son of Heaven, and below
him no president of the quarter of the
kingdom, one can for himself repay his
long-standing wrongs and obligations of
a contrary kind.'

60]

1.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNO-YANO AND KtTH-LEANO. [pboliooitiin*.

The second year of duke He, par. 3.
anny of Yn and an army of Tsin extinguished Hea-yang.

%^zm<.MZ9m
t^^w,Mzn.^

la.lEB.-ftMS

mvMnzM.iim

61]

^r-mmmzm.mmz

S.Bii#l*«ft.^B,lH:

WH<:l-tfc.4Bg#«iiii
^ffig<:-tli.^AB,f ^

«:SSA-tfc.a«rfi)if.X
^».iiii.t.ffi-H^«.ltfe

0.^Bflt:W«5i.S»f

rmoLieaosixiiA.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNG-YAXG AND KUH-LEANG. [ch. l

The Chaen of Kung-yang says:—' Ya
was a small State; why is it that it is
here made to take precedence of a great
one? To make Ya take the lead in the
wickedness.

Why is Yu made to take the lead in
the wickedness?

Ya received the bribes with which
those who [were going to] extinguish the
State [of K woh] borrowed a way through
it, and thus brought on its own ruin.

How did it receive [those] bribes?
Duke Keen [of Tsin] gave audienoe to
bis great officers, and asked them why it
was that he had lain all night without
sleeping. One of them advanced and
said, ''Was it because you did not feel at
ease [in your mind]? or was it because
your [proper] bedfellow was not by yonr
side ?*' The duke gave no answer, and
then Seun Seih came forward and said,
^Was it because Yu and Kwoh were ap-
pearing to yon ?" The duke motioned to
him to come [more] forward, and then
went with him into an inner apartment
to take counsel. ** I wish,'* said he, '* to
attack Kwoh, but Yu will go to its relief,
and if I attack Yu, Kwoh will succour it;
— what is to be done ? I wish to consid-
er the case with you." Seun Seih re-
plied, " If you will use my counsel, you
shall take Kwoh to-day, and Yu to-
morrow; why^ should your lordship be
troubled?"

*'How is this to be accomplished?'*
asked the duke. *' Please let [me go to
Yu],'* said the other, '* with your team of
K'^uh horses and your white peih of
Ch'uy-keih, and you are sure to get
[what you want]. It will only be taking
your valuable [petA] from your inner
treasury, and depositing it in an outer
one, and taking your horses from an in-
ner stable, and tying them up in an outer
one;-^our lordship will lose nothing by
it." The duke said, "Yes; but Kung
Che-k'e is thera What are we do with
him?" Seun Seih replied, "Kung Che-
k'e is indeed knowing; but the duke of
Yu is covetous, and fond of valuable

62]

The Chuen of Kuh-leang says: — * The
use of the term " extinguished," when it
is not a State that is spoken of^ arises
from the importance of Hea-yang.

Yu had no army; — why is its army
mentioned here ?

Because it took the lead of Tsin [in
the affair], and it was necessary therelore
to speak of its army.

How did it take the lead of Tsin?
It presided over the extinguishing of
Hea-yang. Hea-yang was a strong city of
Yu and Kwoh. If it could be extinguished,
then both Yu and Kwoh might be dealt
with.

In what way did Yu preside over the
extinguishing of Hea-yang?

Duke Heen of Tsin wanted to invade
Kwoh, and Seun Seih said to him, "Why
should not your lordship take your team
of K*euh horses, and your peih of Ch*uy-
keih, and with them burrow a way
through Yu?" *' Those are the most pre-
cious things in the State ot Tsin,'* said
the duke. "Suppose Yu should receive
my offerings, and not lend us the passage,
in what position should we beh" " But,"
replied Seun Seih, "this is the way in
which a small State serves a g^^'eat one.
If Yu do not lend us the right of way, it
will not venture to receive our offerings.
If it receive our offerings and lend us tiie
way, then we shall [merely] be taking
[the peih] from our own treasury, and
placing it [for a time] in one outside, and
taking [the horses] from our own stable,
and placing them [for a time] in one out-
side." The duke said, "There is Kung
Che-k'e there; — ^he will be sure to pre-
vent the acceptance of our offering's."
"Kung Che-k*e," replied the minister,
"is an intelligent man, but he is weak;
and moreover, he has grown up from
youth near his ruler. His very intelli-
gence will make him speak too briefly;
his weakness will keep him from remon«
strating vehemently; and hia having
fl^wn up near his ruler will make that
ruler despise him. Moreover, the attract
tive objects will be before the ruler of Yu's
senses, and the danger will be hid behind
another State. The case, indeed, would
cause anxiety to one whose intelligence
was above mediocrity, but I imagine that
the intelligence of the ruler of Yu is
below mediocrity."

t>ix I.] COMM£i;[TAEIES OF KUNG-YAKG AND KUH-LEANQ. [pboleookbka.

; — he is sure iaot to follow his min-
advice. ,I'beg yon, oonsideriug
thing, to let me go."
I deliberation ended with duke Heen's
ing the proposed conrse; and when
ike of Yu saw the valuable [offer-
, he granted what [Tsin] asked.
• Che-k'e did indeed remonstrate,
^, "There are the words of the Be-
'When the lips are gone, the teeth
»ld.' Yu and Kwoh are the saviours
h other. If they do not give mutual
Tsin will to-day take Kwoh, which
ill to-morrow follow to ruin. Do
) ruler, grant what is asked." The
did not follow his advice, and ended
oding a passage [through his State
lin] to take Kwoh. In the fourth
iklter, Tsin returned, and took Yu.
duke of Yu [came], carrying the
md leading the horses, when Seun
laid [to the marquis of Tsin], '* What
u now think of my plan?" " It has
3ded," said duke Heen. ''The peik
1 mine; but the teeth of the horses
rown longer." This he said in joke,
iat was Hea-yang?
city of Kwoh.

iiy is the name not preceded by the
of the State?
is dealt with as if had been itself a

■

liy so?

cause [the fate] of the ruler of the
was bound up with its fate.'

On this duke Heen sought [in the way
proposed] for a passage [through Yu] to
invade Kwoh. Kung Che-k^e remon-
strated, saying, "The words of the en-
voy of TsiD are humble, but his offerings
are great; — the matter is sure not ix) be
advantageous to Yu." The duke of Yu,
however, would not listen to him, but re-
ceived the offerings, and granted the pas-
sage through the State. Kung Che-k'e
remonstrated [again], suggesting that the
case was like that in iJbe saying about
the lips being gone and the teeth becom-
ing cold, after which he fied with his
wife and children to Ts'aou.

Duke Heen then destroyed Kwoh, and
in the fifth year [of our duke He] he
dealt in the same way with You Seun
Seih then had the horses led forward,
while he carried the peih in his hand, and
said* " The peih is just as it was, but the
horses* teeth are grown longer !"

.ijE^.^*

^T^^>M^.i^

The sixteenth year^ par. 1.

In spring, in the king*s first month, on Mow-shin, the first
of the moon, there fell stones in Sung, five of them. In the
3 month, six fish-hawks flew backwards, past the capital of Sung.

63]

MoLiooMnA.] COMMENTARIES OF KtrXQ-TASG AND KUU-LEANG.

[ca.1.

m.
Mznm»%.

The Chnen of Knng-jrang says: — '
* How is it that tiie text first sajB,
"there lell," and Uien "stoneiV"

There fell etonea is a record of what was
heard. There was heard a noise of some-
thing falling. On looking at what had
fallen, it was seen to be stones. On ex-
amination it was found there were five of

What is the meaning of " in the same
month F"

That Oio thing occurred jost within
this month-

Why is the day not giren?

It was the last day of the moon.

Why does the text not say so?

The Chhin Ts'ew does not enter the
last day of the moon. Whan anything
happened on the first day of the moon,
it was so written; bat althoDgh anything
happened on the last day of the moon,
the day was not given.

Why does the teit say "sii," and then
" fish.bawkBi'"

" Six fish-hawks backwards flew" is a
ri'coril of what was seen. When they
looked at the objects, there were six.
When they examined them, they were
fish'hawka. When they examined them
leisurely, they were flying backwards.

Wby is this acconnt given nf [tbeae]
five stones and six fish-hawks? It is tlie
record of a strange thing.

fiot strange things in other fStntes are
not ivninled; — why is this given licro'r

Becnuse fSnng beluugixl t^i the de-
BcendaiitM] of the kings [of Shimu],'

um»z»iMnz.mf-
zM^iMm^m&.^Bm

MiX.:s^f&zmr^m.fii

The Chnen of Knh-leang says: — 'Why
does the t«xt first say " there foil," and
then "stones?" There was the &lliog,
and then the stones.

" In Sang " means within the fi>nr
qoarters of that State. The number fol-
lowing after indicates that the stones
were scattered aboni [The language]
has respect to the hearing of the ears.

" In the same month " says definitely
that it was not on the same day, but
[some time] in the month.

In "six fish-hawks flying backwards,
past the capital of Snng," the nnmber is
put first, indicating that [the birds] were
collected together. [The langnage] hsa
respect to the seeing of the eyes.

The master said, "Stones ar« things
without any intelligence, and fish-hawks
creatures that have a little intelligence.
The atones, having no intelligence, are
mentioned along with the day [when
they fell], and the fish-hawks, havings
little intelligence, are mentioned alonir
with the month [when they appeared].
The superior man [even] in regaid to
such things and creatnreB records nothing
rashly. His expressions about atones
and fish-hawks being thus exact, ho*
mnnh more will they be so abont men.
If the language had not been as it is
about the fire atones and six fish-hawka,
tliij I'oyal way would not have been ftillj'

nile i'<illt^:t is cHlletl " ibe

Mpital." '

64]

Ki.] COMMENTARIES OF RUNG YANG AND KUHLEANG. [pholbcomkxa.

^.MW^^^mT

The eleventh year of dvJce Wdn^ par. 6.

winter, in the tenth month, on Keah-woo, Shuh-sun Tih-shia
ed the Teih in Heen.

mn,:kz^.

li^.:kZ^,

}in,AZ^,

haen of Knng.yang says : — * What
kbj "the Teih?"
^ntic Teih. There were three
I, one of whom went to Ts'e, an-

Loo, and the third to Tsin. The
} went to Ts'e was killed by the
m Ch'ing-foo. The one who came

was [now] killed by Shuh-snn
. I do not know anything about
who went to Tsin.
is the word '' defeated '* used?
signify the affair,
is the day specified?
ftgnify the affair,
is the place given?
signify the affi&ir.
is the thing recorded?
record of what was strange.

^M^M^i-AZmi^.

The Chaen of Kuh-leang says : — >

' How is it that we find here " defeated,'*
and nothing about ** leading a force ? "

The language indicates that the defeat
was only of one man.

How is "defeated" used with referenoe
to one man ?

Because he [was equal to] a multitude.

It is recorded that there were three
gigantic Teih, who, one after another,
threw the Middle States iuto confusion,
and whom tiles and stones could not hurt.
Shuh-sun Tih-shin was a skilfiil archer,
and sent an arrow into the eye [of this
one]. The grant's body stretohed over
9 acres. His head was cut o% and put
into a carriage, when the eye-brows ap-
peared over ihe cross-bar. In these
circumstances, why is it not said that he
was captured? Anciently they did not
inflict a second wound, nor capture a
gray-haired enemy. Captured is not used
here, to conceal the thmg out of regard
to Loo.

The giant that went to Ts'e was killed
by the king's son Ch'ing-foo. Nothing is
known about the one who went to Tsin.'

rMULKoMMA.] COUMENTARIES OF KUNG-TAKO AND KUH-LEANO.

The fourteenth year, seventh paragraph.

The people of Tsin undertook to establish Tseeh-tsze as viscount
of Choo, but did not [or, were not able to] do so.

itt:W8|iiHfc.s«A.-H.

as*.

Tho Chuea of Knng^-yan^ B»yB : —
'What iB meant by J^ (to restore)? It
Dieaiie to [niake'to] enter.

Why is it Raid they were not able to
FMtora him?

To magnify that fact.

Why ia it inagniUed?

Keih Keueh of Tein led a force of 80O
chariots of leatlier, to in.atate Taeeh-teze

6I>J

BA.-HlfcJK^-tb.

m.9.A=f-mtm/»m\

Tho Clinen of Knh-Ieftng sftyv . — ' [Tl»
leader hero] wtu Keih Keneh ; — why ia
he called \ (man)?

To lo&ke light ol him.

Why does [the text] make light ol

He had BOO chariots wiih tbeir loog
naves, extending over a thousand le of
gTOond. He passed by Song, ChHog,
T'&ng, and Seeh, and entered at lengdi
a Stat« of a tiionsand chariots, wishing
to change the mler whom the ]ico|>)e
had set ap. Bnt when he came bencatb
the wall of its capital, he then knew [the
error of his enterprise] . How late wi»
he in coming to that knowledge!

" He was not able to in.state." It is
not said that he had inraded Uhoo; — bow
is nientioa made of his inability?

That "was not able" showe that [toe-
ceas] was forbidden by righteon^esa.
Tseeh-tsze's mother was a daughter of
Tsin, and KVoh-tsen's was a daoghter
of Ta'e. K'woh-teeu was the proper [suc-
cessor to their father], and Tseeh-tsze
was not.'

▲nuDix X.] COMMENTABISS OF KUNO-TANQ AND KUH-LfiANG. [FBOLBaaMk!(A.

in Ghoo-low ; — a force sorely more than
sofficient for the parpoee. But when he
[proposed] to in-state him, the people of
Cboo-low said, " Teeeh-tsxe is the son of
a daughter of Tsin» and KSrohptsen of a
daughter of Ts*e. Try them on jonr
fingers; — ^there will be four for Ts^eeh-
taw, and six for K Voh-tsen. If yon will
compel na by the power of yonr great
8tate| we do not yet know whether -Ts'e
or Tsin will take the lead. In rank the
men are both noble, bnt KVoh-tsea is
the elder." KcSh Eeneh said, '' It is not
that my strength is insufficient to in-s{ate
bim, but in point of right I cannot do ao."
Wxtli this he led his army away, and
therefore the snperior man magnifies his
not in-stating [Taeeh-tsEe].

The actor here was Eeih Keneh Of

Tsin; — ^why is he called A (a man)?

To condemn him.

Why is he condemned?

Not to allow a great officer to take it
on him to displace or to set np a ruler.

How does it not allow this?

The actual [statement] allows it, but
the style does not allow it.

Why does the style not allow it?

According to the right idea of a great
officer, he cannot take it on him to dis-
place or appoint a ruler.'

^>g^A^. H:t„*B.^

The eighth year of duke Seuen, paragraph three.

On Sin-sze there was a sacrifice in the grand temple, when Chung
Suy died at Ch^uy.

67]

fBOLCooMEXA.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNQ-YANQ AND KUH-LBANG.

[CH. L

The Chnen of Knng-jang says: — * Who
Chnng-suj?

The Knng-tsze Snj.

Why is he not here slyled Knog-tase?

By way of consura

Why is oensnre expressed?

Becanse of his nionler of [W&n's] son
Ch*ih.

But why was not the censure (or, de-
gradation) expressed at the time when he
committed that murder?

Because he had [fchen] been guilty of
no offence against [duke] Wftn, and there
had [since] been no year [in which to
signify his offence] against [W&n*s] son.'

m:k^Z

The Chuen of Kuh.leang says: — 'This
looks as if he had first reported the
execution of his mission and then died.

He was a Kung-tsze; — why does he
appear here simply as Chang?

To treat him as if his relationship [to
the ducal &mi1y] had been distant.

Why deal with him so?

To vitiate the notice of his dying. If
he had not been so dealt with, that notice
would not have been vitiated.

Wliy then mention his dying at all?

To convey censure of [duke] Seuen.

Why to censure [duke] Senen?

On hearing of tiie death of a great
officer, he should have removed the musi-
cians and finished the buainess [in whidi
he was engaged].'

The fifteenth year^ par, eighth.
For the first time a tax was levied from the produce of the acres.

•tfc.
*t ^ :i ft - rfij m. ft

The Chueu of Kang-yang* says: —
' What is the meaning of JffJ't

For the first time.

What is meant by levying a tax from
the acres?

68]

^ ft* — » i^ Bn :f^ 1^, ^ 18
M. :« 0 # ffl. # ffl ^. >t

#. |iH^ ^. i^ ffl Wt ^ #.

The Chuen of Kuh-leang says:— '^^

means for the first time. Anciently, a
tenth of the produce was levied by the
mutual cultivation of the public fields*
and the others wero not taxed. To com-
mence levying part of the produce firom
[all] the acres was not right. Anciently,

▲ppBNDix I.] COMMENTARIES OF RUNG- YANG AND KUH-LEANG. [pbolboombna.

Walking over the acres, and levying
part of the prodace.

Why is an entry made of this first
levying part of the produce of the acres
[generally] ?

To condemn it.

What was there to condemn in it?
The infcrodnction of the system of walk-
ing over the acres, and levying part of
the prodace.

What was there to condemn in the
introduction of this system? Anciently
a tithe was taken [for the State] hy the
mutual labour of the people on the pub-
lie fields.

Why did they anciently appoint this
system? \

The tax of a tenth [thus procured] is
the justest and most correct for all unider
the sky. If more than this tenth be
taken, we have great Keehs and little
Keeh& If less, we have great Mih and
little Mih. A tithe is the justest and
most correct for all under the sky.
When a tithe is the system, the sounds
of praise [everywhere] arise.*

300 paces formed a le, and a square of
that size was called the nine-squares
fields, consisting of 900 acres, of which
the public fields formed one portion. If
the yield from the private fields was not
good, the officer of agriculture was
blamed. If the yield from the public
fields was not good, the people were
blamed. [The record of J this first levy-
ing part of the produce from all the acres
blames the duke for putting away the
system of the public fields, and walking
over all the fields to take a tithe of them,
because he thereby required from the
people all their strength. Anciently,
[the people] had their dwellings in the
public fields; there were their wells and
cooking places; there they grew their
onions and soallions.'

'''«^^'wv<^^>w>^^»»/\^rv^w^w\/»>vwMw»»^

0 ^.

K^.

The third year of duke ChHng^ par. four.

On Eeah-tsze the new temple took fire, when we wailed for it
three days.

The Chuen of Kung-yang says: —
' What was the new temple?

The temple of duke Seuen.

'Why is duke Seuen*s temple called
the new temple?

68]

The Chuen of Kuh-16ang says: — ^*The
new temple was the temple of the duke's

&ther.

To wail for three days was expressive
of [great] g^rief^ but that grief was ao>
cording to the rules of propriety.

pbolboomshaO COMMENf ARIES OF KUNG-YAN'G AKD KUH-LEANO.

[Ci

[The diikej ooold not bear to say
[directly that it was hia Other's temple].

Why is it said tliat they wailed for it
three daysF

It was a rule that, when a temple was
burned, there should be a wailing; for
three days.

Why was this entry of the burning of
the new temple made?

To record tiw calamity.'

In consequence of the near relationship,
[the dnke] did not dare to call it hy hia
father's honorary tttlei-^—therohy iihow-
ing hia respect.

The lang^oage being respectful, and
the grief great, thera is no condemnation
of duke Ch'ing to be Bought here.'

The seventh year of duke Scang, par. ten.

K'wfin-hwan, earl of Ch'ing, went to the meeting; but before he
had seen the [other] princes, on Ping-seuh he died at Ts'aou.

B^a

■»««!, lift.
'0rpi8.»i&.

9sm.mr^^^.n&u
z.

The Chuen of Kung-yang says: —
'What was Te'kon?
A oity of Ching.
When a princ« died anywhere wlUiia

70]

z±.Mmu^^%

The Chneh of Koh-lteng saya: — 'As
he had not seen the [other] princea, how
is it said that he went to the meetingP

To express fhlly his purpose.

According to the rules, princes were
not named when they were alive; — why
is he BO named hereP

Because of his death.

If he is named because of his death, why
is the name placed before the stAtement
that he went to the meetingP

I.] COHHENTAKIES OF EDKO-TANG ASD EUU-LBANO. [pBOusouai.

ivra territories, th« place was oot
ioned; — why u it mentdoned here?

conceal the &ct.

conceal what &ctP

ho murdered himP
s great ofGoera,
by dowi not tiie tazt aay soP
.Q thin^ is concealed on account of
diddle States?
by so?

ben the earl of ChSng was about to
I the meeting of the Statea in Wei,
reftt officers remonBtrated with him,
ig, "The Middle States are not
h adhering to; yon had better join
Ta'oo.' When the earl objected to
oonnsel, they said, " If yon thiTilf
the Middle Statea are righteona,
[notwithstanding] invaded na when
'ere monming [for the last earl]; if
lay that they are strong, yet ibey
lot 80 strong as Ta'oo." With thia
mnrdered him.

by is he named — " the earl of Cb'ing,
in-yuenp"

o express sorrow] that having been
ided, and being on his return [to his
al], he died before he reached his
ag place.

. he did not see the [other] princes,
ia it said that be went to the meet-

' express folly bis purpose.'

To show (hat be died through going
to the meeting.

How does it show that he died through
going to the meetingp

The earl of Ch'ing was going to meet
[the princes of] the Middle States, and
hia ministers wished him to follow Ta'oo.
Not succeeding, they murdered him, and
he died.

Why ia it not mentioned that he was
murdered?

Not to allow it to appear that barbar^
ona people (i. e., the ministers who wiahed
to follow tbe barbarous Ta'oo) bad dealt
ao with a prince of tbe Middle States.

The place was outside [tbe capital]; on
the day he bad not crossed tbe borders
[of the State]; tbe day of bis death and
tbe time of bis burial [are given, as if
all] had been correct'

The twenty-fifth year, tenth par.

a the 12th month, Goh, viscount of Woo, invaded Tb'oo, and
L in an attack on one of the gates of Ch*aou.

71]

nrotBooMBK*.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNG-TANQ AND KUH-LEAKO.

ThcChoenofKnng-yangaara:— 'What

IheCboenorKDDg-yanffBa

That he entered a gate in Ch'aon and
died.

In what way had he entered a gati
Ch'aoa and died?

He bad entered a gate of Ch'aoa and
died.

Wh^ does the viscoant of Woo appear
with faia name YebP

[To show that] ha was wonnded and
died before he could retnm to the station
[of bis own troops].'

*.;*:M;S/J>&.W'&iJf-lli

The Cbnen of Znh.leaag safs: — 'In
conseqaence of being eng'Sged in an in-
Taaion of Ts'oo, be attncked one of tha
gates of Cb'soa and died.

The words "of (or, at) Ch'aoa" ehoif
tbat that place was outside Ts'oo. Hj
attacking the gates of Ch'aon, Le [wonu]
be able to] invade Ts'oo.

A prince was not named when alive.
Here the name, properly given to him
when dead, is taken and placed before his
invasion of Ts'oo, to show that it was Ja
consequence of that invasion that he died.

How does it show that it was through
hia invasion of Ts'oo that he died?

Anciently, when [the army of 3 a great
State was passing by a small city, tha
nde was that that small city ahonid num
its walls and aak what was its offence.
Yeh, the risconnt of Woo, in [proceeding
to] invade Ta'oo, came to Ch'aon, and
entered one of its gatea, when the gale-
keeper shot him, ao that he returned to
the station [of bis troops], wounded by
an arrow, and died. Although an under-
taking be of a dvil nature, there should
be at the same time military preparatioTi.
[The entry] condemns Ch'aon for not
manning its walls and asking what wu
its offence, [and also] condemna the vis-
count of Woo for his careless exposure of
himself.'

72]

.] COBCMENTAKIES OF KUNG-TANG AND KUH-LEANG. [rKOLKiiuMLXA.

The fourth year of duke Ch^aou^ parr. 3 and 4.

itumn, in the seventh month, the viscount of Ts*oo, the
les of Ts'ae and Ch'in, the baron of Heu, the viscounts of
oo, and Shin, and the Hwae tribes, invaded Woo. They
I'ing Fung of Ts'e, and put him to death.

nen of Knng-yang says: — * This

▼asion of Woo; — how is it thafc

^ph tells us of the seizure of

ag of Ts*e?

I taken off in behalf of Ts'e.

as it that he was taken off in

Ts'e?

Pong had run awaj to Woo,

had invested him with Fang.

b case why is it not said that

led Fang?

allow to the feudal princes tiie

ranting investiture.

vas the crime of K4ng Fang?

1 exercised a pressure on the

s'e, and thrown that State into

zmm.

The Chuen of Kuh-leang says: — 'Here
they mast have entered [the place, where
King Fling was] and slain [him]; — why
does the text not mention that entering?

K4ng Fang had been ^invested with

Ghong-le of Woo.

Why does it not say that they invaded
Chung-le?

Not to allow to Woo the right of
granting investiture.

Why is "Ts'e" put before "K4ng
FuDg" like a clan-name?

[To show that] he was punished in
behalf of Ts'e. King Ling sent a man
to go round the army with him, and pro-
claim, " Is there anyone like K'ing Fung
of Ts'e who mui'demi his ruler?" K4ng
Fung said to the man, '' Stop a moment ;
I also have a word to sav," With this
ho cried out, "Is there anyone, who, like
the Kung-tsze Wei of Ts^oo, murdered
the sou of his elder brother, and made

73]

rjioLKGOiCAXA] COMMENTARIES OF KUKG-TAKG AND KUH*LEANG.

[Ctt. L

himself ruler in his place?" The soldiers
all laughed and chnckled.

King Fung had mnrdered his ruler,
hut that crime is not mentioned here in
oonuexion with him, because he was not
subject to king ling, and the text would
not allow to Ts*oo [the right] to punish
him« It is a part of the righteousness of
the Ch^un Ts^ew to employ the noble to
regulate the mean, and the wortbj to
regulate the bad, but not to emploj the
disorderly to regulate disorder. Do we
not have the same sentiment in what
Confucius said, " Let a man who himself
cherishes what is wicked punish another,
and that other will die without submit-
ting to him?'

)>♦ »

f1^t^<a-,

The nineteenth year^ parr. 2 and 5.

In summer, in the fifth month, on Mow-shin, Che, heir-son of
Heu, murdered his ruler Mae. In winter, there was the burial of
duke Taou of Heu.

r^. ^ <: P m. ;g # it M.

▲ppssmix I.] COMMENTARIES OF KUNG-YANG AND KUH-LEANG- [proleoomejca.

The Chuen of Knng-yang says: — * How
do we have the bnrial recorded here,
while the ruffian [-murderer] was not yet
punished? The thing did not amount to
a murder.

How did it not amount to a murder?

Che gave [his father] medicine, and
the medicine killed hira.

In these circumstances why does the
text say that Che murdered him?

To censure Che for not folly discharg-
ing the duty of a son.

How does it censure his failure in that?

Yoh-ching Tsze-ch^n, when watching
his sick [father], would give him an
additional dish of rice, [Und watch]
eagerly whether it made him better; or
he would give him a dish less, and watch
the result eagerly. He would put on
him a garment more, or a garment less,
than usual, in the same way. Che gave
the medicine, and the medicine killed
[his father], and therefore the superior
man charged him with murdering him.

In the [former] entry that * Che, heir-
son of Heu, murdered his ruler Mae," the
euperior man allows the charge against
Cbe; in the [second] entry about the
burial of duke Taou, he pardons Che.
He pardons Che, that is, he withdraws
the charge against him.*

nmz.^Mr^m.^Mz

The Chuen of Kuh-leang says:—* The
mention of the day along with the mur-
der shows that the death was a natural
one. As it was so, Che did not murder
[his father]. Though he did not murder
him, it is said that he did; — to reprove
Che. Che said, " I am the same as a
murderer, and will not stand in my
father's place." On this he resigned the
State to his brother Hwuy, wept and
wailed, and lived on congee, without
taking a grain of rice, till in less than a
year he died. The superior man here
reproves him according as he reproved
himself.

The specification of the day of the
death and of the season of the burial
does not allow Che to lie imder the
charge of murdering his father.

When a sou is born, if he escape not
death from fire or water, it is the crime
of his mother; if he have grown up to a
boy with two tufbs of hair, and do not
go to a teacher, it is the crime of his
father; if he go to a teacher, and his
studies are desultory, and his mind do
not become intelligent, it is the crime of
himself; if he become intelligent, and the
fame of his name be not heard of, it is
the crime of his friends ; if the fame of his
name be heard of, and the officers do not
bring him into notice, it is the crime of
the officers; if the officers bring him to
notice, and the king do not employ
him, it is the fault of the king. The
heir-son of Heu did not know [his duty]
to taste the medicine [for the ruler], and
that ruler was involved [in the conse«
quences of his ignorance].

^ i^ % ¥.

75]

7C ^

M.)i,K..oWK.-.i.] COMWESTARIKS Of KUNG-VANG ASD KUH-LEANO. [ot i.

The first year of duke Ting, parr. I, 2.

In the [duke's] first year, in spring, theking'a In summer, in

the sixth month, on Mow-sliin, the duke came to the vacant seat

n^.n^^'&. ^ ,^

B.««6Pfe.

ft*.

The Chaen of Kang.ywig Bays: — 'How
is it that Ting has no first month [in his
first year]?

[The mention of] the first month ia to
adjust the [rnler's] coming to the [vacant]
seat; and Ting's having no first month is
because his coming to the [vacant] seat
was later.

How was it lftf«r?

[The ooflSn of] dnke Cli'aon was [still]
onteide [the State], ftnd whether it wonid
be allowed to enter or not was not yet
known.

How was it not yet knownp

It depended on the Head of the Ke
family.

In [the records about] Ting and Gae
there are many obscnre expressions. If
they — the rulers — bad read the text and
inquired about its explanation, they would
not have known whether they were
charged with crime or not.

As it was ou Kwei-hae that duke
[I'h'aoa's] coffin came from Kan-how,
how was it that it was Mow-shin before
[Ting] ascended the [vacant] seat?

When the coffin had been placed right
between the two pillars, then be ascended
the [vacant] seat. My master Shin-tsze
iwid, ' When the funeral rites of the

76]

ft. win -&.*«*<& m.m

^fiiftM^B.«S«epft
11l.iEi-f^B.««9Jft<6.

?iZ:kma.0n&.mzA

itmns.'k^.mz^.

t^mz'^ x^nmM.
^^.m^^z^m^^

AffS.tA^sp.fflAH.H
§Em,ffiAW1&.«AB.

MT^pUfc.iKiA^.SA

m.s.M^.mzm,iii

4PPBXS1XI0 COMMENTARIES OT KUNO.VANG AKD KUH-LEANG. [pbolboombna.

[former] mler had been settled in the
State, then [the new mler] took the
[vacant] seat

The dajr of taking that seat should not
be given; — ^how is it given here?

It is a record of what took place in
Loo itself,'

The Chuen of Kuh-leang says: — * The
text does not mention the first month,
because Ting had no first month [in his
first year] .

Why had Ting no first month?

Because duke Chaou's death was not a
proper death, and Ting's commencement
of his rule was not a proper commence-
ment. As Chaou's was not a proper
death, Ting could not have a proper
beginning. It is not said [here] that he
came to the [vacant] seat, because
[Chaou's] coffin was outside the State.

The coffin was now placed in state,
and so he took the [vacant] seat
Ting's having no first year shows that
there was something which prevented
him from having it. But the reason of
its not being said that he came to the
vacant seat when the year [in which
duke Ch'aou died] was expired, was that
[the coffin] of the former duke was [still
outside]. The notice of coming to th^
[vacant] seat was the regular way of
declaring that the State was passed from
one ruler to another. If the former did
not die a proper death, the latter oould
not have a proper beginning; and vioe
versa. The notice that duke [Ting] oame
to the [vacant] seat on Mow-shin, is an
instance of the care observed [in luoh a
matter]; — it was necessary that Ting's
accession should be thus de&iitely marked.

How is the day of the duke's aooession
given?

[To show that] it was on th^ day
Mow-shin.

It was on Kwei-hae that duke
[Ch'aou's] coffin came from Kan-how; —
how was it not tlQ Mow-shin that [Ting]
took the [vacant] seat?

The proper ceremonies in the State
must be gone through for the [£9rmer]
ruler, before that could be done. Shin-
tsze said, " When the coffin was placed
right between the two pillars, his succes-
sor took the [vacant] seat."

The great affiurs within a State were
mentioned with the day. The taking
the [vacant] seat was a great affiiir for
the ruler; — why is it [generally] given
without the day?

It was made to commence with the
year, and* not regulated by the day.

Why then is the day given here?

To give emphasis to it.

In what way does it give emphasis to
it?

To have taken the [vacant] seat when

ft]

raoLBOOMUiA.] COMMEXTASfES OF KUN'0-VAXO AND KUH-LF.AKG.

[en

the year was expired, would have l)een
hazardous; and besides there wae a potut
ot right«ousneaB in the cane. Jtefore llie
coffin [of Ids predecessor] was set in state,
a prince would not dare to show hloisclf
as ruler to the Dunisters, even thouj^h lie
had the charge of the son of Heaven.
There might be a deat-h equally in Cliovv
and in Loo. From Chow a messa^ of
condolence would be sent, but not from
Loo. In Chow they would say, " He xran
onr sabject; we may send to condole [on
bis death]." In Loo they wocld mt,
"HewaHOurmler. Was like m.r futhaV.
Wo canuot send a. great oibcer [to nlfer
our condoleBCBH]." In this way from
Chow they sent to condole, hot not from
Loo, for the time was not long removed
from Ch'ing and K'ang. Tiie king was
the most honourable; yet [the new mler
of Loo] would not dar« to leave hia
father's coffin, and go to Chow on a visit of
condolence ; how much less would he slion
himself as mler to the ministers, befora
the coffin was placed in State!

The sieik year of duke Gae, parr. 7, 8.

Yang-84ng of Ts'e entered [the capital of] that State. Cii'in
K'ah of Ts'e murdered his ruler T'oo.

«tt'<llkiLZ.mS.mir.ZM

78]

▲FPBscDix lO COMllENTABIES OF KUNG-YAK6 AND KUH-LEANG. [rsoLSOoMBKA.

Bm.nmwzmt^zm.

The Ghuen of Knng-yang says: —
' Moiderers and Betters up [of new ruleraj
are not mentioned as high ministers (i.e.,
with clan-name and name following the
name of the State); — how is such a notice
given here?

Because of [Ch4n K'eih^s] deceit.

How did he show his deceit?

Dnke King said to him, "I wish to
make Shay {i.q. Tso*8 T*oo) my successor;
what do you say to it?" He replied,
•* Whomsoever you would be pleased to see
as ruler, and wish to appoint as your
successor, I will support him ; and whom-
soever yon do not wish so to appoint, I
will not support. If your lordship wish
to appiont Shay, I beg to be allowed to
sup{H>rt him." Yang-s&ng said to Ch4n
K'eih. *' I have heard that you will not
be vrilling to raise me to the marquisate."
The minister said, ** In a State of a thous-
find chariots, if you wish to set aside the
proper heir and appoint one who is not
so, yon must kill the proper heir. My
not supporting you is the way I take to
preserve your life. Fly." And hereupon
he gave Yang.sftng a seal-token of jade,
with which he fled.

When duke King died, and Shay had
been made marquis, Ch'in K'eih had
Tang-sftng brought back, and kept him
in his house. When the mourning for

79]

The Chnen of Kuh.leang says: — *It
was Yang-sang who entered [Ts'e], and
murdered his ruler; — how is it that Ch*in
K^eih is represonted as taking the lead in
the deed?

Not to allow Yang-s&ng to be ruler
over T*oo.

Why does [the text] not allow Yang-
sflng to be ruler over T*oo?

Yang-sflng was the proper heir [of
Ts*e], and T*oo was not

If T*oo were not the proper heir, why
is he called the ruler?

Although he was not the proper heir,
he had received the appointment [fix)m
his father].

" Entered " denotes that the enterer is
not received. Since T^oo was not the
proper heir, why use that style?

As he had received the appointment,
that style might be employed.

Why is the name of the State used aa
if it were Yaug-sang's clan-name?

He took the State from T'oo.

fBOLBOOMBicA.] CUMBIEKTAKIES OF KUKG-YANO ASD KUU-LGANU.

dnke King was over, and all the great
officers were at coart, Ch^n E'eih said,
" My mother is celebrating a sacrifice with
fish and beans; I wish yaa all to come
and renovate me at it." All accepted the
invitation, and when the; were come to
bis house, and sitten down, he said " I have
some bnficoats which 1 have made; allow
me to show them to yon." To this they
assented, aikd he then made some stout
fellows bring a largpe sack into the open
court. The aiffht ot this frig'htened the
officers, and made them change coloar;
and when the sack was opened, who
should come forth from it bat the Knng-
t«ze Yang-sftng? "This," said Ofa'ia
K'eih, " is oor ruler." The officers conid
not help themselves, but one after another
twice did obeisance with their faces to
the north, and accepted pTang-sftng] as
their ruler; and from this he went and
murdered Shay.'

Tlte thirteenth year, paragraph 8.

The duke liad a meeting with the marquis of Tain and the
viscount of Woo at Hwang-ch'e.

80]

APPUDix u.] COMMENTARIES OF KUN6YANG AND KUH-LEAN6. [prolegomena.

The Chnen of Knng-yang says: — ^Whj
is [the lord of] Woo styled yisoonnt?

Because Woo took the direction of the
meeting.

If Woo took the direction of the meet-
ing, why does [the text] first mention the
marquis of Tsin?

Not to allow a barban>ns [State] to
take the direction of the Middle Statea

What is the force of ]^ before the

yisoonnt of Woo?

It serves to point ont .the meeting as
one of two presiding chiefs.

As [the text] does not allow a btfrbar-
ons [State] to take the direction of the
Middle States, why does it represent the
meeting as one of two presiding chiefs?

Because of the weight of Woo.

How had Woo so much weight? Woo
being there, the [other] princes of the
kingdom wonld not dare not to come.

The Chnen of Knh-leang says: — ' Is not
the visconnt of Woo advanoed at this
meeting in Hwang-ch'e? Here it is that
he is [styled] viscount.

Woo was a barbarian State, where
they cut their hair short and tattooed
their bodies. [Its ruler now] wished, by
means of the ceremonies of Loo and the
power of Tsin, to bring about the wearing
of both cap and garment. He contri-
buted [also] of the products of the State
to do honour to the king approved by
Heaven. Woo is here advanced.

Woo was the greatest State of the
east. Again and again it had brought
the smidl States to meet the feudal
princes, and to unite with the Middle
States. Since Woo could do this, was it
not loyal? Woo is here advanced. Eiing
is the most honourable title, and viscoont
is comparatively mean. [The ruler of
Woo, however,] declined the honourable
title, and was content with the mean one,
to meet with the other princes and do
honour to the king approved by Heaven.
Foo-ch'ae, king of Woo, used to say,
'* Bring me a good cap." Confucius said,
^ Great was Foo-ch'ae!" Foo-ch'ae could
not have told you about the caps [of diH
ferent ranks], but he wished for a cap.

APPENDIX II.

A LETTER QUESTIONING THE CONFUCIAN AUTHORSfflP
OP THE CH'UN TS'EW BT YUEN MEI OF THE PRESENT DYNASTY.

I have found the following letter in a large collection of the letters
of the writer, published first, with glosses, in 1859 by Hoo K»vang-
tow (^ -^t ^), a great admirer of them, under the title of gj" ^ yj^*
-^ihWf^^- The writer, Yuen Mei (M ^)> »^y^^ Tsze-ts'ae
(■^ Tf*) and Keen-chae (f^ ^), was a meinber of the Han-lin college,
and died in 1797, at the age of 82. The letter was written in reply
to Yeh Shoo-shan (|i#lll), also a nieinber of the Han-liti college^

81]

rnoLBooMBXA.] COXFUCtUS DID NUT MAKE THE CH*UN Tg'EW.

[Ctt I,

^M m m m,,:^ ^ ^ $n ^ m ^ & ji » it t^.

g ffff BE ft B^ a D$ 33^ ^.:g ;?> 75r ^ #.^ ^ ^

m mM mr^'^^M ^m # ^ ^ ^ t^ ^ ®
nz^mm %M m ^.z i^ u^ ^z^

««»«

* I have received your " Recondite Meanings of the Ch'nn Ts*ew," in which your
exquisite knowledge is everywhere apparent. While availing yourself of Fthe Works
of] Tan Tsoo and Chaou K^wang, you have far excelled them, and that of Hoo Gan-
ting is not worthy to be spoken of [in comparison with yours]. Bat in my poor view
I always feel that the Ch*un Ts'ew lyas 9ertainly no^ ijuid^i by Confucius.

'Confucius spoke of himself as "a transmitter and not a maker (Ana. VII. i.)."
To make the Ch^un Ts'ew was the business of the historiographers. Confucias was
not a historiographer, and [he said that] '' he who is not in a particular ofiBce has
nothing to do with plans for. the aduiiuidtration of its duties (Ana. VHI. xiv.);'* —
how should he have usurped the power of the historiographers, and in an unseemly
way made [this Work] for them?

* In the words, " It is [the Ch'un Ts*ew] which will make men know me, and
make men condemn me (Meucius, III. Pt. ii. IX. 8),'^ he appears to take the posi-
tion of an unsceptred king; but not only would the master not have been willing to
do this, but the ruler and ministers and historiographers pf Loo would not bav^
borne it.

'It is said that ''Confucius wrote what he wrote and retrenched what- he re^
trenched, so that neither Yew nor Hea were able to improve a single character (See
the quotation from Sze-ma Ts'een, on p. 14.)." Now the styhts oi Confucius ceased
its labours when the lln was taken, but the Ch*Qu Ts'ew is continued after that,

82]

AFrmDix II.] CONFUCIUS DID NOT MAKt: THE CII'UK TS'EW. [proimomrxa.

Whidi hlLppefied in [the gpring of] Gk^'b 14ih year, anci only ends with the
record of Conlaciofl* death in the 1 6th jear; — whose styhis hare we daring those
three years, and by whom was this portion of the work improved? It is clear that,
as Loo had its historio^raI)hei*s, the t)be8e^ation or the loss of the Ch'mi Ts^ew had
ikO Mime^oii ^ith Ooiifadii^.

' Ot all ike books [aboat Gdnfuaitid] there is none so trustworthy as the Analeoti.
They tell u6 that the diibje(;ts whi^ he tafight wefe the Odes, the Shoo, and the
maintenance of the mles of Propriety (Ana. YIL zvii.), and how, stimulating him-
self he said, thlit, [if his life were prolonged], he would give fifty years to the study
of the ^ih; but there is not half a char^ter iu th^m aboiit the Ch'uu Ts^<^w.

' When RwA S«U6A«td2e was (n^ A d^m^lin&entlki'y vi^it to Loo (See iibove, p. 8), b^
■aw the Yik ^Hth its diagraaii and the Ck'au Ts'evt of Loo. In the *^ Narratives of
the StaUa^*' under the State of Ts'oo, we find Shin Shuh-she, the tutor of ttie
eldest son of king Chwang, teaching him the Ch'un Ts'ew (lb.), and under the State
of T iin we have Yatig-sheh fleih celebrated for his acquaintahco with ihb ChMh
Ts'Str (tb.). 'fhilfi befdi-e CbrifUciuiS, thfe States of the fouf qudrtef^ of the kingddtii
had long had their Ch*un Ts'ew. Perhaps when Confucius returned from Wei to
Loo, in his leisure from his correcting labours on the Ya and the Sung (Ana. IX.
xiv.), he happened to read the Ch'un Ts'ew, and made some slight improvements in
it, so that we find Kung and Kuh quoting from what they call '* the unrevised
Ch^n Ts'ew.'* On this we cannot speak positively; but certainly there was no such
thing as the making of the Ch'nn Ts'ew. What is still more ridiculous. Loo T'ung
laid the three commentaries up high on his shelves, and would only look at the
text to search out the beginning and end [of the thing-s referred to*|. Rut [if we
adopt that plan], we have the entry that " the king [by] Heaven's [grace] held a
oonrt of inspection in Ho-yang (V. xxviii. 16)," which is to the effect that king Seang
of Chow held a court of inspection, without any cause, at a spot so far — a thousand
le — [from his capital]. Then again, dukes Yin and Hwan were both murdered, and
the text simply says that they died. In this way the upright afylus of the sage turns
out not to be equal to that of Tung Hoo of Tsin, or to Ts^e's historiogrlipher of the
South. What is there [in^the Ch'un Ts^ew] to serve as a warning to make rebellious
ministers and villainous sons afraid?'

Having arrived at ray own conclusions about the Ch'un Ts^ew
before I met with Yuen Mei's letter, I was astonished and gratified
to find such a general agreement between his views and mine. He
puts on one side with remarkable boldness the testimony of Mencius,
on which I have dwelt in the first section as presenting the
greatest difficulty in the way of our accepting the Ch'un Ts*ew as
the work of the sage. He would fiin deny, as I have said I should
be glad to do, that Confucius had anything to do Avith compiling
the chronicle; but the evidence is too strong on the opposite side,
and his supposition, that Confucius, without any great purpose,
made some slight improvements in the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo towards
the end of his life, does not satisfy the exigencies of the case. He
has the same opinion that I have of the serious defects of the Work,

PROLEOOMEMA.] CONFUCIUS DID NOT MAKE THE CH'UN TS'EW. [ch. i.

and on that account he would deny any authorship of Confucius in
connexion with it; while I have ventured to reason on those defects
as symptomatic of defects in the character of the compiler.

While not scrupling to brush away traditions with a bold hand,
Yuen yet mentions one which served his purpose, — that Confucius
ceased his labours on the Ch^un Ts'ew when the Un was taken in the
14th year of duke Gae. Some say that it was the appearance of
the Un which induced Confucius to set about the compilation of
the classic as a lasting memorial of himself. Others say that the
appearance of the Un was to signalize the conclusion of the sage's
Work, but how long he had been engaged upon it previously they
do not pretend to say. Nothing really is known upon the subject;
and the silence of the Analects in regard to it, to which Yuen calls
attention, is really note-worthy.

84]

8BCT. I.] THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH*UN TS*EW. [pkolbqombka.

CHAPTER IL

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH'UN TS*EW.—

WITH TABLES OF 80LAB ECLIPSES ; OF THE TEAB8 AND LUNAR MONTHS OF THE WHOLE

PERIOD; AND OF THE KINGS, AND THE PRINCES OF THE PRINCIPAL FIEFS,

FROM THE COMMENCEMENT TO THE CLOSE OF THE CHOW DYNASTY.

SECTION I.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE TEXT.

1. I have 6b8erved on p. 10 that natural phaenomena, supposed
to affect the general well-being of the State, formed one class of the
things recorded in the Ch*un Ts'ew. Of this nature were eclipses
of the sun, included by Maou K*e-ling, in the note on pp. 11, 12,
among the ^^ calamities and ominous occurrences," that are the 18th
of the divisions under which he arranges all the subjects of these
Chronicles. It must not be supposed that these eclipses were re-
corded with a view to the accumulation of astronomical facts for
any scientific purpose ; — the whole doctrine of the ancient Chinese
concerning them was that given in the 9th ode of Book IV., Part IL
of the She, made on occasion of an eclipse before the Ch^un Tb%w
period, and which gives us the first certain date in ancient Chinese
history.

" The sun was eclipsed,
A thing of very evil omen.
For the moon to be eclipsed
Is but an ordinary matter;
Now that the sun has been eclipsed,-^
How bad it is!"

But whatever was the motive for recording the eclipses, they are

TTie ecuptes lecorded in the Gh'ttn) o^ ^^^ utmost valuc for determining the
Ts«ifr determine ito chronology, f chronology of the time Comprised in our

Classic. It contains altogether the entries of thirty-six eclipses, the
table of which given by Mr. Chalmers at the conclusion of his article
on the " Astronony of the ancient Chinese,'' in the prolegomena to
my third volume, with his own calculation of the times of their
occurrence, I reproduce here with some slight variations.

85]

€«> It.]

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH'UN TS*EW.

[PROLROOHKKA.

SOLAR ECLIPSES RECORDED IN THE CH'UN TS*EW.

AS RECORDED IN THE TEXT.

No.

Duke* 9 toe. title.

Ytait of Bxklt,

Year of CycU%

Afoofi.

Dmf of Cycte,

VII.

29 MaL

II.

» »>

III.

HI.

IV.

)* M

VI.

»» H

XII.

VI.

»» l>

IX.

VII.

5
12

8
10

IX.
111.

VIU.
IX.

» t>

1
15

82
46

n.
ti.

60
88

XI.
XII.

8
10

57
59

VII.
IV. '

1 tote/.
5d

XlII.
XIV.

It }>

XV.

>f ft

16
17

28
24

VL
XII.

8
54

xvr.

XVlt.

89
40

It
VITT.

xvm.

XIX.

»» M

XX.

>» M

IX.

XXT.

»/ »>

xxn.

W »>

xxnr.

>» »»

VIL

^p ^VFWvvfl

XXTV.

» »

VIU.

XXV.

t» n

xn.

XXVI.

IV.

XXVII.

It >»

XXVIII.

»» »>

VI.

XXIX.

'* "

vn.

t«

XXX.

M n

XOL

XXXI.

n n

XXXII*

w n

XXXUL

XI.

! d

XXXIV.
XXXV.

II w

VIU.

XXXVI.

-%^

\ XXX.VIL

86]

fiJCT. I.]

TABl^ OF SOLAR ECUPBES.

[pRQI^BOOmarA*

SOLAR ECLIPSBS RECORDED IN THE CH*UN TS'EW.

BY CALCULATION.

VfiXr.

—719

—684
-^675
—668
—667
—663
— 6o4
—647
—644
—626
—611
—600
—698
—691
—674
-678
—668

— U:>7

—652
—661
—561

— 660

—548

— r.48

-645
— 5:i4

— i>*Jii

-634
—520
—619
-617
^610
—504
—497
—494

Aion{h 4r dq^' Neiq sfjfle.

February , ,14

Ju\y ,... 8

October........,,, ,^ 8

April , „. 9

Ma/ 18

NoTember , 9

AQgu«t ,2 1

August 11

MHrch 29

January 28

January ,26

April ^.20

September 12

February 26

October 6

May „. 1

October 17

January 8

May 23

August 26

August 13

September

December 80

June 12

July

October 7

March \l

April 10

August 14

June 8

November 18

April 1

NoYcmber 7

February 10

September 16

Ckiuege ifo^a.

Julv

.15

VUL

Y.
VL

IX,

IX.

III.

IIL

IV.

XI.

II.

VI. Intereal.

IX. '

II.

VIL

VIIL

XI.

IV.

IX.

VIL

XIL

in.

VIII.

A»y of Cycle,

6
29

7
49

8
60

7
46

7
21
60
88

1
68

3
64
8i
64
63
47

10
1

12
41
64
10
19
10
32
48
48
3
17

—480

Visible «t sunrisd.
Total about 8h. m.
Visible— Afternooo.

Saoset.

Morning.

Afternoon.

AfternoQQ.

Afternoon.
Not visible*
Visible at Noon.

Sunrise.
Total 8h. 8Um. p.m.
Visible at $nnrisQ.
Not vigible.
Visible at Noon.

Morning.

Noon.
Scarcely visible at Sunrise.

Noon.

Nooa.
No Eclipse,
Visible at Sunrise.
Total about Ih. 16m P.M.
No Eclipse.
Visible in the Morning.

Forenoon.

Afternoon.

Forenoon.

Afternoon.

Sunrise.

Forenoon.

Xoon.

Forenoon.

87]

— «

I
rBOLROOHENA.] CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH*UN TSEW. [ch. if.

2. In the table in the prolegomena to vol. III. Mr. Chalmers has
referred these eclipses in the Ch'un Tsew to the emperors, or kings
rather, of Chow in whose reigns they occurred; as we have to do
here only with the period of the Ch'un Ts'ew, I have substituted for
the titles of the kings tliose of the marquises of Loo, in connexion
with whom the eclipses are mentioned in the text of the Classic. At
his request also I have given the years in his calculation as -719,-
708, (fee, instead of B.C. 719, 708, &c., as being in accordance
with the usage of astronomers.^ His calculation of the month and
day, according to new style, remains unchanged, because it makes
the comparison of the Chinese moons with our own, in relation to
the solstices, plainer and easier for general readers. I have also
introduced a 37th eclipse, which is recorded, in the brief supplement
to the Classic, in the 4th paragraph after the text proper terminates.

Comparing now the times of the 36 eclipses as recorded and
Resuk. of the comparuon of the) calculated, ^^ wiU be Seen, /r^ that two
ecHpsee as recorded and calculated.! of ^hem are entirely erroncous, and could
not have taken place at all. Two eclipses are given as having occurred
in the 2l8t and 24th years of duke Seang, corresponding to — 551
and — 548, on successive months; — a thing physically impossible.
On p. 491 of this volume I have given the remark of a scholar of
the T*ang dynasty that such a thing perhapsdid occur in ancient timesi
No reasonable account of the twice repeated error has ever been
given. Possibly two eclipses did occur some time during the Ch'un
Ts'ew period on the months and da3's mentioned, but in other years;
and the tablets of them got misplaced, and appear where they now do.
In the mean time the records must be regarded as entirely erroneous.*

1 Mr. Chalmers has sent me the following extract of a letter from Professor Airy — ^now Sir. G.B.
Airv — ^the Astronomer Royal, with whom he corresponded through a friend some years ago on the
subject of these ancient Chinese eclipses: — * The year [of the eclipse in the She-king] may be
expressed in either of these forms: —

— 775 for Astronomical purposes;
B.C. 776 for Chronological purposes.'

2 The three early commentaries do not touch on this error. Their writers, no doubt, were rioC
aware that there was any error. In the note appended to the article on ' The Antiquity of the
Chinese proved by Mouments,' in the 2d volume of the * Memoires concemant les Chinois/ the
texts of these eclipses are given and translated without any intimation of their being wrong. In
the article, however, p. 98, the writer says on the eclipses in the ChHin Ts'ew: — **Si, dans la
multitude, il s'en trouve quelques-unes (comme il s'en trouve en effet), qui n' aient pu avoir eu
lieu, disons alors que, comme la coutume a toujours et^ que les Calculateurs Assent p^rt du
T^sultat de leurs Calculs, plusieurs jours avant oh devant arriver Teclypse, afln qu'on dispos&t tout
pour les ceremonies qui sepratiquoient dansces sortes d'occasions, il est arriv^ que les Astronomcs,
faute de Ijonnes Tables, ayant pr^dit une fausse eclipse, dont Tannonce a et^ livr^e aus Historio-
graphes, cvux-ci en ont tenu registre de la mc^me maniere que si elle avoit et^ vraie; soit qu*ils la
crnssent telic, parce qu' un ciel obscur et charged de nuages avoit enip^he d'observer; soit que,
par negligence, ou par un simple oubli, lis eussent manqu^ k la raver du catalogue des ev^ne-
mens.' The explanation here suggested is specially inapplicable to the two eclipses under notice.

88]

SBCt. I.] EUBORS IN THE DAT£S OF SOME ECLIPSES. [prolbq6mkna.

It will be seen, secondly^ that two more of the eclipses are somehow
given incorrectly. The 10th is recorded as happening in the 1st
month of the 15th year of duke He, corresponding to -644. As
proved by calculation, there was an eclipse in the 3d Chinese moon
of that year, but it was not visible in Loo, This error, like the two
former ones, must be left unexplained. The 15th eclipse appears
as having occurred in the 17th year of duke Seuen, corresponding
to -591, in the 6th month, on the cycle day Kwei-maou. But there
was then no eclipse. Chinese astronomers discovered this error in the
time of the eastern Tsin dynasty; but they have found no way of
accounting for it. They have called attent'on, indeed, to the fact
that an eclipse was possible on the 1st day of the fifth month;
but that would be- visible only in the southern hemisphere.
It occurred to Mr. Chalmers, however, to try the Tjth year of
duke Seuen, and he found that that year, in the 6th month, on
Kwei-maou, which was then the day of the new moon, there was
an eclipse visible in Loo. No doubt, this was the eclipse intended
in the text, inaccurately arranged under the 17th year instead
of the 7th. This happy rectification of one error shows in what
direction the rectification of the other errors is to be sought.

It will be seen, thirdly^ that of the remaining 32 eclipses, the years,
months, and cycle-days of 18, as determined by calculation, agree
with those which are given in the text, whil^ of the other 14 the
years and cycle-days agree, and the months^ are different, generally
by one month or two, and in two cases by three months. The dif-
ference of the months, however, gives confirmation to the truthfulness
of the text, showing, indeed, that it is not absolutely correct, but
proving, to my mind, that the historiographers entered the eclipses in
the current months of the years when they were observed. In order to
make those current months agree with the true months it would have
been necessary that the process of intercalation should be regularly
and scientifically observed. But it was not so observed in the time of
the Ch*un Ts'ew. In proof of this I need only refer the reader, to
what Mr. Chalmers has said on the subject in the prolegomena to
vol. III. p. 99, and to his valuable table of the years and months of
the Ch'un Ts'ew, which concludes this section. There was not room
for the same error with the cycle-days. No science was required in
their application. Each successive day had its name determined by
the successive terms of the cycle; and, when these were exliausted,
the historiographers had only to begin again. Whether the months

89]

ruoLBooMWA.] CHBONOLOGY OF THE CH'UN CH*EW. [cH. n.

were long or short, and whether the year contained an intercalary
month or not, the cyclical names of the days were sure to be given
correctly. All that was necessary was not to let any day go by
unmarked. Those 14 eclipses,^ correct as to the years and cycle*
days of their occurrence, and incorrect, only in the months to which
they are referred, from an assignable cause, are to be accepted with
as little hesitation as the 1 8 in regard to the date of which the record
and the calculation entirely agree. The errors in them are of such
a character as to show that the text was not constructed subsequently,
but was made by the historiographers of Loo, in the exercbe of their
duties, along the whole course of the period.

3. It is hardly necessary to point out how the long list of
eclipses thus verified determines the chronology of the Ch*un Ts'ew
period. The first eclipse occurred in the 3d year of duke Yin, in

Th« chronology ig determined) -719, and therefore we know that the period
by the eclipses ;-a« in par. 1. | commenced in -721. The last eclipse oc.

curred in the last year of duke Ting, in -494, from which we have
only to subtract 14 years of duke Gae's rule to get the last year of
the period; and indeed in the supplementary text we have an eclipse
occurring in Gae^s 14th year, or in -480.

I have called attention in the preceding paragraph to the fact of
the cycle-days being always given correctly for the eclipses. So
they generally are for other events; but sometimes they are given
wrong, — as will be seen by comparing the subjoined table with the
text, the days which could not be verified being omitted in the
table. The errors of this kind, which are on the whole wonderfully
few, are for the most part pointed out in the notes, according to
the calculations of Too Yu, who says that there must be an error of
the month or of the day. In some cases there may be a corruption
of the cyclical names through carelessness of transcribers, wliich
would give an error of the day; more frequently, I believe, the
month is wrongly given, through the same irregularity of interca-
lation which has made the months given for the eclipses differ
from the true months as ascertained by calculation.

4. I take this opportunity to touch on another subject which has

ofteu perplexed students of ancient Chinese history, — the different

commencements of the year in the three great ancient dynasties of

The different commencements of the I Hea, Shang, and Chow. According to

year in the three ancient dynasties. ^^^j representations of the Scholars of

3 Of the third and fourth of those eclipses the text does not give the cyclical days ; bat I have
not thought it worth while to call attention to this in my text.

90]

net. X.] THE DIFFERENT COMMENCEMENTS OF THE TEAR. [PROuraoMBitA.

the Han and all subsequent dynasties, the beginning of the year was
changed, to signalize the new dynasty, by an exercise of the royal
prerogative. Indeed, the phrase ^san ching^'^ occurring in the Shoo,
III. ii. 8, has been interpreted as meaning the 'three commencements
of the year;' in which case it would be necessary to suppose that
even before the Hea d3aiasty the year had begun at diflferent dates
and in different months. But if I were translating the Shoo-king
afresh, I should feel compelled to cast about for another meaning
for the phrase in that passage. In point of fact the Ch'un Ts'ew
seems to show that the new commencement arose from the necessity
of error which there was not sufficient science to correct. The
year of the Hea dynasty began originally with the first month
of spring. By the end of that dynasty, through the neglect of
the intercalation, it commenced, I suppose, a month earlier, and
hence the sovereigns of Shang made that the beginning of their
year. But during their tenure of the kingdom, the same process
of error took place, and the year, I suppose again, had come
to approximate to the time of the winter solstice when the kings of
Chow superseded them. They adopted the retrogression, and made
it their theory that the year should begin with the new moon pre-
ceding the winter solstice, i.e., between our November 22 and
December 22. But their astronomers and historiographers had
not knowledge enough to keep it there. An inspection of Mr.
Chalmers' table following this paragraph shows a very marked
tendency, increasing as time went on, to make the year begin in
the month before the new moon preceding the winter solstice.
Previous to the time of duke He, many of the years begin in the
commencing month of the Shang dynasty; but subsequently,
the 30th, 32d, and 33d years of duke He, the 18th year of
WJtn, the 3d, 4th, and 6th of Seuen, the 1st, 4th, 7th, 10th and
12th of Ch'ing, the 16th, 19th, 2l8t, and 27th of Seang, the 1st,
4th, 15th, 20th, and 28th of Ch'aou, and the 2d, 7th, and 10th of
Ting, all began in the month before the proper commence-
ment of the Chow year. This was, no doubt, the ordinary
commencement of the year when the dynasty of Ts'in superseded
that of Chow, and so its emperor declared that the year should
then begin; — ^three months before the period of Hea, embracing a
whole season, so that what was called its spring was actually the
winter of the year, and the names of all the seasons were wrongly

91]

mtOLBooxBVA.] CHBONOLOGT OF THE CH'UK TS EW. [ch n.

applied. Thus each of the four dynasties which ran out their course
before our Christian era had its diflTerent commencement of the year.
Chinese writers, however, generally speak only of Hhree correct
beginnings,' being unwilling to allow the dynasty of Ts^in to rank
with those of Hea» Shang, and Chow.

As has been pointed out in the ^Astronomy of the ancient Chinese'
by Mr. Chalmers, after the establishment of the Han dynasty, the
Chinese endeavoured to open communications with the west; and
from India they must have recjived great additions to their astro-
nomical knowledge. Their scholars became able to make a reformation
of the calendar; and adopting the maxim of Confucius, that the
seasons of Hea should be followed, they determined and arranged
that the year should thenceforth commence with the beginning of
spring, as it has since, with more or less of correctness, done.

The above observations show that of the four * correct beginnings
of the year,' (including that of Ts4n), one only was correct, and the
proper nomenclature regarding them would be ^one correct and
three erroneous beginnings.' They should also end the partial and
bigoted pretensions of Chinese writers, when they talk of the universal
knowledge of their ancient worthies, and £he more culpable partiality
and bigotry of some Sinologues who try to bear out their assertions.

5. In the. following table the intercalary months are indicated
by a line. The principal guide in determining them has been the
cycle-days given in connexion with many of the events referred to.
According to the theory of the Chinese year, as explained in vol
III., p. 22, there ought to be 7 intercalary months in every 19 years.
It will be seen that during the Ch'un Ts*ew period these months
were introduced very irregularly.

The small figures denote the cyclical numbers of the days men-
tioned in the text, so far as they can be verified, A small capital (b)
indicates an eclipse. The most important thing to be observed in
the table is the changing position of the first month, sometimes
preceding, sometimes following, the winter solstice, without any
apparent rule.

"- —iri^<r\^ii90w^n0-\j-\t\rtf-^i~\r*r>^tt~kf^~y~ti~>

92]

MCT. 1.] TABLE OF THE YEARS AND MONTHS. [pbolbooxmxa.

Cfchcai

of LUNAR MONTHS ACCORDING TO COXFUCIUS. Ybaus.

ShoritMt
Day. The smaU figwru art ike Cyclical mimber$ of days mentioned in the Bietory. —

60 I n III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI xii , 721

6 1 ... . VIII .XII 52 , 720

10 I 116b m 47 rV 28 . . VIII 17 . . XII 20 ,

16 I II

21 I Xn 18 ,

26 I . . . V68

81 I . i 716

37 I III 27 . . VI 86 VII 7 . IX 28 . , .

42 I . mio ,

47 I n 50 . . . VI . IX 16 X . . ,

62 I VII 19 . . XI 29 . ,

68 I . IV44 , 710

31 . . IV45 ,

8 1 VII29B ,

13 I ,

19126 ,

24 I VIII 19 IX 4 . . . , 705

29in86 ,

34 116 . . V14 ,

89 I ,

46167 Xn48

601. .V20. .IX. . . ,700

65 I . . . VI89VII24Vm . XI 28 XH 44

€0. I n

6 1 Vni9 . XII54 ,

II I . in82rv6 .VI —

f
»

16 I ,696

21 1 58 n . . V 48 VI 14 . VIH 30 . X7b .

27 1 IV 18 V 84 xn 26 ,

132 X 12 . ,

37 I xn 22 , ^

42 I > 690

48 I • . . . VI2 ,

68 I .

681 .. .

18..IV28 ,

9 1 81 XI 20 . , 685

19 I

241

80 I , ,

861 , 680

401

46 I

61 I

661 ,

II. IV 49b. VI 64 ,676

61. ... »......,

112 ,

17 I y68. vn86. ,

221 60 Vn 88 ,

127 xn 51 , 670

32 I Vm 14 . . ,

381 V 60 VI8B ,

•

• • •

VII34 Vin 67.

•

•
•

• •

. 16 V

• 16 • . . • •

•

-•

•

...

. •
...

vin8i.

• \ • • • • •

•

•
•

•

» ■

•

. •

...
IV 49b .

.....

VI 64

•

•
•
• •

•

•
•

• •

• ■ •

•
•

»
f

prolboomexaO chronology OF THE CH»UN TS'EW. [ch. il

1*8 XIIGOb ,

AH T

153 III 61 IV44 ^ 665

69 I ' . . . . ,

4 1 Vni60IX7K.

I» . , ,

1* I VII30VIII60. X56.

201 VI 68 , 660

1*^5 . . . V22 . .VIII 38 . . . ,

80 I VII 6 . X 19 . XII54,

36. I . . . V18

. *1 1 , ^^

^ !• ■•• •••••.•., 653

161 IX46B . . ,

166 ,

17 XII 44, '

I 12 . in 14 . . . VII 22 . IX 5 . . , 650

171

123 ,

28 1 . . IV7b XII 14 ,

138 ^

88 I . , Vlli 28 .... , 645

44 I 1121b IX 16 XI 59 . , ^

46149 . ms IV33 . , VH 1

164 • . XII 12 ,

691 . . . V 15 . .24 Vm . . . . ,

16 . . . . VI 46 , 640

161 XII 50 ,

120 Vin 44 . . XI 6 .

I 26 . . • V 27 ,

131 , 636

136 48. UI IVIO. . . . . XII 60 ,

41 I 66

146 . . VI 27 . Vni 32 . . XII 11 ,

I 62 . ra 43 IV 6 V 50 . . . . . 9 .

I 67 , 630

I .2 rX 31 . . . ,

I 13. . IV 26. XII 16 ,

I . 18 . IV 18 . * . . . Xn 42 ,

I 23. ra60BlV64 X 44 . , 626

128 U 1 III 42. . . VIII 4 . . . ,

I 34 . . . XII 6 ,

391 • • • .... XI 39 . I

144 . m 48 X 21 . . ,

I 49 vm 12 . . . , 620

661 . in 11 IV 25 ,

160 VIII 46 . X 19 . ,

I 611 88. 1X10. . ,

no . . m 28 ,

I 16 . ..... • < X 31 . ) 615

I 21II37 • XII 65,

I 26 . V 19 26 xn ,

I 31 . , 12 V VI 10 . . IX 21 . ,

I 87. VI38b . « . . . , ,

142 . . VI 6 . Vni8 . . . . , 610

94]

r. 1.J TABLE OF THE YEARS AND MONTHS. [raoLBOOMBifA.

I 47 . IV 60 . VI 20 ,

I . 62 14 . . V 86 VI 10 ,

I498n 1X2 X12 . . ,

X • lo • • V X £m • • • • • f

I 18 ,

* • 2 » • •••• ••••• """^"^^^1

I 34 . . . VI 18. X1e26. . , 800

I 89 . . . . . . 58 IX X 10 . ,

I 45. . IV53KV80 ,

I 55 . . 52 VI XII 15 ,

X 60. ..*.•••. ) 595

AO. aVV. • « . ■ }

XX&» ■ * .YX «v • • • • • ^"^^""^"""f

161 ,

121 . . VI56 . . . . XI8k19. ,

I 27 . . VII 11 . X59 . . , 590

I 32 68 . ,

137 . . IV 28. VI10V1I46V1II19. XI 83 . ,

I 4248II1 XI 48 . ,

I .48 9 III IV 61 ,

153 XI 46X1126 , 585

I 58 II 18 . IV . VI 19 ,

1.8. . • . VIII 5 . . . . f

19 X40 . . ,

I 14 VIII3. . XI 67. ,

I .19 . . V43VI , 580

X 24 • 111 2o •••••* •••I

I 35 ,

1 40. . . VlII . X 27 . . ,

1 45 . Ill 42 - VIII 17 V I •76

I 51 . . IV 8 . VI3B . . X 12 . XII 2 ,

I 56. . . VI 22. . 1X88 .. 9X1 X1I54k ,

1157 VIII 26. . XII 44,

16. . . • • IX 58 • . ■ ■»

111 . V27 VI VII26 ,570

I 17 . IV 50. VI 56 ,

I 2J. 46 III . . . VII25Vm48. . . . >

1 3~ • 11119. . . . * . • . ,

I 38 X59 . XII 28 , 565

143 ,

I 48 . V58 . Vin20. . 86X11 ,

X 5« • • V 81 •.••••• y

159 ... VII 56 . . • . . ,

14. . . .» . • • • • 660

19 .... ... x2L 17 . • • f

I 14 II32B . IV56 . . '. . . . ,

1 20II36 . . Vn54B. XI 60.

I . 25 III 15 . V 60 ,

I 30 II 7 , 555

1 . 41 . V1I28 VIII58. . . . ,

I 4648. . VI 57 . X53b . ,

I .51 ..... . IX47B.B • • » .

y-5]

PROLBOOMERA.] CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH*UN TS'EW. fcH. il

156 VII58 , 550

I 2niOBlII6 .... Vmi6 . X12 . ,

Xt • ■ • • • T XJLlB . B . • 9

1 12 . . V12 VI49 . 6Vni . . . . ,

I 171128 ..... Vmi9 . . . . ,

I .28 . . VII . 18 . . . XII12B , 545

I 28 XU61,

Xoo • . Vol. . • . • • • f

I 44 . VI 18 . . IX 30 X 10 . . ,

I .49 . . VI 64 . . ^XI46 . , 540

I 64 ,

14459

I . 4 . VI 43 XII52 ,

I 10 . . . . . VII 6 . . . ,

I 15. in . VI23 . . . . . , 685

120 IV41B . VIII 6 . XI 20 XII 60 ,

I 26 . . IV 38 X 19 . ,

181 67 II ,

16 VII 26. . .XIII,

I 41. IV64V21. 1X36. XI 84 . , 3M

146 . m 9. , . ,

I 62 . . Vm 11

X Of. •.•.•«af,,.

I II210 . VI64B. . . . . ,

17 VIII36 . . . . , 625

I 13 . , . . . IX 4 XIOe . ,

X let . . .V Itf ....•.•,

X *o. • .VO. ■ • . . • • I

I . 28 VIII48 . . XI 28. ,

I 34 VII19bVIII12 . . . . , 620

I 39. . IV 2 XUIOb,

14450 VnS VIII32. . . . ,

I 49II 23 . V32b . . VUI . 34 . . . ,

I 65 . . . VII . 1X36 X56 XI36 . ,

I 60 IX 57 . . . , 615

I .10 JV23 . . VII30

I 16 • . 1 V 37 ......••)

I 21. ^ . VI 17 • ,

126 . IV 54. . • XII48B , 510

I 31 XII 56 ,

I 37. . . VI60 VII30 ,

I 47 II 28 ,

I 52II . 30 IV 17 XI 7 . ,505

1 67 . 11148b . . VI33 V1I49

I 603 ,

XlO* • • m ~ \ Xa O • • • • • I

1 18. . IV 46 , 500

I .24 .... ■ ......

I 34. . . . X60XI3B . ,

139 >

I 45 II18 , ^'^

150 lias . V48 . VI19 Vim 7e 1X54 ,

X oo • XV Xo •*.••■••,

I «oii80 . IV13 . . vmii .... ,

9G]

»BCT. 1.] DATES IN THE TSO CHUEN. [pbolbgomena.

16 IV31V28 . Vni3 . X40
I 11 n 47 . VI38 . VIII51 .... 490

I 16 IXIO . .

)

121 VII 27 ...

I 27 Vni46. ...

132 XII60 ,

I 37 n , 485

I 42. ni35.

148 . . VU . VII 68 .

I 63 . . Vil

1 &S . . . . . . , .

13 . . IV47V57 . VUI38 . ,480

T <)

**'• • • • • • . . • . . ,

I U. . IV 26 478

SECTION II.

THE DATES IN THE TSO CHUEN.

1. The chronology of the Ch'un Ts'ew period, as it appears in

the Tso Chuen, is the same as that which appears in the text; but

the dates of many events mentioned in both diflfer by one or two

The dates of cTent. in the Tw Chuen) ^nonths; and where those dates are at

often differ from the dates in the text. I ^^le end or beginning of a year, the

years to which they are assigned will also diflfer. This circum-
stance has wonderfully exercised the ingenuity of the Chinese
critics; but a sufficient solution of. the want of correspondence is
found, in much the greater number of cases, in the fact that the
feudal States were by no means agreed in using the commencement
of the year prescribed by the dynasty of Chow. I have shown, in
par. 4 of last section, that the Shang and Chow dynasties adopted
each a diflferent month for the beginning of the year from that
employed by the dynasty of Hea, not by arbitrary exercise of
sovereignty to signalize their possession of the kingdom, but in
consequence of the dborder into which the months of the year
had fallen through the neglect or irregularity of intercalation. The
peculiarity now under notice further shows the feebleness of the sway
exercised by the kings of Chow over the feudal States, for several
of those ruled by chiefs of the Chow surname yet co ntinued to hold
to the Hea beginning of the year.

For example, in the narrative introduced by Tso after I. iii. 3,
we are told that Ch'ing sent plundering expeditions into the royal

97]

puoLBOOMENA.] . CHRONOLOGY OF THE CHUN TS*EW. [ch. n.

domain, which ' in the 4th month carried off the wheat of WSn, and
in the autumn the rice of Ch'ing-chow;' meaning evidently the 4th
month and the autumn of the Hea year.

Again, in V. v. 1, we are told that ' in spring, the marqub of Tsia
put to death his heir-son Shin-s&ng,' whereas, according to the
Chuen, the deed was done in the 12th month of the preceding year.
In V. X. 3, Le K'ih of Tsin murders his ruler in the first month of
the year, whereas, according to the Chuen, he did so in the 11th
month of the previous year. In V. xv. 13, a battle was fought
between Tsin and Ts'in in the 11th month, while in the Chuen it
takes place in the 9th. Tain evidently regulated its months after
the Hea calendar.

In Ts'e, whose princes were of the surname Keang, it would
appear that the year continued to commence with the natural
spring, for in VI. xiv. 9 the murder of Shay, marquis of Ts'e,
appears as taking place in the 9th month, whereas the Chuen gives
it in the 7th.

In Sung, where the descendants of the kings of Shang held sway,
they naturally fdllowed the calendar of Shang. Thus in I. vi. 4, an
army of Sung appears as taking Ch'ang-koh in winter, while Tso
says it did so in the autumn. And in the Shoo, V. viii., containing
the charge to the viscount of Wei on his appointment to be the first
duke of Sung, it would appear from par. 1 that authority is given
to him to use all the institutions of his ancestors.

This varying commencement of the year among the feudal States
of Chow may be substantiated from other sources besides the Ch'un'
Ts*ew and the Tso Chuen.^ It not only shows, as I have said, the
feebleness of the dynasty of Chow; but it affords a strong confirma-
tion of the genuineness of Tso's narratives. Had they been con-
structed to illustrate the text, or even been introduced as subsidiary
to it without being occupied with events referred to in it, the com-
piler would have been careful to avoid such a discrepancy of dates.
As Lew Yuen-foo of the Sung dynasty observed, 'The months and
days in Tso-she often differ from those in the text of the classic,
because he copied indiscriminately from the tablets of the historio-
graphers of the different States, which used the three different
commencements of the year without any fixed rule.'^

1 See in the Work of Chaou Yih, Bk. II., his appendix to the section headed ^|^ ^\ ^^ ^E'

98]

SECT. II.] ERRORS IN SOME OF THE DATES OF TSO. [prolboomexa.

2. What I have said in the above paragraph goes strongly to
support the genuineness of Tso's narratives. There are some other
dateSy however, in his commentary to which ray attention has been
called by Mr. Chalmers, and which would seem to show that they
were introduced at a later period; some of them perhaps in the Han
dynasty. Tso gives the day of the winter solstice in two years; — ^the
5th of duke He, and the 20th of duke Ch'aou. In the former case,
B.C. 654, he says that the day Sin-hae (the 48th cyclical number) was
the day of the winter solstice, and the first day of the first month ;
but this is an error of one day in regard to the new moon, and of
three days in regard to the solstice, which fell that year on Keah-yin
(the 51st cyclical number). In the latter case, B.C. 521, he says
that the solstice fell on the day Ke-ch'ow (the 26th cyclical number),
whereas it- fell on Sin-maou, two days later, and the day of new
moon was also one day later. 'Here,' says Mr. Chalmers, 'the far-
ther back the greater the error, so that the date and the method
could not have been handed down from any previous time. If a
year had been sought in duke He's time, when the new moon and
solstice coincided, 646 would have been right ; and 665 (646-f-19V
or 627 (646-19) would also have been the proper commencement
of a cycle of 19 years, which might have been repeated down to the
end of the Ch'un Ts*ew period without much error. The error
accumulates in reckoning onwards of course as well as in reckoning
back, so that by the time of the Han dynasty the cycle would have
to be shifted on to another set of years. But the text of the Chuen,
and the commentary which you give under the 20th year of duke
Ch*aou, were evidently written from a Han point of view. Twenty-
two cycles of 19 years are reckoned back from the time of the
emperor Woo,— say B.C. 103 (103-|-19X22=521), and it is affirmed
that in 521 the solstice coincided with the new moon because it
did so in 103. But it did not do so, nor did the new moon then
fall on the day assigned to it. That a writer near the time of Con-
fucius should give wrong dates is very likely; but that they should
be sysiemoHccdly wrong, so as to agree with an imperfect method of
calculation adopted some centuries later, and founded on observations
then made — about B.C. 103 — of the actual position of the sun and
moon, is so improbable that I cannot believe it. The Metonic cycle
cannot be repeated twenty-two times without incurring an error of

two or three days.'

Again, on IX. xxviii. 1, and in some other passages, Tso mentions

the place of the year-star or Jupiter, and Mr. Chalmers contends

99]

PROLSOOMEMA.] CHRONOLOGY OF THE CHTN TS'EW. [ch. h.

that they were all interpolated at a subsequent date. On the
case in IX. xxviii. 1, he observes: — *The position of the planet
Jupiter was observed in the year B.C. 103, and recorded correctly
by Sze-ma Ts'een, in Sing-he (Sagittarius-Capricorn) ; and he thought,
as the writer of the notices in the Tso Chuen evidently did likewise,
that Jupiter's period was exactly 12 years. But if this had been
the case, Jupiter should not have been in Smg-ke in the 28tfa year
of duke Seang, B.C. 544, because the intervening time of 441 years is
not divisible by 12. Moreover, Jupiter was not really in Sing4ce in
B.C. 544, but he would be there in 542, two years later. How then
did the writer of the Chuen say that Jupiter was in >Sin^-A:;^, or ought
to have been there, but ^^ had licentiously advanced into Heuen-heaau
(Capricorn- Aquarius)?" Probably because such was the course of the
planet, and such the Chinese manner of viewing it 240 (12X^)
years later, — say in B.C. 304. It might be 12 years before or after.
And the writer, knowing this, ventured to count back two ^eenturies
and a half in cycles of 12, and then to affirm that the same pha^oo
menon had been observed B.C. 544, and to found a story ther^oflu
He could not have lived earlier than the time of Menciua. He might
have been later. Jupiter in fact gains a sign every 86 years, or he
completes seven circuits of the starry heavens in about 83 years
instead of 84, and hence the discrepancy of 3 years, or 3 signs^
between the observations of Sze-ma Ts^een and those on which Tso
based his calculations. If he, or any authorities he had to quote
from, had observed the planet in B.C. 544, tbey would have said
it was in Ta-ho (Libra-Scorpio), not in Smg-ke^ and much less in
Heuenrheaou. There would then hav^ been a discrepancy of 5 sigw
between him and Sze-ma instead of 3. In the matter of the "year-
star,'' as in that of the winter soktioe, Tso^she is syUemaJically
wrong.'

I am not prepared to question the oonclasixHis to which Mr.
Chalmers thus comes regarding the dates of the winter solstice, and
the positions of the planet Jupiter, given in Tso's commentary. But
instead of saying, as he does, that Tso could not have liv^d earlier
than the time of Mencius, and may have lived later, I would aay
that the narratives in which the Year-star is n^entioned were mada
about that time, and interpolated into his Work during thje Ts'ia
dynasty or in the first Han. They will conve under the second
class of passages for the interpolation of which I have made provision
on p. 35 of the first Chapter. But after all that Mr. jDhaliaers has
said, my faith remains firm in the genuineness of the mass of Tso's

100]

8BCT. n.] THE DATING OF EVENTS. [i»roleoomexa.

narratives as composed by him from veritable documents contempo-
raneous with the events to which they relate.

3. Before passing on from the chronology of the text and of the
Tso Chuen, it deserves to be pointed out that neither in the Classic

EYents not dat^ with reference to the) i^or the Commentary have we any
years of the kings of Chow. j indication of the dating of events

with reference to the age of the dynasty of Chow or to the reigns of
its kings. In each State they spoke of events with reference to the
years of their own rulers. The Classic, divided into twelve Books
according to the years of the twelve marquises of Loo, is one example
of this. Another is found in the Chuen on VI. xvii. 4, where a
minister of Ch'ing, defending his ruler against the suspicions of Tsin,
runs over various events, giving them all according to the years of
the earl of Ch4ng, without reference to those of the king of Chow
or of the marquis of Tsin. We have a third in the Chuen at the
end of II. ii., where Tso gives a resumS of certain affairs of Tsin,
prior to the Ch'un Ts'ew period, specifying them by the years of
duke Hwuy of Loo.

Frequently, in order to make definite the date of an event, some
other well known event, contemporaneous with it, is referred to.
Thus, in the Chuen after IX. ix. 5, when the marquis of Tsin asks
the age of the young marquis of Loo, Ke Woo-tsze replies that he
was born in 'the year of the meeting at Sha-suy.' Again, in X. vii.,
in the 4th narrative appended to par. 4, a panic in Ch'ing is referred
to Hhe year when the descriptions of punishments were cast;' and
on par. 8 it is said that one of the sons of the marquis of Wei was
born in *the year when Han Seuen-tsze became chief minister of
Tsin, and went among the other States, paying complimentary visits.'

I need not adduce more examples. In these two ways are the
dates of events determined : — ^by referring them to the years of some
ruler of a State, or to some event of general notoriety, contempo-
raneous with them. They are not in any single instance determined
by reference to the era of the dynasty or to the reigns of the kings
of Chow. This peculiarity seems again to indicate that the sway
which Chow exercised over the States was feeble and imperfect.
Chaou Yih calls attention to the fact that the princes or nobles in
the early part of the Han dynasty continued to exercise the preroga-
tive of dating events from the year of their appointment or suc-
cession, and that the practice was stopped when the emperors of Han
began to feel secure in their possession of the empire. It was in truth
but a nominal supremacy which was yielded to thp kings of Chow.

101]

PROLEQOMBNA.]

CHRONOLOGY OF TIIE CH^UN TS'EW.

[cii. II.

SECTION III.

LISTS OF THE KINGS OF CHOW, AND OF THE PRINCES OP TItE
PRINCIPAL FIEFS, FROM THE BEGUNNING TO THE

CLOSE OF THE DYNASTY.

I. Kings of Chow. Surname Ke (jj^). Given, as are the
princes of the States, with their sacrificial titles.

1. Woo (^) Eeign began

[B.C. 1,121.

2. Ch^ing (^), „ 1,114.

"" „ 1,077.

„ 1,051.

„ 1,000.

945.

3. K*ang <<m\

4. Ch*aou (flS),

5. Mah. ./ ^^^\

6. Knng (^),

7. E (^),

8. Heaou (^),

9. B (^),

10. Le (M\

11. Senen CWX

12. Yew (^),

13. Ping (^),

14. Hwan (fe),

15. Chwang (^.),

16. He C^),

17. Hwuy (^\

>»

»)

>»

»>

>»

933.
908.
893.
877.
826.
780.
769.
718.
695.
680.
675.

18. Seang (^),

19. King i^\

20. KVang (^),

21. Ting (^),

22. Keen (ffi),

23. Ling (^),

24. King C;^),

25. King (^),

26. Yuen. ^TC^-

27. Ching.tingC^^),

28. K*aon C#),

29. Wei-leeh ..(j^^!(),

30. Gan Ci^\

31. Leeh (^jii),

32. Heen. (j|^),

33. Shin.t8ingl(^||),

34. Nan (^),

Beign ended

11. Princes of Loo. Surname Ke. Marquises.

1. The duke of Chow

(^'^)' B.C. 1,121.

2. Pih.k*in ('fi'^), „ 1,114.

3. K*aou (#), „'

4. Yang (j^f), „

5. Yew (m\ „

6. Wei (M\

7. Le (JS).

1,061.
1,057.
1,051.

8. Heen .

9. Chin...

10. Woo...

11. E

12. Pih.yu

13. Heaou

14. Hwuy .

'."'.xh'.
.... (#).

B.C.

99
99

650.
617.
611.
605.
584.
570.
543.
518.
474.
467.
439.
424.
400.
374.
367.
319.

313.
255.

I have not given the date of the accession of the preceding nine marquises, it
being difficult to make it out in several cases. Hwuy brings us to the Ch'un Ts'ew
period.

15. Yin (^), B.C. 721. 17. Chwang (^), B.C. 692.

16. Hwan (fe), „ 710. 18. Min (|9\ „ 660.

102]

SECT. III.]

PRINCES OF WEI AND TS AE.

[prolegomena.

19.
20.
21.
22.
23.

He....
WSn..
Senen
ChSng
Seang.

Xfll), B.C.

658.
625.
607.
589.
671.

24.
25,
26.
27.

28.

Ch'aou
Ting..,
Gae...
Taou ..
Yuen . .

B.C. 540.
508.
493.
466.
429.

After him

29 Moh (^g^), 408. Under Moh Loo entirely lost its independence,
we have:— 30, Knng (^), 375; 31, K^ftng (J^); 32, King (-^), 342; 33, P*ing
(^); 34, W&n C^); 35, KHng (tp[), who was reduced to the condition of a
private man by king K'aou-leeh of Ts'oo in B.C. 248.

III. Princes of Wei (^). Surname Ke. Marquises; but for
some time they had the title of Pih (f^), as presiding over several
other States.

2.
8.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
IG.

K'angShuhCJ^ ^; see the Shoo,

[V. ix.)

K'ang Pih (J^ i^\

K'aouPih (#^6\

TszePih...(^ j|&),

Tseeh Pih (]^ ||&),

TsingPih (4g#,

Ching Pih (^ iffl),

K'ing...

B.C. 1,077.

1,051.

1,015.

933.

908.

0^; simply marquis),
,« 865.

»>

Le(i|),orHe(jfO,
Kung Pih (^ i^\

Woo (^),

Chwang....(^t),

Hwan (®),

Senen ^M),

Hway m\

K'een-mow(Si nr^

[ate,

E iM\

'853.

811.

756.

733.

717.

698.

intermedi-
695.

667.

>»

»»

»>

18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.

25.
26.
27.

28.

29.
30.

31.
32.
33.
34.

Tae ..JM\

wan (^\

Ch'ing (^),

Muh (^),

Ting... (^),

Heen../ ^f^\

B.C. 659.
658.

>»

633.
598.
587.
575.

Shang ^iSS^\ 557; intermedi-

[ate till 546.
542.

Seang ^|p|\

Ling (^), „ 533.

Ch*uh (tb), „ 491.

Chwang...(J|t), 478; intermedi-

[ate for one year.

Pan-sze (1^ j^ij), 477, inter-

jrt. 4.-, [mediate.

Keun.k*e...(^®), 477, inter-

[mediate for two years.

Taou (f^), „ 467.

King (^\ „ 449.

Ch^aou (ilS), „ 430.

Hwae (#•), „ 424.

17.

35. Shin ('^> 413. Under Shin Wei lost its independence, and became attached
to Wei (^). We have after him:— 36, Shing (^), 371; 37, Ch*ing (^; he was
reduced m rank); 38, P*ing (^), 331; 39, Tsze Keun (|^ J^; still farther reduc-
ed); 40, Hwae Keun ("jg ^), 281; 41, Yuen Keun {jQ ^), 250; 42, Keun Keoh
(^' ^ )» ^^^ ^^ reduced to the condition of a private man by the second emperor
of Tsin.

IV. Princes of Ts*ae (|^). Surname Ke. Marquises.

1. Ts'ae Shuh.too (|^;ft,F^)» 2. Ts*ae Chung-hoo(^#lD3)» *

a brother of king Woo. Was w^'^T'^'^x m < • , ,n^

* Wasrestored to Ts*ae, m B.C. 1,106.

subsequently banished. B.C. 1,121. (See the Shoo, V.xvil)

103]

FROLBOOMKNA.]

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH'UN TSEW.

[CH II.

3. Ts'ao Plh-hwang .

4. Ts'ae Kang-how.

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.

B.C. 1,052.

c;^),

(^',

(11),

...(^),

(.W,

(te),

(M).

Died a captive in
Ts'oo, in

Le ....
Woo .,

He....

Knng .

Tae...

Seaen

Hwan

Gae...

n
n

946.

892.
862.
836.
808.
760.
758.
748.
713.
693.

674.

» n

14. Moh (j^), B.C.

15. Chwang (^), „

16. Win (^), „

17. King (^\ „

18- Long (^'

Killed in Ts*oo, in 530.

19. PHng (^).

Restored by Ts*oo in

20. Taou (f^),

21. Ch'aon fflS),

22. CMng (j?£),

23. Shing iM\

24. Yuen (JC^,

25. Ts'e (^),

Ts*ae was extinguished by

[Ts'oo in

»i

»»

»>

>»

V. Princes of Tsin (^). Surname Ke. Marquises.

1. T*ang Shuh.yu (HI^J^)

was invested with
T'angin.... B.C. 1,106.

2. His son Seeh C^ re-

moved to Tsin, and
was the first marquis
of that State. Then
we have: —

3. Woo (^).

4. ChHng (Jgic);

5. Le (Mh

whose years cannot
be determined. Then
come: —

6. Tsing (fi^), „ 867.

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.

Le (ffi),

Heen ^^\

Muh (^),

Shang-shuh. .(^^),

wan ..(^\

Ch'aou (flS),

Heaou ^^-X

Goh (^),

Gae (M\

Seaou-tsze . . . C/j'^ j\

B.C.

Min

(MX

Utt

673.
644.
610.
690.
541.

627.
520.
517.

489.
470.
455.
449.

446.

839.
821.
810.
783.
779.
744.
737.
722.
716.
707.
702.

For several rules Tsin had been maintaining a failing struggle ^against that
branch of the ruling House which had been established with the title of earl in

K*euh-yuh (^ ^); and Hwan Shuh (Q^) and Chwang (^ jfl), chiefs of
K'euh-yuh, enter in some lists into the line of the princes of Tsin. At last Ch'ing,
the successor of Chwang Pih, put Min to death, in 678, and was acknowledged by
the king as ruler of Tsin. He is: —

18.

Woo (^),

B.C.

677.

25.

Seang..

...(M\

B.C. 626.

19.

Heen cJJ|k),

f»

675.

26.

Ling

...(^^

„ 619.

20.

He-ts'e ....C^^ ^),

650.

27.

Ch*ing.

...*,

„ 605.

21.

Ch*oh.tsze(J^ -J^),

650.

28.

King . . .

"•^M:\

„ 6Jo,

22.

Hwuy (^),

649.

29.

'.A/i^^

„ 579.

23.

Hwae (!^\

635.

30.

Taou...

...*9

9, 571.

24.

wfin..... .c;^),

63i.

31.

PW--

. (^>,

„ 556.

104]

PRINCES OF TS'AOU AND CUBING.

[PAOLICGOM£irA.

530.
524.
510.
473.
455.

37. Yew (KK|),

38. Leeh (?!().

39. Heaou (^),

40. Tsing i^\

B.C.

437.
418.
391.
376.

SiSCT. lU.J

32. Ch*aoa....CBS),

33. K'ing (^),

34. Ting (^),

35. ChHih (^\

36. Gae (JS^),

In his second year Tsing was deprived of his State and title. It had, indeed, been

only a nominal position which the representatives of T'ang Shuh-ju had for some

tinie enjoyed, for they were merely puppets in the hands of the marqnis of Wei

(^^). The great State of Tsin was broken up into three great marqnisates, which

sabseqnently claimed to be kingdoms ; — ^those of Wei (|^), Chaon (^)i and Han

C^f^X ^0 independent existence of which dates from 402, and which continued till

they were absorbed by T8*in.

VI. The pVmces of Ts'aou ("ff).

1. Chin-toh. ...f^ ^), a brother of

2. T'aePih.....

3. Chung Keun'

4. KungPih...

5. Heaou Pih..

6. BPih

7. Yew Pih....

8. TaePih

9. HwuyPih..

10. Shih-foo

11. Duke Muh.

12. Hwan

13. Chwang (ffi),

[king Woo.

:k ffi), B.C. 1,051.

i^^l „ 1,000.

Surname Ke. Earls.

14. Le or He . . . (i| or f^), b .c. 609.

933.
893.
863.
833.
824.
794.
759.
758.
755.
700.

15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.

Ch'aou.
Kung..

wan...

Seuen.<
Ch'ing.
Woo...
Fing..,
Taou...
Shing..
Yin

•

Tsing.

.c4||),

Pih-yang....(f6 ^\

660.
651.
616.
694.
576.
553.
526.
522.
513.
508.
503.
600.

Pih-yang was made captive by Sung in 43 1>, and Ts'aou was then extinguished.

VII. Princes of Oli'ing (i^. Surname Ke. Earls.

1. Yew (^), a brother of king 9. Muh (^>

B.C.

2.
3.
4.
5.

6.
7.

Seuen, received investiture in
B. c . 805. He is known as duke

Hwan (^M -^)-

Woo (^\ B.c. 769.

Chwang...(^), „ 742.

Ch*aou....(fl3\ 99 .?00.

Le (^),699. Hefledfrom

the State in 696, and Ch'aou
returned, but was murdered in
694.

Tsze.mei..("f'S), „ 694.
Tsze-ying ('T' 9\ ^^ Tsze-e

("F" m\ 693. He was killed
in 679, and Le restored.

Wan (^), „ 671.

105]

10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.

r^t^^

Ling

Seang ^^S)i

Taou (1^),

Ch*ing.... (iife^
Le. . (i|), or He (

Keen (|^),

Ting (a^),

Heen (jf^),

Shing (§),

Gae (JS^),

Kung (3^),

Y«w (g^),

Seu (i^^),

»9

626.
604.
603.
585.
583.
569.
564.
528.
512.
499.
461.
453.
423.
421.

PJIOLBOOMBNA.]

CHRONOLOGT OF THE CH*UN TS*EW.

fCH. XL

Sea was mnrdered in 395; but before that ChHngf had become entirely dependent
on the new State of Han. This allowed one other marqnis known as Kenn Yih
(^ ^), or duke K'ang (J^), to be named; bat extingaished the State in 374.

VIII. The princes of Woo (^). Surname Ke. First, earls; then
viscounts. After a time usurped the title of king.

The State of Woo, onder a branch of the Hoose of Chow, began before the rise
of the Chow dynasty, under T'ae-pih (^ ^j^; the eldest son of the lord of Chow
afterwards kinged as king T'ae by his great-grandson the dnke of Chow), who fled
from Chow, along with his next brother, under the circumstances referred to in Ana.
Vni. i. He was the first ruler of Woo. We have: —

1. T'ae-pih (iJICffl).

2. Chung-yung .(# ^).

8. Ke-k6en (^ ffi).

In Chow-chang's time king Woo overthrew the dynasty of Shang, and confirmed

him in the possession of Woo as a fief of the dynasty of Chow, with the title of earl.
The point about the title is not clear; and we do not know when earl was exchanged
for viscount. After Chow-chang we have: —

4. Shuh.tah.....(;|t^).

5. Chow-chang . (^ ^D.

9.
10.
11.
12.

Heung-snj ^R^^X

Ko'Sciang (i^W^-

K'6angr.k6w-e (?lJW|^).

Tn-k'Saou-o-woo (^^^^)-

Ko-loo. (;^^).

Chow-yaoa (^^).

K'euh-yu (>tt^).

18.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.

B-woo ...
KHn-choo
Ohuen (f^j^

P*o-kaou

Kow-pe C^™'

K*eu-ts*e (^^>

Show-mung ...(^^^), B.C. 584.

In his time Woo first began to have communication with the northern States
which constituted the kingdom of Chow proper. Most of the names of its princes
do not sound like Chinese names.

20. Choo-fan (^^X b" 669. 23. Leaou C^, B.C. 625.

21. Yu-chae (^^), „ 546. 24. Hoh-leu (MM}i « 513.

22. Yu-moh (^^), „ 542. 25. Foo-ch'ae ... (:^^), „ 494.

In 472 the king of Yueh extingaished Woo, when Foo-ch'ae killed himsel£

IX. The princes of Yen ( J^). Surname Ke. SomGtimes called mar-
quises, sometimes only earLs. In the end assumed the title of king.

Descended from Shih, duke of Shaou (^ ^ ll^)' ^^^ mentioned in the Shoo
l(Seo Y. xvi., et cd.). He was the first ruler of Yen. Eight of his descendants, whose
flames and years cannot be ascertained are said to have ruled in it, and we
oome to:—

10.
11.

1?.
13.
14.

Hwuy
He(
K^ing
Oae..

)or LeCj^

ft.o. 863.

)

I »9

Chi'ng (

825.
789.
765.
763.

15.
16.
17.
18.
19.

Muh (Ip'pI), B.C. 727.

Seuen (*a ^), „ 709.

Hwan (te'^l), „ 696.

DukeChwangC^'^), „ 689.

Seang ^^k^> » ^^^'

106]

•Bcr. ni.]

PBINCES OF CH'IN AND SUNO.

[PSOIIOOMGSIA.

20.
21.
22.
28.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
80.
81.

Senen (^m), B.C. 616.

Ch'aoa
Woo..,
W8n..,

Hwuy.,
Taou ..
Knng..
P*iiig..
Keen .,
Heen..

> w

Heaou (^,

>»

600.
585.
572.
547.
548.
584.
527.
522.
508.
491.
468.

82.
88.
84.
85.
86.
87.
28.
89.
40.
41.
42.
48.

Isf^J

Oh*ing. ...(^),

Min ..(S>,

LeorHe ..(^gor

Hwan (fe),

W&n (^),

KingYih(^i),
Yih's Bon KVae(-f Pf*), „
Ch'aou... .(flS i),
Hwuy... .(^ 3E),

Heaon . . . (* £),
The king He (i §^),

B.C. 448.
432.

401.
871.
860.
881,
819.
810.
277.
270.
256.
258.

He was made captive, and the Staie extingniflhed, by Ts'in in 2?1.

X. The princes of Ch'in (^). Surname Kwei (J^), as being
descended from Shun. Marquises.

King Woo, it is said, gave his eldest daughter in marriage to a Kwei Mwan
(^j^ jpg), the son of his chief potter, and invested him with Ch4n. He was the first
marquis, and is known as duke Hoo (J^ ^^). After him come: —

2. Shin (I^X

8. Seang d^\

4. Heaon ....(^).

6. Shin (ft).

6. Yew (^),

7. Le(i|)orHe((§),

8. Woo (|^),

9. B (^),

10. P*ing (^),

11. wan (;^,

B.C.

853.
830.
795.
780.
777.
754.

12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.

Hwan....

Chwang
Senen ..«•

Muh

Knng......

Ling

Ch'ing ...
Gae

748.
705.
699.
698.
691.
646.
630.
612.
597.
567.

Gae strangpled himself in 533, and the State was held by a prince of Ts'oo till 528,
when the Kwei line was restored. We have: —

•cgi),

B.C. 500.

22. Hwny ... (M>, B.C. 627 24. Min

23. Hwae. ...C®), „ 604.
Min was killed, and the State extingoished by Ts'oo, in 478, — ^the year in which

ConfhcixiB died.

XI. The princes of Sung (^jc). Surname Tsze (-jr), as being the
descendants of the sovereigns of Yin or Shang, the representatives
of T*ang the Successful.

1. K*e, viscount of Wei (tKT'JlSC^'

was made dnke of Song, — say in

B.C. 1,111 (See the Shoo, V.viii.)

2. Wei Chung (tft #), B.C. 1,077.

107]

3. E'e, duke of Sung(^^|§)-

B.C. 1,052.

4. Duke Ting CT ^^ „ 999.
6. Min (Ml „ 934.

rKOl,B0OMBMA.]

CHRONOLOQY OF THE CH'UN TS'EW.

[cH. n.

9.
10.
11.
12.
18.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.

Yang ..

Hwny..

Gfao

Tae

Woo ...

• ••

.. (if).

Seuen (1^),

Mah ••• ^^^\

Shang (^),

Chwang (^),

Min ...(§|or>^),

Hwan (fH)

Seang ^^S\

B.C.

»9

907. 20. Ch4ng (J^),

892. 21. Ch'aou (JJS),

857. 22. wan {'^\

829. 23. Kung (^),

799. 24. P^ing (^\

798. 25. Yuen (7C^

764. 26. King i^\

746. 27. Ch'aou iM\

727. 28. Taou (t^),

718. 29. Hew (#1),

708. 80. Peih (^),

690. 81. T*eih.ch'ing..(>^Jfi£)

580. 32. Yen Cf^),

649.

B.C.

635.
618.
609.
587.
574.
530.
615.
451.
403.
894.
371.
368.
827.

Yen took the title of king in 317, but Snng was eztingnished by Ta'e in 285,
and Yen fled to W&n and there died. Indeed from the time of duke Taon, Snng
had become dependent on Ts'e. There is much difficoltj in fixing the number of
years that dokes King and the second Ch'aou roled.

XII. The princes of Ts'e (^). Surname Keang (^), as being
descended from Yaou's ohief minister. Marquises.

1. Shang.foo (|pj 3(!)> ^^^ appears to have been one of the principal advisers
of W&n and Woo both in peace and war, was invested by Woo with Ts*e, and is
known aa T*ae Kung {j^ .^). Then we have: —

2. DokeTingCT^^),

8. Yih (ii),

4. Kwei (^),

5. Gae (JSft),

6. Hoo (ii^),

7. Heen (J^),

8. Woo (^),

9. Le (.m\

10. W&n i^\

11. Ch*ing, ...(J5^),

12. Chwang. .(^),

13. Le or He (^ or ^),

14. Seang (j^),

15. Hwan (S),

B.c.1,076. 16.

„ 1,050. 17.

999. 18.

933. 19.

892. 20.

858. 21.

849. 22.

823. 23.

814. 24.

802. 25.

793. 26.

729. 27.

696. 28.

683. 29.

»9

Heaou (-^^

Ch*aou....CBS),

E (isx

B.C.

Gan Yn-tsze(^

Taou (T^),

Keen (wl\

Fing (^\

Seuen ^sJy

K*ang.... .0^),

641.
631.
611.
607.
597.
580.
552.
546.
488.
487.
483.
479.
454.
403.

For a considerable time the princes of Ts'e had been at the mercy of the Heads
of the Ch4n (^) family, the most powerful in the State. A prince of Ch4n took
reftige in Ts'e in B.C. 671 (See the Chuen on III. zzii. 3), and his descendants ere
long grew into a powerM dan* and eonoeived the idea of superseding the line of

108]

»«CT. III.] PRINCES OF TS'OO. [pnoLKOoMKNA.

Keang. They were known as Cli^ns (^[X but that saniame they exchanged for
T*een (gg);--it is not known when or why. In 390 T*een Ho ((ypfn) removed
duke K'ang from his capital, and placed him in a city near the sea, where he might
maintain the sacrifices to his ancestors; and there he led an inglorioas life till 378^
^rhen the line of Keang came to a close. T'een Ho made application to the king of
Chow and to the fendal princes to be acknowledged himself as marqnis of Ts'e, which
was acceded to, and his first year dates from 385.
Of the line of T*een in Ts^e we have: —

1. T'a©-kungHo^^-^»^)B.c.385. 6. Min (/§), B.C. 312.

2. Hwan (®), ,,383. 6. Seang <^\ „ 281.

8. King Wei. .(J^ i), „ 377. 7. Keen (^), „ 263.

4. King SeuenC^L i), „ 331.

Keen continued till the first year of the dynasty of Ts4n, B.C. 220, when he made
hiB sabmiasion to the new Power, and the independent existence of Ts*e ceased.

XIII. The princes of Ts'oo (^). Surname Me (^). Viscounts-

They claimed to be descended fr^m the ancient emperor Chnen-henh (jfS]^);
bat the first who had the surname Me appears to have been a Ke-leen (^^jfl),
about the dawn of historic times. A Yah Henng ( ^ |^) is mentioned with distinc-
tion in the time of king Wftn, and his great-grandson, Henng Yih (|[^ )f^)« was
invested with Ts'oo by king ChSng, as a yisconnt. It was not very long till the
title of visoonnt was discarded, and that of king usurped. The Heung was a clan^
name, derived from Yuh Heung.

1. Heung Yih (^^X 17. King Woo ...(^^ J), B.C. 739.

2. Heung B ... (^), B.C. 1,077. The title of kin^ was

3. „ Tah (IB), „ 1,061. assumed in 70§

4. „ Shing(£), „ 1,000. ll: Setg k^;n, Sle Chwang-^u
6. „ Yang(g) „ 945. (MUWO, „ 676.

6. „ K*eu (^). He assumed gO. King Ch*ing (J^ I, „ 670.
the title of kin^ about 886, but c%t -»*• i /fia\

gave it up agl through fear ^L Muh (g), „ 624.

of Jong Le of Chow. ^^- Chwang (g£), „ 612,

7. Hgnng Che.hnng(iP|l),B.c.866. ^3. Knng (^), „ 589.

8. „ Tea (|). .. 865. |J; i^| ^^;^*.^,^,: «««•

11. „ Seaag^g. « 826. j^

12. „ Sean(fi). „ 820. ^^ Jn' " „'•

,4, „g.^,^^.«. ^ ^ ,|' ^

15. „K*an, title Seaou-gaou ^^' ^^^^S ^M\ » 406.

(^m^\ ., 762. 32. Taou cg), „ 400.

16. „Heaen, title Fun-maon 33. Snh (MmK „ 879.

(S^.^B), „ 766. 34. Scuen... (J), „ 368.

109]

PROLRQOMRVA.]

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CH'UN TS EW.

[CH. If.

B.C.

85. Wei (|$),

80. Hwae C^^

37. K4ng.8eang i^M^l

38. K'aou-leeh ..(^^!(), „

»>

338.
327.
t>94.
261.

39. Yew i\^\ Bc. 2m.

40, The King Hoo-ts*oo( i

(M ^) „ 226.

Tsln extiagaished Ts*oo in 222.

XIV. The princes of Ts'iii (^). Surname Ying (^). At first
only earls.

They claimed to be descended from the ancient emperor Chuen-heah, through
Pih-e ( f^ ^) or Pih-yih (||^ ^), the forester of Shun (Shoo, II. i. 22), who is said
to have given him the surname of Ying. Sze-ma Ts'een traces the &mily down
through the Hea and Shang dynasties, but there is much that is evidently fabulous
in the statements which he makes. At last we arrive at the time of king Heaou of
Chow, who was so pleased with the ability displayed by Fei-tsze C^ •^), a scion of
the family, in keeping cattle, that he employed him to look after his herds of horses,
'between the K'een and the Wei (jjt y^ ^ ^)'' ^^^ invested him with the small
territory of TsHn, as chief of an attached State, there to maintain the sacrifices to
the Ying. Fei-tsze occupies the first place in the list of the princes of Ts'in.

1. Fei-tsze {^ ^\

2. TsSn How. (^ ^\

3. Kung-pih..(>^f|S),

Seang gave important assistance to the House of Chow in the troubles connected
with the death of king Yew, and the removal of the capitel by king P4ng to the
east, and his rank was raised in 769 to that of earl, an:l Ts'in had now an independent
existence anong the other fiefs of Chow. Its territory was also greatly increased,
and Seang received, what Chinese writers think wss of evil omen, the old domain of
the princes of Chow from mount K*e westwards.

B.C.

1»

908.
866.
846.

4. T8'inChnug...(^#), B.C.

5. Duke ChwangfC^ 4^), „

6. Seang ^51^ »

843.
820.
776.

9.
10.
11,
12.
13.
14.

16.

17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.

DokeWan .X^-^), B.C. 764.

Ning ('#),

Chhih-taze ...({H ^\
Woo (5t\

jL I ii ••• ••• ••....^ ijort 9

Seuen ^S^

Ch'ing (^),

Muh (^),

K'ang (J^^

Kung (^),

Hwan (te).

King a^x

Gae \JS-),

Hwuy ^S\

Taou (1$),

Le-kung ^M^\

110]

»9

714.
702.
696.
676.
674.
662.
668.

619.

607.

603.
676.
635.
499.
490.
476.

23.
24.
26.
26.
27.
28.
29.
80.
31.

Taaon
Hwae,
Ling .
Keen .

• • ■ • • ^.

B.C. 441.
427.

423.
413.
398.
385.
383.
860.

32.
33.
34.
35.
36.

Hwuy ^^Bi t

Ch*uh-toze...(|i|^),

Heen (i^\

Heaou (-^),

King Hwuy-wfiji(^5C

3E), 99 336.

It was in B.C. 324 that the title
of king was first assumed.

King Woo... (Jt^)

Ch'aou-seangC fln ^),

Heaou.wan..(^^),

Chwang.seang(^±J^),

Ching (S^\

309.
305.
249.
248.
245.

CT. U.]

TABLE OF THE CYCLE.

[PBOLEOOUENA.

Became king in 245, and succeeded in establishing his sway over all the other
ates in 220, from which year dates the commencement of the Ts'in dynasty. He
igned under the style of "^ _^ '^i emperor the First, till 209. In 208 he was
oceeded by his son, emperor the Second (^ j^ ^ *$*)> t^<^ vriih his death in
>i the short-lived dynasty may be said to have ended.

rr SEEMS DESIRABLE AT THE CLOSE OF THIS CHAPTER TO
APPEND A TABLE OF THE CYCLE OF SIXTY.

1 ^^

16 3^p

81 ^4p

*6 a s

» Z.'fh

"MM

«2 I, ^

*7 ^^

» n^

18 =5&a

83 ^ ^

48 ^ ^

* I ^

19 ^^

84 T^

« 4r^

6 }^m

^ ^*

« i^^

«> ^i

« aa

21 ^ ^

86 a^-

51 \^'^

' ^±

23 ^ ^

»^ ^^

M Zj^

« ^^

^ ^^

88 ^-fl.

68 I*|j^

9 i^

24 J ^

89 4:11

" ra

10 ^ g-

^ ^^

40 ^^

66 )^^

" tH^ .

26 B^

*' ^M

«« a^-

12 ^^

^' ik%

*2 r. a

"^ ^^

13 1*1-^

28 ^^^P

48 lAj ^

68 ^g

" T^

» 4:M

** TtIc

«9 -i^

" itl^

«> ^B

« IX^

60 ^^

^M^^^^^MM^^^»^W«^^«\^A^MM^/W«MMAA

111]

PROLBOOMKSA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH*UN TS*EW PERIOD. [ch. m.

CHAPTER III.

THE CHINA OP THE CH^UN TS*BW PERIOD:— CONSIDERED IN
RELATION TO ITS TERRITORIAL EXTENT; THE
DISORDER WHICH PREVAILED; THE GROWrH AND ENCROACH-
MENTS OF THE LARGER STATES; AND THE BARBAROUS

TRIBES WHICH SURROUNDED IT.

1. On the territorial extent of the kingdom of Chow, and the
names of the feudal States composing it, during the Ch'nn Ts'ew

Territorial extent and component States, period, I have nothing tO add tO

what I have said on the same subjects for the period embraced in
the Book of Poetry, on pp. 127-131 of the prolegomena to volume
IV. A study of the large map accompanying this Chapter, in its
two-fold form, with the names on the one in English and on the
other in Chinese, will give the reader a more correct idea of these
points than many pages of description could do. The period of the
Book of Poetry overlapped that of the Ch'un Ts*6w by more than a
hundred years. No new State arose during the latter, though several
came into greater prominence than had formerly belonged to them;
and the enlargement of territory which took place arose chiefly from
the greater development which the position of Tsin, Ts'oo, andTs'in
enabled them to give themselves.

2. It is often said that the period embraced in the Ch*un Ts'ew
was one of disorder, — a social and political disorganization to be
compared with the physical disorder caused by the inundating watera

Disorder of the Ch^un Ts^ew period;-) which Called forth the labours of the
referred to its causes. ) great Yu SO many ages before.^ Men-

cius tells us that the Classic does not contain a siiiirle instance of a
righteous war, a war, according to him, being rigliteous only when
the supreme authority had marshalled its forces to punish some
disobedient vassal, whereas, during the period chronicled by Con-
fucius, we, have nothing but the strifes and collisions of the various
feudal States among themselves.^ This is not absolutely correct, but
it is an approximation to the truth. The disorder of the period,
however, was only the sequel of the disorder that preceded it. Not
long before it commenced, king P4ng had transferred the capital to
the east in 769, in consequence of the death of his father king Yew
at the hands of some of the wild tribes of the Jung. This movement
was an open acknowledgment of the weakness of the sovereign

1 8ee Mencius. III. Ft. ii. IX. 11. 2 Mencius, VIL Pt. ii. II.

112]

i*M4

♦

f
«

"« I M»<WI>iJ»W*<4>»^a<^<||

•► ^.^ .- —

■•^iMta^lM

i ; • I 1 V,

«t-

~ r* <

» '

[■■

';1

■i

• y

--^^rii frtfM^ 1 I

•*^»,j»-

t - t ^-

.\ • %

< •v

-V

I. •* .

•nf

r -

MM^^MvAa

CH. ni.] DISOKDER OF THE CH*UN TS'EW PERIOD. [prolegomena.

power, which had been brought very low towards the end of the
first half of the 9th century, B.C., and had only partially revived
during the long reign of king Seuen. I doubt, indeed, whether it
had been very strong in what is regarded as its golden age, after
the duke of Chow had consolidated the dynasty, and introduced his
code of ceremonial and political regulations. The theory was then
good, but the practice was very indifferent.

The process of degeneracy and disintegration, however, was very
marked from the beginning of the 9th century. It is an acknowledged
fact that about B.C. 880 the chief of the powerful southern State of
Ts'oo usurped for a time the title of king, and wished to declare himself
independent of the kings of Chow. When the Ch'un Ts'ew period
opens upon us, we find existing an all but anarchal condition of
things. There was virtually no king in China in those days, and
the lord of each feudal State did what was right in his own eyes.
In 706, the earl of Ch'ing the most recently established of all the
States, if perhaps we should except Ts'in, engaged in hostilities
with the king himself, who was wounded in the battle between them.

King Woo and the duke of Chow had parcelled out their conquest
— the kingdom of Shang — ^among the scions of their own family and
their adherents of other surnames, with the representatives of T'ang
the Successful and other great Names in the previous history of the
country. How many the feudal States, great and small, were at the
most, I will not venture to say even approximately. The theory of
the constitution left them very considerable liberty in the administra-
tion of their internal afluirs, and in their relations with one another.
They were to be content with their allotments of territory and not
infringe on those of their neighbours, maintaining a good mutual
understanding by means of court visits^ and visits of friendship or
compliment,* and by interchanging communications on all important
events occurring within their borders. Any breaking of the peace
or unjust attack of one State by another was to be represented to
the royal court, and the king would then call into the field the
unwieldy forces at his disposal, and deal justice on the oflFender.

But this beautiful theory of government presupposed a wonder-
ful freedom from jealousy and ambition on the part of the feudal
lords, and an overwhelming superiority of force on the part of the
king; and, neither of these things existing, the constitution of the
kingdom was torn into shreds. Instead of the harmony which the

« Wi * ^'
113]

PROLEOOMBKA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH'UN TS'EW PERIOD. [ch. iil

principles of benevolence and righteousness, carried out with
courtesy and in accordance with the rules of propriety, should have
produced, we find the States biting and devouring one another,
while the large and strong oppressed and absorbed the small and
weak. In the Chuen on IX. xxix. 7, during a dispute at the court
of Tsin on some encroachments which Loo had made on the territory
of K^e, an officer reminds the marquis of what Tsin itself had done
in the same way. 'The princes,' said he, * of Yu, Kwoh, Tseaou,
Hwah, Hoh, Yang, Han, and Wei were Kes, and Tsin s greatness is
owing to its absorbing of their territories. If it had not encroached
on the small States, where would it have found territory to take?
Since the times of Woo and Heen, we have annexed many of them,
and who can call us to account for what we have done?' The fact
was that Might had come to take the place of Right; and while states-
men were ever ready to talk of the fundamental principles of justice,
benevolence, and loyalty, the process of spoliation went on.^ The
number of States was continually becoming less, the smaller melting
away into the larger. 'The good old rule' came more and more
into vogue,

' the simple plan.
That they should take who have the power.
And they should keep who can.'

3. To ameliorate the evils arising from this state of disorder
and anarchy, and to keep it moreover in check, there arose during
the Ch*un Ts'ew period the singular device of presiding chiefs, — the
The system of presiding chiefs, system of One State taking the lead and
direction of all the others, and exercising really royal functions
throughout the kingdom, while yet there was a profession of loyal
attachment to the House of Chow. The seeds of this contrivance
were sown, perhaps, at the y^ry commencement of the dynasty,
when the dukes of Chow and Shaou were appointed viceroys over
the eastern and western portions of the kingdom respectively, and
other princes were made, on their first investiture, ^chiefs of regions,^
embracing their own States and others adjacent to them. These
arrangements were disused as the kings of Chow felt secure in their,
supremacy over all the States, and the nominees in the first instance
had been sincerely loyal and devoted to the establishment of the
dynasty; but now in the Ch'un Ts'ew period the kings were not'

6 See the discourse of Ke WAn-tsze in the Chuen on VI. xviii. 9 as a specimen of the admirable
sentiments which men, themselves of questionable character and course, could express

114]

CH. m.] THE SYSTEM OF PRESIDING STATES. [peolegomena.

sufficiently sure of any of their vassak to delegate them to such an
office. When one raised himself to the position, they were obliged
unwiUingly to confirm him in it.

Five of these presiding chiefs are named during the time under
our review2:— Hwan of Ts'e (683-642); Wfin of Tsin (634-627);
Seang of^ung (649-636); Muh of Ts^n (658-620); and Chwang of
Ts*oo (612-590). The first two, however, are the best, and I think
the only representatives of the system. Hwan was endowed with an
extraordinary amount of magnanimity, and Wan had been disciplined
by a long experience of misfortune, and was subtile and scheming.
Both of then were fully acknowledged as directors and controllers of
the States generally by the court of Chow; and it seems to me not
unlikely that if W&n had been a younger man when he came to the
xnarquisate of Tsin, and his rule had been protracted to as great a
length as that of Hwan, he would have gone on to supersede the
djmasty of Chow altogether, and we should have had a dynasty of Tsin
nearly nine hundred years earlier than it occurs in Chinese chronology.
As it was, his successors, till nearly the end of the Ch'un Ts*ew period^
claimed for their State the leading place in the kingdom; and it was
generally conceded to them. Though the system of which I am
speaking be connected with the names of the five princes which I have
mentioned, it yet continued to subsist after them. They were simply
the first to vindicate, or to endeavour to vindicate, a commanding
influence for the States to which they belonged throughout the king-
dom ; and though neither Hwan nor W&n had any one among their
successors fully equal to them, they had many who tried to assert a
supremacy, and Tsin, as I have said, was long acknowledged to be
* lord of covenants.'

Seang of Sung was not entitled to a place among the five chiefs^
either from his own character, or from the strength and resources
of his State. He appears rather as a madman than a man of steady
purpose; and many scholars exclude 'his naine from the category,
and introduce instead Hoh-leu of Woo or Kow-ts*een of Yueh.
Kor is Muh of Ts^in much better entitled to the place assigned
to him, for though he was a prince of very superior character to
SSang, his influence was felt only in the west of the kingdom, and
not by the States generally. Chwang of Ts'oo, moreover, did
certainly exercise the influence of a chief over several of the States,
but he was not acknowledged as such by the king of Chow, and the

2 See Mencius, VI. Pt. ii. VII.

115]

piioLKooMENA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH*UN TSEW PERIOD. £ch. ni.

title of king which he claimed for himself sufficiently showed his
feeling and purpose towards the existing dynasty. StiU he and other
kings of Ts'oo called the States frequently together, and many
responded to their summons, knowing that a refusal would incur
their resentment, and be visited with direst punishment.

I am inclined to believe that the [system of presiding chiefs, or
rather of leading States, did in a degree mitigate the evils of the
prevailing disorder. Ts'e and Tsin certainly kept in check the
encroachments of Ts'oo, which, barbarous as it was, would other-
wise have speedily advanced to the overthrow of the House of Chow.
Yet the system increased the misery that abounded, and if it retarded,
perhaps, the downfall of the descendants of king Woo, it served to
show that that was unavoidable in the end. It was most anomalous, —
an imperium in imperw^ — and weakened the bond of loyal attachment
to the throne. Of what use were the kings of Chow, if they could
not do their proper work of government, but must be continually
devolving it on one or other of their vassals? No line of rulers can
continue to keep possession of the supreme authority in a nation, if
their incompetency be demonstrated for centuries together. The
sentimental loyalty of Confucius had lost its attractions by the time
of Mencius, who was ever on the outlook for ^ a minister of Heaven/
who should make an end of Chow and of the contentions among the
warring States together.

But the system also increased the expenditure of the smaller
States. There still remained their dues to the kings of Chow, even
though they paid them so irregularly that we have instances of
messengers being sent from court to Loo, and doubtless they were
sent to other States as well, to beg for money and other supplies.
But they had also to meet the requisitions of the ruling State, arid
sometimes of more than one at the same time. There are many
allusions in the narratives of Tso to the arbitrariness and severity
of those requisitions. On X. xiii. 5, 6, for instance, we find Tsze-
ch*an of Ch'ing disputing on this point with the ministers of Tsin.
* Formerly,' said he, ' the sons of Heaven regulated the amount of
contribution according to the rank of the State. Ch'ing ranks as the
territory of an earl or a baron, and yet its contribution is now on
the scale of a duke or a marquis. There is no regular rule for
what we have to pay; and when our small State fails in rendering
what is required, it is held to be an oflFender. When our contribu-
tions and ofiferings have no limit set to them, we have only to wait
for our ruin.' It is evident, as we study the hbtory of this system

116]

cu. 111.] THE GROWTH OF THE LARGE STATES. [prolegomena.

of a leading Stale, that there was no help to come from it to the
House of Chow, and no permanent alleviation of the evils under
which the nation was suffering.

4. At the close of the Ch'un Ts'ew period the kingdom was in a
worse and more hopeless condition than at its commencement; and
it seems strange to us that it did not enter into the mind of Confu-
cius to forecast that the feudal system which had so long prevailed
in China was * waxen old and ready to vanish away.' But what
State was to come out victorious from its conflicts with all the
others, and take the lead in settling a new order of things? Only
the event could reveal this, but it could be known that the struggle
for supremacy would lie between two or three powers; and the

The growth of some of the states an important) study of their grOWth SUpplicS

•ttbject of study. The causes of it. | ^^e of the most important les-

sons which the Work of the sage and the Commentary of Tso are
calculated to teach us.

A glance at the map shows us that the China proper of Chow
was confined at first within narrow limits. Even at the beginning of
the Ch*un Ts^ew period it consisted of merely a few States of no great
size, lying on either side of the Yellow River, from the point where
its channel makes a sudden bend to the east onwards to its mouth.

North of the Royal Domain was Tsin, but, though a fief dating
from the commencement of the kingdom, its growth had been so
slow, that it is not till the second year of duke He, B.C. 657, that it
appears in Confucius' text, on the eve of its subjugation of the
small States of Yu and Kwoh. This was the first step which Tsin
took in the career of enlargement by which it ere long attained to
so great a size.

South of the Domain was Ts^oo; and, though it had been
founded in the time of king Ch'ing, it does not appear in the
text of our Classic till the tenth year of duke Chwang, B.C. 683.
It is then called King, and we do not meet with it under the name
of Ts^oo till the first year of duke He, B.C. 658.

West from the Domain was Ts'in, the first lord of which was given
a local habitation and name only in B.C. 908; and it did not become
an independent fief of the kingdom till the year 769. Its first
appearance in our text is in the fifteenth year of duke He, B.C. 644.

A long way east from Ts'oo, and bordering on the sea, was the
State of Woo, which, though claiming an earlier origin than the
kingdom of Chow itself, is not mentioned in the classic till the
Seventh year of duke Ch'ing, B.C. 583.

117]

PROLEGOMBNA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH'UN TS'EW PERIOD. f^"- »"•

But it will be observed that these four States had from their
situation grand opportunities for increasing their territory and their
population ; and the consequence was that before the end of the Ch^un
Ts'ew period each of them occupied an extent of countr)' many times
larjrer than the Royal Domain, while Ts'oo was nearly as large as all the
Middle States, as those of Chow proper were called, together. The way
in which it and Tsin proceeded was by extinguishing and absorbing
the smaller States adjacent to them, and by a constant process of
subjugating the barbarous tribes, which lay on the south and west of
Ts'oo, and on the north and east of Tsin. Ts*in lay farther off from
the settled parts of the country, and it« princes had not so much to
do in absorbing smaller States, but they early established their sway
over all the Jung, or the wild hordes of the west. Tlie leadership,
which I have said in the preceding paragraph is improperly ascribed
to duke Muh of Ts'in as being over the feudal States belonged to
him in his relation to the Jung. The sea forbade any extension
of the border of Woo on the east, but it found much land to be
occupied on the north and south, and its armies, going up the
Keang or Yang-tsze, met those of Ts'oo, and fought with them for
the possession of the country between that great river and the Hwae.

The States of Chow proper had little room for any sinfiilar
expansion. They were closely massed together. From the first
immigration of the ancestors of the Chinese tribe, their course had
been eastwards and mainly along the course of the Yellow River, and
most of the older occupants of the country had been pushed before
them to the borders of the sea. Ts*e extended right to the sea, and
80 did Ke which the other absorbed. Then came the small States of
K*e and Keu, the latter of which had a sea border, while they do not
seem to have ever thought of pushing their way into what is now called
the promontory of Shan-tung. The people of both K'e and Keu were
often taunted by the other States with belonging themselves to the
E barbarians. South from Keu there was a tract extending inland
a considerable way, occupied by E tribes and the half-civilized peo-
ple of Seu, and reaching down to the hordes of the Hwae, which
Loo pleased itself with the idea of reducing,^ but which it was
never able to reduce. Altogether there was, as I have said, hardly
any room for the growth of these middle States. Ts'e was the
strongest of them, and longest maintained its independence, ulti-
mately absorbing Sung, which had itself previously absorbed Ts^aou.
Of the others, Heu, Ts'ae, Ch'in, the two Choo, Loo, and in the end

1 See the t$he, Part, IV., Bk. II., ode III.
118]

CH. iii.l THE FINAL STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY. [prolegomena.

Ch*ing fell to Ts*oo, and Wei became dependent on one of the mar-
quisates or kingdoms into which Tsin was divided.

Woo for a time made rapid progress, and seemed as if it would
at least wrest the sovereignty of the south from Ts'oo; but its down-
fall was more rapid than its rise had been. It was extinguished by
Yueh a very few years after the close of the Ch'un Ts'ew period,
and Yueh itself had ere long to succumb to Ts'oo.

Thus, as time went on, it became increasingly clear that the final
struggle for the supreme power would be between Ts*in and Ts'oo.
If Tsin had remained entire, it would probably have been more
than a match for them both; but the elements of disorganization
had long been at work in it, and it was divided, about the year
B.C. 400, into three marquisates. The lords of these soon claimed,
all of them, the title of king, and the way in which they maintained
for a century and a half the struggle with Ts*in and Ts'oo shows
how great the power of Tsin unbroken would have been. Ts'e and
Yen also assumed the royal style, and made a gallant defence
against the powers of the west and the south; but they would not
have held out so long as they did but for the distance which inter-
vened between them and the centres of both their adversaries.
Ts'in at last bore down aU opposition, and though of all the great
States that developed during the Ch'un Ts'ew period it was the
latest to make its appearance, it remained master of the field.
From the kings of Chow it cannot be said to have met with any
resistance. Their history for three hundred years before the
extinction of the dynasty is almost a blank. They continued to
bold a nominal occupancy of the throne so long only because there
were so many other princes contending for it.

The above review of the closing centuries of the dynasty of (yhow,
and of its overthrow by the king of Ts'in, seems to prove, brief as
it has been, that, given a number of warring States or nations, vic-
tory will in the long run declare itself in favour of that one which
has the most extensive territory and the largest population. Ts'in
and Ts'oo, when they first came into contact with the States of
Chow proper, were, no doubt, inferior to them in the arts of civiliza-
tion generally, and among these of the art of war; but they had
vast resources and a rude energy, which compensated in the first
place for want of skill, and they soon learned from their adversaries
whatever was required for their effective application. A fixedness
of purpose and recklessness in the expenditure of human life char-
acterized their measures, and the struggle came at last to be mainly

119]

PROLEGOMBMA.] THE CHINA OF THE CHUN TS*EW PERIOD. [ch. iii.

between themselves. It ended more from the exhaustion of the
coinbafants than from any real superiority on the part of Ts'in.

While the downfall of Chow has led me thus to speak of the
success which must inevitably attend the efforts of the combatant
whose resources are the greatest, if the contents of my volume led
me to trace the history of China downwards for a few more years,
it would be as evident that, while material strength is sure, when
not deficient in warlike skill, to gain a conquest, it cannot consoli-
date it. The brief existence of tlie Ts'in dynasty seemed but to
afford a breathing time to the warring States, and then China
became once more horrid with the din of arms. Most of the States
which had contended over the throne of Chow again took the field,
and others with them, until, after sixteen years more of strife and
misery, the contest was decided in favour of the House of Han,
which joined to force of arms respect for the traditions of the coun-
try, and a profession at least of reverence for the virtues of justice
and benevolence.

6. An incident occurred during the time of duke Seano: which
deserves to have attention called to it, as illustrating the saying that
* there is nothing new under the sun,' where we should not expect
its illustration. The strife between Ts'oo and Tsin was then at its
height; and the States generally were groaning under the miseries
which it occasioned. It occurred to Heang Seuh, a minister of
An endeavour made to pat an^ Sung, that he would be deserving well of
end to war by covenant. j" ^j^^ country if he could put an end to the

constant wars. The idea of a Peace Society took possession of his
mind. He was by no means without ability himself, and had a
faculty for negotiation and intrigue. He was, no doubt, sincerely
desirous to abate the evils which abounded, but we are sorry to find
that he was ambitious also ' to get a name' for himself by his measure,
and had an eye to more substantial advantages as well. How his
scheme worked itself out in his own mind we do not know; but
after long brooding over it, he succeeded in giving it a practical
shape, which may have been modified by the force of circumstances.
Being on friendly terms with the chief ministers of Tsin and
Ts'oo, he first submitted his plan to them, and procured their assent
to it. In Tsin they said, 'War is destructive to the people and eats
up our resources; and it is the greatest calamity of the small States.
Seuh's plan will perhaps turn out impracticable, but we must give
it our sanction; for if we do not, Ts'oo will do it, and so improve
its position \^ith the States to our disadvantage/ Similarly they

^ 120J

OH. lu.] PLAN FOR PUrriNG AN END TO WAR. [rBOLECoMiiXA.

reasoned and agreed in Ts'oo, Ts*e, and Ts'in, The great powers
appeared all to be willing.

Having succeeded thus far, Seuh proceeded to call a meeting of
the States generally, and in the summer of 535 the representatives
of not fewer than fourteen of them met in the capital of Sung.
Various jealousies were displayed in making the arrangements pre-
liminary to a covenant. Ts'e and Ts'in were exempted from taking
the oath, so that the agreement was narrowed to a compact between
Ts^oo and Tsin, and the States which adhered to them respectively;
and though this would secure a temporary peace to the kingdom, yet
the two other great States, being left unbound, might take advan-
tage of it, to prosecute their own ambitious designs. Ts'oo, more-
over, displayed a fierce and un conciliating spirit which promised ill
for the permanence of the arrangement. However, the covenant
was accepted with these drawbacks. There should be war no more !
And to assure so desirable an end, the princes who had been in the
habit of acknowledging the superiority of Ts*oo should sliow their
respect for Tsin by appearing at its court, and those who had been
adherents of Tsin should similarly appear at the court of Ts'oo.
Thus these two Powers would receive the homage of all the
States; and it was implied, perhaps, that they would unite their
forces to punish any State which should break the general peace.
Nothing was said of the loyal service which was due from them
all to the kings of Chow; and Ts4n and Ts'e were left, as I
have said, unfettered, to take their own course. I apprehend
that the princes and ministers who were at the meeting separated
without much hope of the pacification being permanent; — as indeed
it did not prove to be. Heang Seuh alone thought that he had
accomplished a great work; and without being satisfied, as we wish
that he had been, with the consciousness that he had done so, he
proceeded to ask a grant of lands and towns from the duke of Sung
as a reward for ' arresting the occasion of death.' His application
was acceded to, but it did not take eflfect. Seuh showed the charter
of the grant which he had obtained to Tsze-han the chief minister
of the State, who said to him, 'It is by their arms that Tsin and
Ts'oo keep the small States in awe. Standing in awe, the high and
low in them are loving and harmonious, and thus the States are kept
quiet, and do service to the great powers, securing their own pre-
servation and escaping ruin. Who can do away with the instruments
of war? They have been long in requisition. By them the lawless
are kept in awe, and accomplished virtue is displayed. On them

121]

fROLBOOMBKA.] tHE CHINA OF THE OH^UK T8*&W PEtUOD. [oh; iii.

depetids the preservation or the ruin of a country; — and you hav(J
been seeking to do away with them. Your sch(inie is a delusion^
and there eould be no greater offence than to lead the States astray
by it. And ni^t content with baring escaped punishment, you have
sought for reward!" With this be cut the document in pieced and
cast it away, while Seiih submitted^ and made no further claim to
the gratlt which had been assigned to him.

So ended the first attempt which was made in the World to put
an end to vfM on {)rihciples of expediency and by political arrange-
ments. It Was a delusion and proved a failure; but there must
have been a deep and wide-spread feeling of the miseries which it
was intended to remove, to secure for it its temporary acceptance.
Though a delusion it Was, it was a brilliant one. Though Seuh was
a dreamer, I h&ve thought that his name should have prominent
mention giveti to it. More than two thousand years have elapsed
since his time; Christianity, calling to universal ^ peace on earth,' had
come into the field; atid under its auspices nations unheard oF^ it
^ay be said unborn, ih the era of the Ch'un Ts'ew^ have attained a
wondrous growth, with appliance* of science and a development
Commerce, which were then all^unknown: — and is it still a delusion
to hope for arrftbgements which will obviate the necessity of
a recurrence to *the last i*el3ort)' the Appeal to the force of arms?

6. Of the wild tribes which infested the territory of China J)ro-
^er during the Ch'iin Ts'ew period, and surrounded it on every
side, it is impossible to give an entirely satisfactory account After
Wis hav6 gathered up Ihie information supplied by Confucius and
th^ nide tritses iii chbi ^Vkdjardabd it. the Commentary of Tso, there occur
4iii6stiOtis connected with thfeirl to which We do not find any re^ly.

in the Shoo V. ii., M the fittal struggle of king Woo With the last
king of Shahg, we find ' the YUng, the Shuh, the Keang, the Maou,
the Wei, the LoOj the P'&ng, and the f uh/ eight tribes from th^ south-
West, having their seats mostly In the pr^eht provinces of Sze-ch'ueu
dnd Hoo-pih) all i^tssisting the fok'tner. Ag most ojf them ap^elir during
the Gh'Un-Ts'gw period^ occupying the same locations, the probability
is, that, when Shang was subdued, they received their share of the
spoils, and returned to their fastnesses. Some honours and titlcis may
have be^n conferred^ besides, on their chiefs by Woo, but it does not
appear that they acknowledged any allegiance to the House of Chow.
If they did, we may be sure it was nothing more than nominal.

The wild tribes are generally divided itlto four classes, calted by
different names, according to their situation relative to the Middle

122]

c». wj THE TRIBES OF THE JUNjG. [prolbogmkn^.

Stsites. Th^re were the Jung,^ or hordes of the west; the Teih,^ or
hordaa of th$ ne^rth; the E,^ or hordes of the east; and the Man,^ or
hordes of thQ south. These designations are In the main correct^
yet we find Jung tribes widely diffused, and not- confined to the
west only. When we bring together the hints and statements of
the Text and the Commentary, the knowledge obtained concerning
the four clas3es may be brought within small compass.

First, of the Jung. Seven divisions of these are indicated.

[i.] At the beginning of the period, we find tribes in the neighr
bourhood of Loo, which are siinply called Jung, and whose seat was
in the present district of Ts*aoi|, department Ts*jaou-chpw. Yin is
introduced twice in his 2d year QQvenanting with them. In his
7th yeftPy we find them mp^king ei^ptiye an earl of Faq, on ))i8
return from Loo to thp royi^l coprt, and carrying him off with them
to their own settlements. Duke Hwan covenants with them in his
2d year. Du^i^ Chwang in hi^ jl8th year pursues them ecross the
Tse river; and in his 20th yea? they are invaded by a force front
T3*e. In his ^4th yei^r they m^lfe an inroad into the State of Ts*aou,
and Qpmpel a Ke, who ntiay have been the earl of it, to fl;ee to Ch*in,
Thq duke appears in his 26th year conducting an expedition against
them; ftnd e-fter that we heap nothing more about them. We may
9luppo9e that they were then finally subdued, and lost their indl-
vidMcmty among the popuUtion of Loo.

[U,] There were the * Northern Jung/^ the ' Hill Jung,'^ and th«
♦ WoQ-chungs,'^ who are referred to the present Tsun-hwa Chow® in
Chih4e. Tso mentions an incursion which they made in the 9th
yew of duke Yin into Ch^ing, when they sustained a gre^tt defeat,
ebiefly because they fought oii foot, and had no chariots like the
States of Chow, According to hin>, moreover, they invaded Ts'e in
the 6th year of Hwian, and were «gain defeated through the assistc^nee
of Ch^ing. In th^e 30th year of Chwang, they reduced the State of
Yen to greskt distress, md Ts'e directed an expedition against thi^
.which brought away ^eat ^poiL In the 10th year of He, the marr
€pm of Ts^ie and the hwqn pf Heu appear engaged in an inyasion
of th^m; jftmd we hear no more of them till the 4th year of
gjaang, when K«a-foo, viscount of Woo-chung (according to Toq, the
ei^tal of the Hill Jung), presents a number of tiger ^.ud leopard
skins to Tsin, begging that that State would be in harmony with the

'J^ ...■^- •^- **• '"^^^ '^^- '^^

123]

PROi.EGosiivNA.] THK CHINA OF THE CIPUN TS'EW PERIOD. [ch. m.

Jung. In a discussion at the court of Tsin on the advances thus
made, one of its ministers argued for a conciliatory policy on five
grounds, the first of which was that these tribes were continually
changing their residence, and were fond of selling their lands for
goods, so that they might be acquired without the trouble and
risks of war. Lastly, in the first year of duke Ch'aou, an oflftcer of
Tsin inflicts a great defeat on the Woo-chungs and the various tribes
of the Teih ; after which we have no further mention of the Hill
Jung, the Northern Jung, or the Woo-chungs. They, no doubt,
disappeared among the multitudes of Tsin.

[iii.] There were the ' Jung of Luh-hwSn,'^ who had also the
names of the ' Jung of the surname Yun,'^^ the * Little Jung,*!^ the
* Keang Jung,'i2 the ' Yin Jung,'i3 and the ' Jung of Kew-chow.'i*
These had originally dwelt in the far west, in the territory which
now forms Suh Chow^^ in Kan-suh, which they called Luh-hwan;
but in the 22d year of duke He, Tsin and Ts'in united in removing
them to E-ch'uen, or the present district of Sung,^^ in the department
of Ho-nan. In Chwang's 28th year they are called the Little Jung,
and it appears that the mother of duke Hwuy of Tsin belonged to
their tribe. In the 33d year of He, they give, as the Keang Jung,
important help to Tsin in a great defeat which it inflicted on the
troops of Ts'in in the valley of Heaou. In the 3d year of Seuen,
Ts'oo invaded them, and tliey seem to have coquetted subsequently
both with Ts'oo and Tsin, which led to the final extinction of their
independence by the latter power iu the 17th year of Ch*aou. In
his 7th year a body of them appears as the Yin Jung, under the
command of an officer of Tsin, and mention is made of how they
had troubled the Royal Domain, and the Ke States generally, since
their removal from their original seat. In the Chuen on Ch^aou,
xxii. 8, another body of them is called the Jung of Kew-chow, and
the same branch of them is mentioned as late as the 4th year of Gae.

[iv.] There were the ' Jung of Yang-k'eu, Ts'euen-kaou, and
about the E and the Loh,'^^ who had their seats about those two
rivers, in the present district of Loh-yang, and perhaps other parts
of the department of Ho-nan. Yang-k'eu and Ts'euen-kaou are
taken to be the names of their principal settlements or towns. Thus
these tribes infested the Royal Domain, and they were at one time

lU]

CH. III.] THE TRIBES OF THE JVSG. [prolecomfna.

very troublesome to the capital itself. In the 11th year of duke Ho,
on the invitation of the king's brother Tae, they attacked it with all
their strength, entered the royal city, and burned one of its gates.
Tsin and TsHn came to the help of the king, and obliged tlie Jung
to make peace with him; but in the following year the services of
the marquis of Ts'e, who was then the presiding prince among the
States, were required for the same purpose, and in He's 16th year
he was obliged to call out the forces of all the States to occupy the
Domain, and keep the Jung in check. In the 8th year of W&n, an
officer of IjOo, having gone to the west to meet a minister of Tsin,
took the opportunity to make a covenant with these Jung, who, it is
supposed, were them meditating an attack on Loo. Only once again
do we meet with them. In the 6th year of duke Ch'ing they are
associated with other tribes, and with the forces of Tsin, Wei, and
Ch4ng, in an incursion into Sung. By this time they had probably
settled down in the Domain as subjects of Chow.

[v.] There were the ^Man,'^® called also the Mung Man '^^ to
distinguish them from the Man of the south, and the 'Maou Jung,'2o
whose seats were in the present Joo-chow,2i Ho-nan. The Jung who
are mentioned in the Chuen after VI. xvii. 5 as having been sur-
prised by Kan Ch'uh of Chow, when they were drinking spirits,
belonged to these; and in the first year of Ch'ing the royal army
received a severe defeat from them. The Mans are enumerated
among the other tribes in the expedition against Sung in the 6th
year of ChHng, as mentioned above. In the 5th year of Seang we
find the king sending a member of the royal House to the court of
Tsin with a complaint against them. In the 16th year of Ch'aou,
Ts'oo appears in the field, inveigles Kea, viscount of the Man, into
its power, and puts him to death; then establishes its superiority
over all their territory, and appoints Eea's son as viscount in his
room. Thenceforth this branch of the Jung appears to have been
subject to Ts'oo. , They rebelled against it in the 4th year of duke
Gae; and when their viscount Ch'ih was driven to take refuge in
Tsin, that State gave him up to Ts'oo; — a proceeding which is justly
deemed to have been disgraceful to it.

[vi.] There were the * Dog Jung,'^^ whose original seat was in
the present department of Fung-ts'eang, Shen-se. Many critics
identify them with the Heen-yun of the She in II. i. VII. and
other odes, though Choo He says that these belonged to the Teih.

'«i^^ '»3Jc# ^^^ '^m^- ''i<^

125]

PROLBOOMBNA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH'UN TS*EW PERIOD. [ch. in.

In B.C. 770 they made common cause with the marquis of Shjn, and
joined him in his measures against king Yew. Then, contrary to the
wishes of the marquis, they gave the reiqs to their own greed of
plunder, spoiled the capital,-^the old capital of Fung, and put the
king to death. Tsin and Ts4n came to the relief of the court, and
drove the Jung away; but some branches of them appear to have
maintained themselves in the more eastern regions which they had
found so attractive. In the 2d year of Min, the duke of Kwoh
defeated them* near the junction of the Wei with the Ho, ar)4 again,
in the second year of He, at a place in the present district of WftRr
heang, Shen Chow,^^ Shan-se, This is the last we hear of them.
Their original territory, no doubt, fell to the Iqt of Ts'in, but any
portion of the tribe, which had settled on the east of the Ho, would
be absorbed by Tsin.

[vii.] There were the * I^e Jung, '2^ v^ho occupied jn the present
district of Lin-t'ung, department Se-gan, A(3Cprding to the Chuen
on III, xxviii, 1, duke Heen of Tsin invaded their territory, the
chief of which, who had the title of baron, gave hjm his daughter in
marriage. She waB the Le Ke whose union with He^n wa* the occasion
of ao much confusion and misery in Tsin. That State, soon after,
put an end to the independent existence of the tribe.

The above are all the tribes of the Jung mwtioned in the Cb*|in
Ts6w and in T«o, excepting the JLioo Jung, of whom I sJiaU have ta
upeak when we come to the Man of the Sontb* Neither the se^g^ nor his
eommient ator ha4 occasion to bring forward any others, for only thes^
made their appearance In eonni^ion with the States of China during
the Cb*un-T«^ew period. There were, however, tnany more tribes,
which constituted, properly spfaking, the Jung of t^e west, by the
abaorption of which it was that Tp'in Poached such an eBriinen<5e of

power.

Second, of the Teih. S^e-naa Ts'een and Too Yu, the latter led away
probably by Sze-ma, place aome tribea of tb^e on the west of the Ho;
but so far aa the evidence of Confucius aad T^or^he goes, they are
all to be sought on the es3t of that river, and appear extending
from it, along the north of the different States, aa for as the pre-
sent Shan-tung. Up to the time of duke Seuen, we read in the
text only of the Teih, but subsequently there appear two great
divisions of them,.^he 'Red Teih,'25 ^nd the ' White Teih.'^e Then
the Red Teih are no more mentioned after the third year of duke

^m^Mmm ^^m^ ^m^ ''sm-

126]

CH. II1.1 THB TRIBES OF TUK TEIH. [prolbqohena.

Ch'ing, and the extlnctioh of feeVeral tribes of them is recorded; but
the White continued beyond the Ch*un-TB*ew period, ftnd one tribe
of them held its own till the time of the Warring States, when its
chief took the title of king, and contended with the other combatants
for the possession of all the dominions of Chow.

Of the Red Teih six tribes seem to be specified: — the *Kaou-lohs
of the eastern hills, '^^ whose seat was the present district of Yuen-
It ^euh, Eeang ChoWj Shan-se; the Tsgang-kaou-joo,^^ whose seat is
unknown ; the ^Loos,'^® who hAve left their name in the district of
Loo-shing, department Loo-gan, Shan-se; the *Keahs,'^^ who occu-
pied in the present district of Ee-tsih, department Kwang-p4ng,
Chih-le; the *Lew-yu,'*i in the present district of T'un-lew, depart-
ment Loo-gan above; and the *Toh-shin,'^2 ^ho were also somewhere
in the same department.

Of the White Teih there were three tribest^^the *Seen^yU,' or the
*Chung-shan,'^ in the present district of Ching-ting, department
Ching-ting, Chih-le; the *Fei,'** in Kaou*shing district of the dame
department; and the *Koo,'^ in Tsin Chow, also in Ching-ting.

I will now give an outline of what is related about the Teih in
the text and in Tso.

[i.] While there is no intimation of any general distinction among
their tribes.

They appear first in the 32d year of Chwang, invading the small
State of Hing, which was by nO means able to cope with them.
Ts^e went in the first place to its rescue, but in the first year of He
Hing removed its principal city to a situation where it would be
more out of the way of the Teih, and the forces of Ts'e, Sung, and
Ts^aou are introduced as fortifying the new capital.

About the same time the Teih attacked the more considerable
State of Wei, and nearly annihilated it. In the 2d year of Min,
they took its chief city, the inhabitants of which fled across the Ho.
There only 730 people, men and women, could be got together
again, and when to them were added the inhabitants of the two other
chief towns of the State, the whole did not amount to more than 5,000
souls. This gives u& ^ correct, but not an exalted idea, of the resources
of many of th« States of Chow in those days. Ts*e Wettt to the help
of Wei, as it had done in the case of Hing, gwhered \ip the i^uinsof the
State, and calted Out the other States to prepd^te a neW capital for it.

127] .

PKOLBGOMENJL.] THE CHINA OF THE CH*UN TS*EW PERIOD. [cH. uv

While the Teih were thus successful against Hing and Wei, they
came into contact with the Power which was ultimately to destroy
their independence. In the 2d year of Min, the marquis of Tsin
sent his eldest son against the settlements of the Kaou-lohs. Other
expeditions followed, and in the 7th year of He a general of that
State inflicted a defeat on a portion of the Teih; but, when urged
to follow up his victory, he said that he only wanted to frighten
them, and would not accelerate a rising of all their tribes. The
consequence was that in the following year we have the Teih
retaliating by an invasion of Tsin.

In duke He's 10th year they penetrated into the Royal Domain,
and overthrew the State of Wan,^^ the viscount of which fled to Wei.
From that time, for several yearsf we find Wei, Ch'ing, and Tsin,
one after another, suffxiring from their incursions. In He's 18th
year Ts'e was in confusion in consequence of the death of duke
Hwan, and the Teih went to succour the partizans of his younger
sons; and two years after, Ts'e and they made a covenant in the
capital of Hing. In the 24th year they invaded Ch'ing, Avhich the
king, who was then in great distress from the machinations of
his brother Tae, took for some reason as an acceptable service to
himself He married a daughter of one of their chiefs, and made
her his queen; — a position of which she soon proved herself un-
worthy.

In He's 31st year we find them again actively engaged against
Wei, which was compelled to make another change of its capital It
was able, however, the year after, to make in its turn an incursion
into their settlements, when they entered into a covenant with it, and
left it unmolested till the 13th year of duke Wan. Meanwhile they
continued their incursions into Ts'e, and went on to attack Loo and
Sung, notwithstanding a check Avhich they received from Tsin in
the last year of duke He. Loo also defeated them in the 12th year
of Wan.

[ii.] In the time of duke Seuen and subsequently, we read no
more in the same way of the Teih, but of the Red and the White
Teih. Of the latter we have an earlier mention in the Chuen, in
the account of the battle of Ke, when Tsin defeated the Teih, as I
have mentioned above. It is then said that a viscount of the White
Teih was taken prisoner. From some hints which are found in Tso
it appears that about this time jealousies began to spring up among

128]

CH. III.] THE TRIBES OF THE TEIH. [pbolewombiia.

the Teihs themselves. The Red tribes were trying to assert a
superiority which the White would not allow, and so they were left,
unsupported, to cope with Tsin for which they were by no means a
match.

That great State had now consolidated its resources, and it made
short work of the Red Teih. They invaded it in Seuen's 4th and
7th years, and met with little opposition; Tsin purposely retiring
before them to increase their arrogance. But in his 15th year an
array entirely reduced the tribe of the Loos, and carried oflF their
vbcount Ying-urh; and next year another army similarly reduced
the Keahs and the Lew-yu. In the 3d year of Ch'ing, Tsin and
Wei joined in an invasion of the Tseang-kaou-joo, with whom they
dealt probably in the same way; for we have no further mention of
the Red Teih. Wherever the Teih are mentioned after this, other
circumstances show that the White Teih are meatit.

[iii.] The White Teih made a bolder resistance, nor was Tsin
ever able to destroy the independence of the tribe of the Seen-yu.

In the 8th year of Seuen, we find the White Teih associated with
Tsin in the invasion of TsHn. They would seem to have broken otf
entirely from the Red Teih, and to have been willing to join with
the State which was in deadly hostility with them. Three years
after, the marquis of Tsin had a great meeting, at a place within
their territories, with all their tribes.

The alliance thus formed between them and Tsin was not very
lasting. In the 9th year of ChHng, they are confederate with Ts'in
and Ts*oo in invading Tsin; but they took nothing by their fickle-
ness, for Tsin inflicted a defeat upon them in Ch'ing's 12th year.

In Seang^s 18th year, an embassy from them visited the court of
Loo, — ^for what purpose we cannot tell. Nor are they again mention-
ed in the sage's text, though the Chuen speaks frequently of them.

In SSang's 28th year, they appear, with the States which acknow-
ledged the presidency of Ts^oo, visiting at the court of Tsin, — in
accordance with the treaty of Sung. It would th us appear that
they had gone over finally to the side of Ts*oo. They soon suffered
for their course. In Ch*aou's first year, an army of Tsin, under
Seun Woo, defeated them at Ta-loo. In his 12th year, the same
commander put an end to the independent existence of the Fei
tribe, and carried away their viscount prisoner. So he dealt with
the Koo tribe in Ch^aou's 15th year; but he subsequently restored its
viscount, which seems to have encouraged them to revolt again, and
in Ch'aou s 22d year, ' Seun Woo a second time extinguished Koo.'

129]

FBOLKOOMBHA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH*UN TS'EW PERIOD. fcH. ul

The Seen-yu were not so easily disposed of. Tsin attacked this
tribe in Ch^aou's 1 2th year, and in his 13th and 15th, but without
any decisive success. In the 3d year of Ting the army of Tsin was
defeated by it, but returned to the attack in the following year,
assisted by a force from Wei. Soon after this, the great families of
Tsin began contending among themselves, and no eflFective action
coald be taken against the Seen-yu. The tribe maintained its
independence on into the period of the Warring States, and finally
yielded to the kingdom of Chaou about the year B.C. 296.

Third, of the E. Confucius is reported, in the Analects, IX. xiii.,
AS declaring that he would like to go and live among ^ the nine
£,' on which expression it is generally said that there were nine
tribes of the E. There may have been so many originally, and
Confucius may have used a phrase which had come down as descrip-
tive of them from a former time. But we do not find nine tribes,
nor even naif that number, mentioned in the Ch^un Ts'ew or in
Tso's Commentary. I believe that the power of the E tribes had
been broken, and that many of them had disappeared among the
inhabitants of the eastern States, before the time under our notice.
We have to do only with the 'E of the Hwae river, '^7 of * Keae,'^ of
* Lae,'«« and of ' Kin-mow.'^

[i.] The tribes of the Hwae were the only E whose power and
numbers were considerable in the Ch^un-Ts*ew period. The Chuen
on V. xiii. 3 mentions that they were at that time distressing the
State of K'e, so that they must have penetrated a long way north
from the river about which lay their proper seats. From that time,
for more than a hundred years, we do not again meet with them;
but in the 4th year of duke Ch'aou, at the first meeting of the
States called by Ts*oo, we find that the chiefs of these, tribes were
also present, and that they went on, immediately after, under the
leading of Ts'oo, to invade Woo. One other reference to them is
all that occurs; — under the 27th year of Ch'aou. Then, in the
meeting at Hoo, Fan Heen-tsze of Tsin, when enumerating the dif-
ficulties in the way of restoring duke Ch^aou to Loo, says that the
Head of the Ke family had succeeded in securing the adherence
of the Hwae E. All these tribes fell in the end to the lot of TsW

[ii.] Keae was the name of a small tribe of the E, — in the present

Keaou Chow, department of Lae-chow. In the 29th year of duke

. He, their chief comes twice to the court of Loo, when Tso tells a

37 J?^^. 38^. 39^. ^^^^

130]

CH. lu.] THE TRIBES OF THE E AND MAN. [proleoomeha.

ridiculous story about his interpreting the lowing of a cow. His
visit, no doubt, had reference to an incursion which his tribe made
the year after into Seaou, a dependency of Sung. Keae must have
been absorbed either by Ts'e or by Loo.

[iii.] Lae was in the present district of Hwang, department
T&ng-chow,— on the borders of Ts'e. Its original inhabitants
appear to have been brought to comparative civilization, and been
ruled by a viscount of the surname Keang, before the Ch*un-Ts*ew
period. We find Ts*e, however, in constant hostility with it from
its first appearance in the 7th year of duke Seuen to its extinction
in the 6th year of Seang.

[iv.] Kin-mow was the principal town of a small tribe of E, — in
the present district of E-shwuy, department E-chow. Its capture
by Loo is mentioned in the 9th year of duke Seuen, and afterwards
it appears, in the Chuen on X. viii. 6, as the most eastern city
belonging to the State.

Fourth, of the Man. We have not much information in the Ch'un
Ts'ew or in Tso about the tribes of the south, and that for the same
reason which I have mentioned as making our authorities almost
silent about the Jung proper, or the hordes of the far west. Ts'oo
kept the Man under its control, and lay between most of their tribes
and the States of Chow, so that the two hardly came into contact
or collision, and the historiographers of the States had little occasion
to refer to what was taking place among the southern populations.
What we find related about them will be given under the divisions
of the * Loo Jung,'*^ the ^ various tribes of the Man,'*^ {[^q < many
tribes of the Puh,'*^ and the tribes of Ta.'**

[i.] In the Chuen at the beginning of the 13th year of duke Hwan
we have an account of a fruitless expedition from Ts'oo against the
small State of Lo,*^ Lo being assisted by an army of the Loo Jung.
One of the names in king Woo's * Speech at Muh,' which I have
referred to, thus comes here before us. These Jung occupied what
is now the district of Nan-chang, in the department of Seang-yang,
Hoo-pih. Tso says that, though they were called Jung, they be-
longed to the Man of the south. Geographically, they must be
clashed with them. They must have been reduced to subjection by
Ts'oo not long after the above expedition, and their chief settlement
converted into the town of Leu;*^ for in the Chuen on VI. xvi. 6,

*^ JK^ft- *2 ^^. 48 -g jp. a Q. 46 JH. 46

Ying-tah say* this was the same as j^. It should, perhaps, be pronouned Loo.

131]

PROLBooxsirA.] THE CHINA OP THE CH*(JN TS^EW PERIOD. [ch. m.

we have an army of Ts^oo marching on from Leu, where the Loo
Jung had dwelt, and throwing open its granaries to soldiers and
officers alike.

[ii.] It is only in the Chuen just referred to, in the 16th year of
duke WSn, that mention is made of the * many tribes of the Man.'
There was then, we are told, a great famine in Ts'oo, and the people
of Yung, who are also mentioned in th^ Speech at Muh, and who
had by this time coalesced into a State of some order and civilization,
took advantage of it to incite a general rising of all the tribes of the
south against that Power. The Man came to join in the movement
from their seats in what are now the departments of Shin-chow and
Yuen-chow in Hoo-nan. It was a critical time in the history of
Ts^oo, and it was proposed that the capital should be abandoned*
But bolder counsels prevailed; an army took the field; assistance
came from Ts'in and Pa; the Man were severed from the combination,
and made a covenant on their own account; and Yung was extin-
guished, that is, the sacrifices of its chiefs were abolished, and it was
reduced to be a city of Ta'oo. There is no further mention of the
Man in the Ch'un-Ts'ew period. It was not till the time of the
Warring States that Ts'oo succeeded in depriving them of their
independence.

[iii.] The Puh, it has been seen, were among the auxiliaries of
king Woo in the conquest of Shang. The * hundred' or many
tribes of them took a principal part in the rising against Ts*oo, of
which I have just spoken, and appear in it under the direction of
the people of Keun,*^ a small State between Yung and Lo. Where
their own Settlements were is uncertain. Some say they were in the
present department of K^euh-tsing, Yun-nan, which is too far off,
though some tribes may have wandered there at a subsequent
period; others, with more probability, place them in the depar^
ments of Ch^ang-tih and Shin-chow, Hoo-nan. On the occasion
under our notice, Wei Kea, one of the generals of Ts'oo, said about
them, * They think that we are unable from the famine to t^ke the
field. If we send forth an army, they are sure to be afraid, and
will return to their own country. The Puh dwell apart from one
another; and when they are hurriedly going off, each tribe for ita
own towns, who among them will have leisure to think of anybody
but themselves?' It happened as he said. In fifteen days from
Ts'oo's appearing in force there was an end of the attempt of the Puh.

132]

CH. m.l THE TRIBES OF TQK SOUTH. [prolroombna.

Only twice more are they mentioned in the Chuen. In Uhaou'd
9th year, on occasion of a dispute between Chow and Tsin, the
representative of the royal court says boastfully tliat, when Woo
subdued Shang, Pa, the Puh, Ts^oo, and Tang were the territories
of the kingdom in the south; and in his 19th year, we have Ts'oo
preparing a naval expedition against the Puh. What became of
them afterwards I have not been able to ascertain.

[iv.] Pa in the time of the Ch'un-Ts'ew appears as a State ruled
by viscounts of the surname Ke. It has left its name in the present
district of Pa, department Chung-k'ing, Sze-ch'uen. In the Chuen
on the 9th year of duke Hwan, we find it in good relations with
Ts'oo, and co-operating with that State in the siege of Yew, a city
in the present department of Yun-yang, Hoo-pih. Under the 18th
year of duke Chwang, Tso tells us that Pa then revolted from Ts*oo,
and invaded it, its army advancing even to attack Ts^oo's capital.
The only other mention of it is in the text of Wfin's 18th year, in
connexion with the rising of the southern tribes against Ts*oo, when,
as has been stated above. Pa and Ts4n came to the assistance of the
latter. In the time of the Warring States, Pa fell to the share of
Ts^n.

I have thus gathered up into as brief space as possible the
information that we derive from the Ch*un Ts*ew and Tso about
tKe rude and uncivilized or semi-civilized tribes that infested the
kingdom of Chow or surrounded it. The strongest impression
which I receive from the review is one of grave doubt as to
most of what we are told about the previous dynasties of Shang
and Hea. Is it possible that they could have held the territory
occupied by the States of Chow for a thousand years before the
rise of king Woo, and that we should find it, five and six cen-
turies after his time, in the condition which is revealed to us by the
sage and his commentator? I do not think so. We have seen that
the China of Chow was a small affair; that of Shang and Hea must
have been much smaller ; — extending not so far towards the sea on
the east, and to a smaller distance north and south of the Yellow
river. It was evidently, however, in the plan of Providence that
by the Chinese race all the other tribes in the space now included
in China proper should be first broken to pieces and stript of their
individualities, and then welded as into one homogeneous nation.
Its superior culture and capabilities fitted it for this task; and the
process went on very gradually, and with many disturbances and
interruptions, frequently with * hideous ruin and combustion.'

f onl

PROLBOOMENA.] THE CHINA OF THE CH*UN TS'EW PERIOD. Leu. iii.

Having first made good^a settlement along the Yellow river, in the
south-Wvistern parts of the present Shan-se, and perhaps also on the
other side of the stream, the early immigrants sent forth their
branches, scions of different families, east, west, north, and south,
as so many suckers, among the ruder populations sparsely
scattered about, which gradually gathered round them, till they
lost their original peculiarities, and were prepared to be collected
into larger communities; or into States. The first stage in the
formation of the Chinese nation terminated with the ascendency of
the State of Ts'in and the establishment of its short-lived dynasty.

We have seen that of the more considerable of the wild tribes
during the Ch*un-Ts'ew period their chiefs had titles like the princes
of the States of (!)how. We read of the viscounts of the Loos, of
Fei, of Koo, and of the Keang Jung, and of the baron of the Le
Jung; and it has been asked whence they derived those titles.*^ The
Tso Chuen gives us no information on the point, and I am inclined
to suppose that they assumed them themselves, to assert thereby their
equality with the feudal nobles of Chow. Where they claimed to
be the descendants of some great name in former ages of Chinese
history, it would be easier to do so; and the title might be acknow-
ledged by the kings of Chow. Or where intennarriages were formed
with them by the royal House, or by the princes of the States, as
we know was frequently done, the fathers of the brides might be
ennobled for the occasion, and then the titles would be jealously
retained. But the title was generally, I believe, the assumption of
arrogance, as the Chinese would deem it.

There is one passage in the Chuen which shows that the tribes
differed /rom the Chinese not only in their habits of life, but also in
their languages. In the account of the meeting at Heang in the 14th
year of duke Seang, which was attended by the representatives of
more than a dozen States, and by the chief of at least one of the
Jung tribes, who was a viscount (though the text does not say so),
Fan Seun-tsze appears as wanting on behalf of Tsin to seize the
viscount, who belonged to the Keang Jung or the Jung of Luh-hw&n,
attributing the loss of Tsin's power and influence to unfavourable
reports of its proceedings leaking out through them among the
other States. The viscount makes a good defence, and says in con-

48 There is the saying of Confucius in the Analects, m. v.: — * The rude tribes of the east and
north have their rulers, and are not like the States of our great land which are without them.'
Without adopting the view of Ho An which I have given in my note upon the passage, I conclude
that the sage is merely uttering a lament over the disorganization and disobedience to authority,
which he saw going on in Loo and other States. The rude tribes obeyed the * Powers that were '
among them, titled or untitled ; but very different was the state of things in China.

134]

)

(

f ■

J ^ .f

CH. HI.] THE LANGUAGES OF THE TRIBES. [prolegoweka.

elusion: — *Our food, our drink, and our clothes are all different from
those of the Flowery States; we do not exchange silks or other
articles of introduction with their courts; their language and ours
do not admit of intercourse between us and them: — what evil is it
possible for us to have done?' If it was so with those Jung, it was
the same, doubtless, with other tribes as well; and they had, probably,
different languages among themselves, or at least different dialects
of the same language which would render communication between
them difficult. Even where the outlying chiefs or princes claimed
connexion with the House of Chow, or traced their first appoint-
ment to it, the languages spoken in their States may have been
different from that of China proper. I have pointed out how the
names of the lords of Woo, both in structure and sound, do not appear
to be Chinese. And in the account of Tsze-wan who had been
chief minister of Ts*oo, given in the Chuen on VII. iv., his name
of Now-woo-t*oo is explained by reference to the fact that he had been
suckled by a tigress, when he was a child and cast away in a forest.
The people of Ts*oo, we are told, called suckling now^ an d their name
for a tiger was woofoo; and hence when the child was grown up, he
"was known by the name of Now-woot'oOj or Tiger-suckled. It
^vould so happen that the languages of the people, who were not of
a Chinese origin, and of their chiefs, would differ for a time; but in
the end, the culture and the force of the superior race prevailed to
bring the language and other characteristics into conformity with it.

135]

rRoLBooMBNA.] BOOK USED IN PREPARING THE WORK. [gh. it.

CHAPTER IV.

LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN EMPLOYED

IN THE PREPARATION OP THIS VOLUME.

SECTION I.

CHINESE WORKS ; WITH BRIEF NOTICES OF THEM.

1. In the -f- H jj^ S± i% (See proleg. to vol. I., p. 129) :

P-] ^^:felfi±^':A; + #. 'The Ch'un Ts'ew and the
Chuen of Tso, with Commentary and Explanations; in 60 Books;*

[ii.] ^ ^ ^ ¥ If 14 i^ H + A # 'The Ch'un fs'ew and
the Chuen of Kung-yang, with Commentary and Explanations; in
28 Books;'

[iii.] ^^WiMM^^^^ + ^^ 'The Ch'un Ts'eNV and the
Chuen of Kuh-leang, with Commentary and Explanations; in 20
Books/

The above three Works are of course K'ung Ying-tah's editions
of the labours of Too Yu, Ho Hew, and Fan Ning, on the text of
the Ch'un Ts'ew and the early Commentaries of Tso-she, Kung-
yang, and Kuh-leang; — of aU of which I have spoken in the first
chapter of these prolegomena. K'ung's own explanations are as
learned and prolix as in the case of the other Classics. Very little
is to be gleaned after him from the books that have come down to
us of the dynasties from the Han to the T'ang. I have generally
used the edition of the thirteen King by Yuen Yuen; and to tlie text
of the She in it I have referred in the prolegomena to vol. IV., p. 172.
The student should use no other, where this is procurable. The
above Works all contain Yuen's examination of K'ung's texts

4. ^^^^tfift^ ^ * Compilation and Digest of Com-
mentaries and Remarks on the Ch'un Ts'ew. By imperial
authority.' In 40 Books, the first two being occupied with intro-
ductory matter. The Work was ordered and its preparation
entrusted to a committee of the principal scholars of the empire
in 1,699, the 38th year of the period K'ang-he, and appeared in
1,721, the 60th year of the same. I have generally called it the
K*ang-he Ch^m Ts^ew. It deserves the praise which I have
bestowed on the imperial editions, in the present dynasty, of the
Shoo and the She, though I have been disposed to dissent more

136]

CH. IV.] BOOKS USED IN PREPARING THE WORK. [prolkgomexa.

frequently from the decisions of the editors themselves. They drew
in preparing it from 134 writers: — 3 of the Chow dynasty; 10 of
the Han; 1 of the Tsin; 2 of the Suy; 13 of the T'ang; 57 of the
Sung; 12 of the Yuen; and 36 of the Ming.

According to their plan, there are subjoined to the text occasionally
brief notices of the different readings, the pronunciation of characters,
and the matter. Then follow the Commentaries of Tso, Kung-yang,
Kuh-leang, and Hoo Gan-kwoh (|^ ^ ^. styled J^ ^), for the
most part in full; but the editors sometimes take it on them to curtail
or even suppress them entirely where they think them to be in error.

Hoo Gan-kwoh was a scholar and officer of the Sung dynasty
(born in 1,074; died in 1,138). His commentary on our classic, iu
30 Books, is not intrinsically of much value, but it was received
on its publication with great applause by Kaou Tsung, the first
emperor of the southern Sung dynasty; and all through the Ming
dynasty its authority was supreme. It formed the standard for
competitors at the literary examinations. Having given those four
Commentaries, the editors draw upon their host of Authorities
(^ ift)j and conclude, when they think it necessary, with their owa
decisions (|^)-

6. There was published in 1,677, at the district city of Keun-shan
(^ |1]), department Soo-chow, Keang-soo, a large collection of Works
on the Classics, under the title of j^^^@^, taken from the name
of the hall or library of the gentleman to whom the books belonged.
The expense of publication seems to have been borne by a Manchoo,
called Nah-lan Ch'ing-tih, with the style of Yung-joh (j^^ Jj!^^*
^ ^). The Collection contains 33 Works on the Ch*un Ts'ew, all
but the last by writers of the Sung and Yuen dynasties. I have had
the opportunity of consulting: —

[i.] ^ ^ t^, * Commentaries on the Ch'un Ts'ew.' In 15
Books; by Lew Chiang (^ j^; styled jjg ^C^; born 1,019, died 1,077.
The author had written an earlier Work on the Ch'un Ts'ew, called
^^^^. The one under notice remained in manuscript, until
the publication of the Collection in which we now find it, Still there
seems no doubt of its genuineness. Lew draws largely on the three
early Commentaries, but decides between them according to his own
judgment, having adopted, however, the praise-and-censure theory
from Kung-yang and Kuh-leang.

[ii.] ^ ^ t#, ' Commentaries on the Ch'un Ts'e w.' In 20 Books,
by Yeh Mung-tih (M^%; styled ^^y and also called ^^)'
These last two characters are generally prefixed to the title of

137]

FROLKOOMBNA.] BOOKS USED IX PREPARING THE WORK. [ch. ir.

the Work, to distinguish it from the preceding and others. The
author was born in 1,077, and died in 1,148. He shows on the one
hand his dissent from Sun Fuh and others who wished to discard
the three early Commentaries altogether, and not go beyond the text
for its explanation, and on the other hand from Soo Cheh, who held
to Tso-she and paid no regard to Kung and Kuh.

[iii.] ^^IMI^, 'A general Exposition of the Ch'un Ts'ew.'
In 13 Books; by Hwang Chung-yen (^"ft j?^; styled >^B§), a
scholar of the Sung dynasty, who seems for some reason or other not
to have advanced beyond his first degree. His Work was completed
in 1,230. He entirely discards the praise-atid-censure theory, and
is more than necessarily independent in his treatment of the three
early Commentaries.

[iv.] ^ ^ ^ it, ' Collected Comments on the Ch'un Ts*ew.' In
11 Books; by Chang Heah i^f^; styled JuWi\ ^ scholar of the
lirst half of the 13th century. He had previously prepared a Work
on the classic, which he called ^^^f^; and, dissatisfied with
the finish of it, he prepared the present one, in which he strove to
imitate the style and manner of Choo He on the Analects and Men-
cius; — and hence its name of ^ gt. It is a useful Work, very
perspicuous.

[v.] ^ ^ ^ |i5? *The meaning of the Ch'un Ts'ew^ Catechetically
elicited.' In 20 Books; by Leu Ta-kwei ( § ;^ ^; styled ^ ;^, and
also called ^ ^\ who took his 3d degree in 1,247. The catechetical
form enables the author to bring out his views with force; but there
IS nothing which can be called peculiarly his own. As between the
early commentators, he adheres to Tso for the facts, and to Kuh-leang
for the principles, having much to say against Kung-yang, and more
against Ho Hew.

[vi] ^^ ^li, 'Digest to help in readinrr the Ch^un Ts'ew/
In 12 Books; by Ch4n Shin (|0|['^; styled -f- 1^), who lived both
in the Sung and Yuen dynasties. He had given to his study the
name of "^ ^ ^, which characters often enter into the title of his
Work. He makes constant use of Tso's Commentary, but is an
advocate of the views of Hoo Gan-kwoh.

[vii.] ^^ IS S J^#£, 'The Records in the Ch^un Ts'ew
arranged under the States to which they severally belong.' In 22
Books; by Ts'e Le-k'een (^^^; styled fj^'^). His preface is
4ated in 1,319. The peculiar character of the Work is shown in
the title. He has placed the notices belonging to Loo before those
of Chow; — very naturally, it seems to me, but the critics profess to

188]

CH. !▼.] BOOKS USED IN PKEPARINrj THE WORK. [prolboomkna.

be shocked by the arrangement. A good deal of freedom is shown
in the handling of subjects.

[viii.] ^^^ pa, 'The meaning of the Ch^inTs'ew Catecheti-
cally elicited.' In 10 Books; by Ch'ing Twan-heoh c^ i^ ^;
styled \^^, called also ^^), who took his third degree in 1,321.
He was much employed in the office of historiography, and com-
posed the Work next mentioned and another on the Ch'un Ts*ew
before he felt equal to this, which is reckoned his chef d^ceuvre. It
betrays a sceptical disposition in reference to the three early Com-
mentaries, and is particularly rich in adducing the opinions of the
Sung scholars.

[ix.] ^^2f£^, *The proper Meaning of the Ch'un Ts'ew.'
In 30 Books; by Ch'ing Twan-heoh above. This was his earliest
Work on our Classic, and shows the same tendencies which are
fully developed in *The Meaning Catechetically elicited.' He gives
the names of 176 Works and Authors, which he had consulted in
preparing for his task.

[x.] ^ ^ ^ 19 "^ Ml *A11 t^^ Commentaries on the Ch'un
Ts*ew in one view.' In 24 Books; by Le Leen (^ .^; styled trfiS^*
The Author's preface bears date in 1,349, towards the end of the
Yuen dynasty. The substance of the three early Commentaries,
and of their editors. Too Yu, Ho Hew, and Fan Ning, of K'ung
Ying-tah, Hoo Gan-kwoh, Ch'ing E-ch'uen, Ch'in Foo-leang (^-(111
]^), and Chang Heah, is all to be found here, with the judgments
on their different views of Le Leen himself It is a Work of o:reat
value.

[xi.] ^ ^ 0® ift, ' My Master's Teachings on the Ch'un Ts'ew.'
In 3 Books; by Chaou Fang (||v'j^; styled •^'^X First pub-
lished in 1,348. The author had studied under Hwang Tsih (^J^X
famous for his knowledge of the Yih King and the Ch*un Ts'ew; and
here he gives what he had learned from him on the true meaning of
those Classics, and the successes and failures of previous commen-
tators.

[xii.] ^^jfBUS^ *The Style and Expression in the Ch*un
Ts^ew on similar Subjects.' In 15 Books; by the same author
as the above. This is an ingenious attempt to make out the
principles by which Confucius was guided in his work of compil-
ing the Ch'un Ts*ew from the historiographers of Loo. His princi-
pal Authorities are Too Yu and his own master Hwang Tsih ;
but he often diflfers from them. He did his work well; but we have
seen that all conclusions on the subject must be very uncertain.

139]

j»ROT.RGOMENA.] BOOKS USED rS PREPAKING THE WORK. fca. it.

[xiii.] ^ ^ ;^ ^ t^^ll si, ' Supplementary Comments on the
Chuen of Tso-slie.' In 10 Books, by the same Chaou Fang. A valu-
able Work. The writer has before him the three early Commentaries,
and it is his object to correct errors and supply defects in Tso from
Kunof-yang and Kuh-leang. He has also before him the labours of
Too Yu on Tso and of Chin Foo-leang on Kuh-leang, and he en-
deavours ' to take what is long in the one to supplement what is short
in the other.'

19. ^^M^l' The Laws of the Ch^un Ts'ew Explained.' By
Too Yu; in 10 Books. This was a production of Too Yu, after he
had completed his great Work on Tso's Chuen. It contains laws of
style under 42 heads; then proceeds to the names of places, genL*-
alogies, and Too's scheme of the chronology of the Ch*un-Ts*ew
period. It seems to me that three different Works of Too have
here got mixed together. Choo E-tsun mentions the Laws of Style
as a Work by itself, published under the Sung dynasty in 15
Books; noting that he had not been able to see it. He also notices
the Chronology as a Work by itself, saying that only Too's preface
to it remains. Indeed the whole was long supposed to be lost, but
it was reproduced, as we have it now, in 1,777, from a Collection made
in the period Yung-loh (1,403-1,424) of the Ming dynasty.

20. The ^ ;^ ^ J5? contains several Works on the Ch'un Ts'ew
by the scholars of tlie present dynasty. I have used: —

p] ^ fli 'frt fi? ^ sEj ' Supplement, with Corrections, to Too's
Explanations of the Tso Chuen.' In 3 Books; by Koo Yen-woo (See
proleg. vol. IV., p. 101). Contains many useful hints for the
translator of Tso. Koo makes much use of two scholars of the Ming
dynasty, — Shaou Paou (S|J 5f) and Foo Sun (^ ^), who had made
it their business to discover the mistakes of Too.

[ii.] ^ ^ ^ (^ ^, 'Jottings in the study of the Ch^un Ts'cw.*
In 10 Books; by Wan Sze-ta C^^;^; styled 'j(^^); bom in
1,633, died in 1,783. Wan was well acquainted with the Le Ke,
the official Book of Chow, and the E Le, and most of his remarks
are based upon them. Chinese scholars praise him as having always
good ground for what he says. I confess I have been inclined
to call in question — now his Authorities, and now his interpretatioa
of them.

[iii.] ^^^^f#, 'Commentary on the Ch'an Ts'ew by
Maou.' This is the work of Maou K*e-ling of whom I have had
much to say in my previous volumes. In 35 Books. It is every-
where referred to in my notes. Occasionally one has to differ from

140]

cii. 1V.1 BOOKS USED IN PREPARING THE WORK. [prolegcmexa.

the author, but his views have in general comnianded my approval.
I thought at one time of simply translating his Work instead of
giving all the Tso Chuen ; but I considered that to do the latter
would be more useful for students. Agreeing for the most part
with Tso, Maou seems glad when he finds reason to differ from him;
and he makes How Gan-kwoh his butt.

[iv.] ^ ^ ® S fij |5i, 'Errors in the Tablets of the Ch'un
Ts'ew.' In two Books; by Maou K'e-ling. This is a defence of the
text of Tso against the different readings that are found in Kung
and Kuh.

[v.] ^ ^ JBiJS J:(j ft IB, 'An Exhibition of the Style of the
Ch'un Ts'ew according to the analogies of the Subject-matter.' In
two Books. Also by Maou K'e-ling. It contains a good demon-
stration of the baselessness of the praise-and-censure theory, and is
intended to vindicate Maou's own four laws of interpretation, given
in the introduction to his Commentarj'.

[vi.] ^ ^ ift, * Discourses on the Ch'un Ts'ew.' In 15 Books;
by Hwuy Sze-k'e (]§[ i ^ ; styled i^ ^\ He was also called ^ ^^
and these two characters are often prefixed to the titles of his Works.
This one on the Ch'un Ts'ew is of great value. The notices in the
Classic are all classified ; the views or illustrations of them afforded
in the early Commentaries adduced; and the whole adjudicated on
by the author.

[vii.] ^ He *lb 3S # U, 'The Geography of the Ch*un Ts'ew
Examined and Determined.' In 4 Books; by Keang Yung (See
proleg. vol. IV., p. 98, n. 6). Displays much research; and is
particularly valuable as bringing down the identifications of the
ancient places to the geographical arrangements of the country at
the present day. A foreigner is apt to err, as I have sometimes
done in this matter, by accepting the geographical determinations in
the K*ang-he edition of our classic, and then finding that the
arrangement of departments and districts in a province has since
been changed.

[viii.] ^^:fet#>J>i5g, 'Short Glosses on the Ch^un Ts^ew
and Tso Chuen.' In one Book; by Shin T'ung (yjt fj^; styled ^
^, and also ^^), who lived from 1,688 to 1,752, and was em*
ployed by the government in various literary tasks. He published
^ short glosses' on several of the other classics as well as the Ch^un
Ts^ew. I have found them useful.

[ix.] ^^ i^f^^ffi^, ' Supplementary Comments on the Ch*un
Ts'ew and Tso Chuen.' A Work similar to the above. In 8 Boaksf

141]

PROLEOOMBW A.] BOOKS USED IN PREPARING THE WORK. [en. it.

by Hwuy Tung (^^j styled ^^). It had been growing up in
liis family for three generations, until he revised the labours of his
father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, added to theni his own
researches, and published it in 1,768. The reader of Too Yu will
get consideruble help from it.

[x.] ^ 'flCIE^? ' Tlie Language of the Ch'un Ts'ew Det^^rminwl
and Regulated.' In 13 Books; by Chwang Ts'un-yu (J^ ^ ffi),
a scholar of the K*eenlung period. The Work is for the most part an
examination of the Classic according to the views and nomenclature
of Kung-yang and Ho Hew.

[xi.] ^ ^ ife 1^ f ^ i^, ^Supplementary Explanations of the
Ch'un Ts'ew and Tso Chuen.' In 5 Books; by Tseaou Seun (J^ ^;
styled ^ ^ and H^ ^). Tiie writer's principal object was to su\y
plement K'ung Ying-tah's Explanations of Too Yu's comments on
Tso.

[xii.] ^ ^ i 1^ fiS at? 'Supplementary Comments on the
Ch'un Ts'ew and Tso Chuen.' In 3 Books; by Ma Tsung-leen
(s%^^). Intended as a supplement to the Work with the same
title by Hwuy Tung, noticed above.

[xiii.] ^^Pfi^Wa^h '^" tbe Laws of Ho Hew in explain-
ing the Commentary of Kung-yang.' In 10 Books; by Lew Fung-
luh (^J^ jj^; styled ^ ■^), a scholar of the Kea-k'ing period. A
Work similar in design to No.x.

[xiv.] -^ ^ 1^ ^ J5? ti ^, 'Glosses on Ho Hew's Explana-
tions of Kung-yang.' In 1 Book; also by Lew^ Fung-luh.

[xv.-xviii.] i^m'^m-'mmm^^i^-^^^^'^^p^

j^ ^ "^ p^. These are four Works by the same author. I have
not translated the titles because they refer to controversies in the
Han dynasty between Ho Hew and Ch'ing K'ang-shing. The
writer's object is to maintain the authority of Kung-yang and even
of Kuh-leang against Tso-she.

[xix.] ^ i^ ^ ^ ^, ' Glosses on the different readings in the
text of the Ch'un ts'ew.' In 13 Books; by Chaou T'an (,^Ji).
a scholar of the Kea-k'ing period.

[xx.] -^ ^ f§ Ift, ' Remarks on the rules of ceremony insisted
on by Kung-yang.' In 1 Book; by Ling Shoo C/^ B§); of the same
period. He was a believer in Kung-yang.

[xxi.] ^ ^1^ ^, ' Recollections of Lessons on the meaning of
the Classics.' In 10 Books, three of which are occupied with the
Ch'un Ts'ew. By Wang Yin-che, whose ' Recollections of Lessona
in the She' are noticed in the proleg. to vol. IV., p. 178.

142]

CH. IT.] BOOKS USED IN PREPARING THE WORK. [prolegomena.

41. ^^Mb^^^SS') *An Examination into the Names of
places in the Ch'un Ts'ew.' In 14 Books; by Kaou Sze-ke (^ jt
^; styled j^ \\ a great scholar of the K*ar.g-he period. The
writer sometimes defeats his end by the minuteness of his researches.
The Work is valuable, but not so convenient for the student as that
on the same subject by Keang Yung, which I have already noticed.

42. ^^:k^^, 'The principal things in the Ch'un Ts^ew
exhibited in a tabular form.' In 50 Books, with one Book of Plates,
and an Appendix. By Koo Tung-kaou (^ >^ ^; styled ^ ]^), a
scholar and officer of the K'ang-he and K'een-lung periods. I have
met with no Work on the Ch'un Ts'ew more exhaustive, and cer-
tainly with none from which I have myself derived more assistance.
The author's tables and disquisitions supply the most abundant
matter for study and research.

43. ^ ^ ft 1^ ir it II ^, ' Tlie old Comments on the Ch'un
Ts*ew and Tso Clmen Collected and Preserved.' In 3 Books (—, JSi);
by Yen Wei (J^ ^; styled ^ A); published in 1,788. The Work
is an attempt to gather and preserve the Comments of Fuh K'een
and other Commentators of the Han dynasty, to which the writer
thinks Too Yu was often under obligation without acknowledging it.

44. i ^^^^ ifti * Collected Discourses on the Ch'un Ts'ew
of Tso-she.' In 10 Books; with two Books of Introduction and
Appendix, chiefly on the Laws of the Ch'un Ts'ew. By Choo Goh-
ling (:^|^^; styled ^^, and also called j^ ^), a graduate of
the Ming dynasty who lived on into the present. The Work is
useful, principally because the author is constantly quoting from
Tan Tsoo and Chaou K'wang of the T'ang dynasty, though he does
not himself agree with them.

45. ^ >6^ rS M ^/ On the Articles on Divination in the Ch^un
Ts'ew.' in 3 Books. This is another Work bearing on the inter-
pretation of the Tso Chuen by Maou K'e-ling, which has not been
reprinted in the ^IJH^^- "^^^ ^^*^® ^® incorrect, because the
references to divination in the text of the Ch*un Ts*ew are the
briefest possible, and the Work deals with articles in the Tso Chuen.
It is said correctly in Maou's introductory notice that no satisfactory
sittenipt to explain those articles had been made by Too Yu, K'ung
Ying-tah, or any other of the critics. It was bold in Maou to try
to do so; but I do not think he has succeeded. So far as I have
attained hitherto in the study of the Yih King and the ancient divina*
tion of the Chinese, I have failed to understand their principles; —
if there be any principles in them.

143]

PROLEGOMENA.] BOOKS USED IN PBEPARIN6 THE WORK. [cH. it.

46. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ j^, ' Ou the Connexion between the Notices ia
the text of the Ch'un Ts'ew.' In 11 Books; also by Maou K'e-ling.
The Work arose out of a dispute between Maou and the other
Examiners at the competition for the third degree in 1,685, they
contending that the connexion could only be discovered by means
of the Chuen, and he that it could be ascertained from the text itself.
The editors of tlie ' Catalogue of the Books in the Imperial Libraries

^^ ^H^^I^)&S @^' condemn it as inferior to Maou s other
productions on the Ch'un Ts'ew; but, like every other thing that he
wrote, there is a great deal of force in many of his reasonings.

47. ^^ ^ ^7 'The most important Points in the Interpreta-
tion of the (^h'un Ts'ew Determined.' In 6 Books; by Le Shin-
kuh (^ 3^ ^; styled 'M ^>- The writer adopts the K'»ng-he
Ch*un Ts'ew as the standard for interpreting the Classic, but now
and then introduces a view of his own. It is a useful Work.

48. ^ 4 )K ^> ' Occasional Jottings to help in reading the
Tso Chuen.' In 16 Books; by Ch'ang Mow-lae C^^f^; styled
^ j^). This is one of the most recent Works on our Classic, the
author's preface being dated in 1,867. He tells us that the Tso
Ohuen had been the mental food of his whole life, and that he had
published two Works on special subjects coimected with it. But
he was in the habit of reading his favourite author, and the long list
of critics and connnentators on him, with pencil in hand; and wher-
ever their remarks seemed to require addition or correction, he made
his own notes; and so the materials for the present Work grew up
gradually under his hand. One may get a good many suggestions
from it.

49. ^ ^ ;fe t^ ^ ^, ' Quiet Discussions on Tso's Commentary
on the Ch'un Ts'ew.' In 3 Books; by Yu Yueh (-gjj ti; styled [§ "^);
like the last, a very recent writer. These 3 Books are only a portion
of a large Work on all the classics, published in 1,866. He is helpful
in detennining the punctuation of the original; in fixing the exact
meaning ot characters; and on the interchanging use of characters
by the ancient writers.

50. :fef| ' The Elegancies of Tso.' In 30 Books; by Fung Le-hwa
0^^M\ styled % ^\ and Luh Haou (|^;^; styled i^^O^ After
various preliminary matter on the best way of reading the Tso
Chuen, &c., the pages in the body of the Work are divided into two
parts. In the lower part there are given the text and Tso's Com-
mentary, with the comments of Too Yu at length, Luh Tih-mings
pronunciation of characters, and the glosses of Lin Yaou-sow (ff

144]

ca. rr.] BOOKS USED IN FREPABING TH£ WOBK. [pbolegombsa.

) of the Sung dynasty, these last often abbreviated, but of real
ralue. There are occasionally quotations from K*ung Ying-tah, and
from Koo Yen-woo's Work, the first of those mentioned above from the
:^ fH ^ ^- The upper part of the page is occupied with Fung and
Luh's own remarks, mostly designed to show the force and beauty
of Tfio's style. These give the name to the Work.

51- ^^^^9 'Aids to the reading of Tso.' . In 50 Books;
by Eeang Ping-chang, whose Work on the She King I have noticed
in the proleg. to voL IV., p. 175. The present Work, first published
in 1,768, deserves much of the praise which I gave to the former.
He differs from Too Yu on the laws of style in the classic, and thinks
that Confucius simply copied the historiographers of Loo without
altering or abbreviating their text.

From the first chapter of these prolegomena it will be seen that 1
have very much adopted these views myself, though aware of the
objections that can be urged against them. Eeang appends short
essays or disquisitions of his own on the events related to the nar-
ratives of Tso.

52. t^^:^]^MMM^ * Explanations of the Ch^un Ts^ew
and the Tso Chuen from all Sources.' In 60 Books. This Work
is still in manuscript, having been prepared, with a special view to
my own assistance, by my friend Wang T'aou. It is entitled to the
praise which I have bestowed, in the proleg. to vol. IV., p. 176, on
his Work on the She.

53. ^ ^ IS9 ^ -^ ^> * An Examination into the first days of
the moon, and the intercalary months, during the Oh'un-Ts'ew
period.' In 3 Books; also by Wang T*aou, and in manuscript. He
shows the unsatisfactory nature of the chronological schemes pro-
posed by Too Yu, Koo Tung-kaou, and Ch'in How-yaou (^ j^ ^).
and then proceeds to his task, taking his data — now from the text, and
now from the Chuen. His mind was first thoroughly stimulated on
the subject by the Rev. Mr. Chalmers. There is certainly no Work in
Chinese on the chronology of the Ch'un-Ts'ew period at all equal to
this. He has also prepared in Chinese a table of the days of new
moon and of the winter solstice for the whole period (^^^IS^^)-

54. i# ^B'C 0 ^ @ 1^5 ' The Eclipses mentioned in the (>h^un
Ts'ew, with Plates, and Disquisitions.' In 1 Book. Also by Wang
T*aou, and in manuscript. For the matter in this treatise, as for that
in the above, Wang is mainly indebted to Mr. Chalmers.

55. ^ ^ 59 ^, * Difficulties with regard to the Ch'un Ts'ew,
by way of Question and Answer.' In 1 Book; by Wang T*aou, and

145]

I'ROLEGOMBNA.] BOOKS USED IN PREPARING THE WORK. pen. rr.

in manuscript. This treatise may be considered as Wang's endeav-
our to reply to questions proposed by myself, while engaged in the
preparation and printing of this volume. It embraces most of the
subjects which I have discussed in- the previous chapters of these
prolegomena. His answers are more or less satisfactory, but show the
conservative character of the Chinese mind in regard to the views
on the classics which have been current since the Han dynasty.

56. :fet^^tW:#, * Extracts from the Tso Chuen.' In 23
Books; by Wei He (^f^; styled jfC :^), of the Ming dynasty. This
Work contains the greater number of the narratives in Tso, those
of them belonging to the same subject, which in his commentary are
scattered over several years, being brought together. Explanatory
glosses from Too Yu, Lin Yaou-sow, and Wei He himself are occasion-
ally interspersed throughoutTso's text, and each paragraph is followed
by reflections of a general or historical character from the compiler. It
has been useful to me from the large characters, finely cut, in which
the copy that 1 have is printed ; and which is probably a reprint
from an edition published in 1,748 by P*ang Kea-ping (^^^5
styled ^ ig ). The ^ ^ of the title is hardly translatable, and
is taken from a remark by Chwang-tsze of the Chow dynasty about
the Ch'un Ts'ew (^ ^. fe liL :5t i ;$: ^>)-

57. ifr^^i^^ 'Ancient Compositions, with Notes on their
meaning.' In 16 Books; by Lin Yun-ming (^§^; styled ® |»|J).
who took his third degree in 1,658. The AVork is a little of the
same nature as soine volumes of *' Elegant Extracts" from our
English masters, which I have seen. A selection is made of the
most celebrated pieces of composition from the Chow dynasty
downwards, with explanations of the meaning and notes on the
style interspersed, with a disquisition at the end on the subject-
matter by the compiler. The first two Books are occupied with
pieces from the Tso Chuen. Lin Yun-ming was called a bibliomaniac
(^ Wb hy his neighbours; but scholars speak contemptuously of
his Works. Wang T'aou calls the one before us ' a series of Lessons
for a village school (^jj ^ ^ ^ ;^ 4^).' The foreign student,
however, is glad to get hold of it, especially at the commencement
of his studies in the Tso Chuen.

The class of Works represented by the preceding is numerous. I
have consulted the lfr ;^#f ^ilf Ig; the "^ Bt't^^; the "^^

^^mmn; the ^ ^mit; the -^ ^m^i the i^^m

the ife' i Jl i^; and the ifr ^ ^ ^. Unfortunately they all deal
with nearly the same pieces in Tso's Work.

146]

cp. IV.] TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER FOREIGN WORKS. [pboltoomka.

I have not felt it necessary to introduce in the above list the
Dictionaries and Works of general reference, with many others on
the classics in general, which were mentioned in the lists in my
preceding volumes, and have again been referred to as occasion re-
quired.

SECTION II.

TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER FOREIGN WORKS.

I have not to add to the Works of this class mentioned in my
former volumes.

Dr. Bretschneider of Peking having stated in the Chinese Recorder
for December 1870, p. 173, that the Ch'un Ts*ew had been translated
into European languages, I made inquiry on the subject, to which
that gentleman replied in the Recorder for July, 1871, pp. 51, 52.
* Some 40 years ago,' he says, ' Father Daniel, of the Russian Eccle-
siastical Mission at Peking, translated the Ch'un-ts'iu into Russian;
but, so far as I know, this translation has never been published. The
manuscript exists still. Besides this, parts of the Ch'un-ts*iu were
translated into Russian, and published by other Russian Sinologues.'
I have not seen these translations. Dr. Bretschneider refers also to
a translation of the first book of the Ch'un Ts*ew by Bayer, with a
Latin translation, which appeared in the ' Coinmentaria Academice
Peiropolitanoe^' vol. 7; but neither have I met with this.

147]

THE CH'M TS'EW;

WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

V-

BOOK I DUEE TIN.

^ First year.

"<^

■ I* ^y

fW^

I *

rv<

\vv

-I ^^

«: 21^ « ^ 0 «J.M ifc.^

i: ^ 0 # ^ 0.
ffij ® ^ T-.J^ M

ZM ^ "T- -f-.TC

TOL. T.

:■•)

THE CH*UN TS»EW, WITH THE TSO CHEUN.

BOOK I

P lili ^ j^ IS
i^.r7ii # Rt #

O J

_ ^ ^ ^ i^

"tfc.A >f> ^ ^

^
^

fflj

^ m !t ise :=. K^ Km BM S5 ^

^ Mb # Bo #.J^ ^ ^ ^ ^ « .^.

# 2i ;S 1i *i: ife H.<:.n ^ '^S ^

^> m.z.z St ^»/ci\ffii ;e A «i

^ i^ «l ^ :^ iJ.:^.^ ^ ^ ^ «l

:RuMm^.^m.^itzz^,

# a ^^ l^.» # A iBi: 4V m-M
m.M ^ Z,=f^ B,Z.1^ BM Z ^,

m mM ^ «4 ii ^ a a •&.- r
^m,^^ z=^ BMm :r> M.Z*

Tkab I.

DUKE YIN.

j5^ 2^.^ ^ # # ^ a;^ ^^ ^ ^^ "^ ^^ -^ ^"
^r- ^ ifco^ i^ m ^ m ...... _ ... ... ^. _ ^

« T^ ^fi ^ Pl^ T ^ #.T T a A a #

2
3
4

5
6
7

[It was his] first year, the spring, the klng^s first month.

In the third month, the duke and E-foo of Choo made a
covenant in Meeh.

In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Ch'ing overcame
Twan in Yen.

In autumn, in the seventh month, the king [by] Heaven's
[grace] sent the [sub-] administrator Heuen with a pres-
ent of [two] carriages and their horses for the funeralu
of duke Hwuy and [his wife] Chung Tsze.

In the ninth month, [the duke] and an officer of Subg
made a covenant in Suh.

In winter, in the twelfth month, the earl of Chae came [to
Loo].

Kung-tsze Yih-sze died.

Title OF THE Work.— ^ ^» l#^ flf
' The Spring and Aatumn ; with the T0O Chuen.'
* Spring and Autumn' is equivalent to * Annals,
digested under the four seasons of every year/
only two seasons being given for the sake of
brevity. The subject of the name is fully dis-
cussed in the Prolegomena, ch. I. I have print-
ed all the text of Tso K^ew-ming, immediately
after the year of the Classic to which it belongs.
Where his remarks are simply comments on the
text, I have embodied them with my own notes.
His narratives, however, are all translated entire,
and the additional narratives which he gives,
not belonging to events referred to in the text,

and indicated by a 0^ are included in the notes,

within brackets.

TiTLB OF THE BooK.— ^ ^, ' Dukc Yiu.*

Of the 12 dukes of Loo, whose years are chroni-
cled in the Ch'un Ts'ew, Yin is the first, his
rule extending from B.C. 721 — 711. From the
establishment of Pih-k'in, son of the famousdnke
of Chow, as marquis of Loo, in B.C. 1,114, there
bad been 18 chiefs. Yin*s father and predecessor,

duke Hwuy (Si ^x^\ married first a daughter

of the House of Sung (3^ ■?"); and on her

death he supplied her place with Shing Tsze

(St "j^X one of her relatives who had followed

her from Sung to the harem of Loo. This lady
was the mother of Yin ; but duke Hwuy by and
by took as a second wife the daughter of tlie

dukeWoo(^)ofSung,caUed'(ljl-y-. Ace. to

Tso-she, she had been boni with some remarka-
ble lines on one of her hands, which were read as

meaning that she would become marchioness of

Loo. By her Hwtiy had a son of higher dignity
than Yin, in consequence of the superior position
of his mother, and who afterwards made himself
duke Hwan. This child being too young to take
charge of the State on his fathers death, was
set aside in favour of Yin, who, however, only
considered himself as occupying in room of his
younger brother till the latter should come of
age.

Yin's name was Seih-koo ( ^ Mp)* "^in being

the honorary or sacrificial title conferred after
his death, and meaning, — * Sorrowfully swept

away, unsuccessful ( E^ Jn£ ^K mT).*

Loo was only a marquisate. Its chiefs were
not dukes. Throughout the Ch'un Ts*ew, how-
ever, we find the chiefs even of the smaller
States all dignified with the title of *duke*
after their death. Maou K*e-ling ingeniously
explains this as an instance of the style of the
* historiographers/ referring to the commencing
words in *The Speech at Pe' (Shoo V. xxix.)

"-^V S » ^^®*'6*'» "' ^^^ Preface to the Shoo^

par. 66, instead of ^^, we rettd ^ ^^, 'the

mitrquis of Loo.* The confusion which is caus-
ed, however, by the practice, in the narratives
of Tso K*ew«ming is tery great, as he uses now
the name with the title of rank, and now the
honorary name and title of duke; with the most
entire Indifferencet
Yin's 1st year synchronized with the 49th of

king P4ng (2jl ^); the 9th year of He of
Ts'e (^ ^ ^) ; the 2d of Goh of Tsin (^
^ ^);the 11th of Chwang of K'euh-yuh

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK!

(|S S -&) 5 *^® 28th of Seuen of Tb'w (|g|

5^4^); the 22d of Chwang of Ching (^^

^} ; the 85th of H wan of Ts'aou (^ ^>^) ;

the 28d of Hwan of Ch4n (^ ij^ ^); the

29th of Woo of Ke (jjfl^ ^ ^); the 7th of

Muh of Song i^J^^) ; the 44th of W&a of

TB*in (^ ^ ^)j and the 19th of Woo of

Tb'oo (^ ^ ^).

Far. 1. This paragraph, it will he seen, is in-
complete, the adjunct merely of a j^ |[p 4{fj

which is found at the beginning of nearly erery
other book. The reason of the incompleteness
will be considered below.

jjj ^^— 'the Ist year.* The Urh-ya ex-
plaina y^ by jj^ 'the beginning,' 'first,' and
Kung-yang makes the phrase simply '^'Sfj^

4A ffe, < the prince's 1st year.' Too Tu tries

to find a deeper meaning in the phrase, Ba3ring
that the Ist year of a role stands to all the fol-
lowing years in the relation of the original
chaos to the subsequent kosmosj and is therefore
called yuerif to intimate to rulers that from the
first moment of their sway they are to advance
in the path of order and right. This considera-
tion explains also, he thinks, the use of |^ B ,

< the right month,' for 'the 1st month ( ttj ^

;^^—- ^— ^-tfilV The Urh-ya,
howeyer, gives |p asw^r, * the most eleyated,'

' the senior.' But in the denomination of the
Ist month as * the right or correct month,' we
must acknowledge a recognition of what are

ealled < the three ching (^^ j£)>* -" the three

different months, with which the dynasties of
Hea, Shang, and Chow commenced the year.
Hea began the year with the Ist month of
spring; Shang, a month, and Chow, 2 months
earlier. It became so much a rule for the be-

5 inning of the year to be changed by every new
ynasty, that Ts^in made its first month com-
mence a lunation before that of Chow. To a
iremark of Confucius, Ana. XV. x., we are in-
debted for the disuse of this foolish custom, so
that all dynasties have since used * the seasons
of Hea.' — After all, there remains the question
why the first month of the year should be called

3E JE M »""* *^® king's first month.* The

'king ' here can hardly be any other than P4ng,

the king of Chow for the time then being, as
Too Tu says; — and in this style does the account
of very many of the years of the Ch^un Ts^ew
begin, as if to do homage to the supremacy of
the reigning House. Kung-yang makes the
king to be Wftn ; but though he was the founder
of the Chow dynasty, the commencement of the
year was not yet changed in his time.

The remaining character in this par. eccasioiifl
the foreign student considerable perplezitj.
The commencement of the year was roUly in
the 2d month of winter, and yet it is here said

to have been in the spring. — ^fe ^P JP. fl*

We have spring when it really was not spring.
It must be kept in mind that the usual names for

the seasons — ^^ JM, Jm , ^i, only denote in

the Ch'un Ts*ew tfiefour quarters of the Chow
year, beginning with the 2d month of winter.
It was, no doubt, a perception of the inconve-
nience of such a (^endar which made Confudns,
loyal as he was to the dynasty of Chow, say
that he preferred that of Hea to it. Strange ai
it is to read of spring, when the time is leally
winter, and of winter when the season is
still autumn, it will appear, as we go on, that
such is really the style of the Ch*un Ts*ev.
Maou, fully admitting all this, yet contends for
a strange interpretation of the text, in which he

joins ^p and ^P together, making the phrase
to stand for the kings of Chow, — * Spring kings,'
who reigned by the virtue of wood, the first of
the five elements ( i ^^^ "M")- H® presses,
in support of this view, the words of Tso-she on
this paragraph,—^ ^ ^ I JS IE >^'
which show, he says, that Tso-she joined ^^
with ^1^, as he himself would do; but Tso-sbe'i

language need not be so construed, and ^fe«vi-

dently stands by itself, just as the names of the
other seasons do.

We come now to the incompleteness of the par.,
already pointed out. Accoraing to the analogy
of the style in the first years of other dukes, it
should be stated that in his 1st year and the lit

month of it, the duke took the place (^Q ^f)

of his predecessor. According to the rule of
Chow, on the death of a sovereign — and all the
princes were little kings in their several States
— his successor, acknowledged to be such as the
chief mourner on the occasion and taking tbe
direction of the proper ceremonies for the depart-
ed, * ascended the throne by the bier.' ^era
is an interesting account of such an accession in
the Shoo, V. xxii. The thing was done so hur-
riedly because * the State could not be a single

day without a sovereign (Sa ^^ '^K ^^ — •

Q ^ jj^y or because, as we phrase it, 'tht

king never dies.' What remained of the year,
however, was held to belong to the reign of the
deceased king, and the new reign began with
the beginning of the next year, when there wss
a more public ' taking of the place,' though I
do not know that we have any account of the
ceremonies which were then performed. The fint

* place-taking' was equivalent to our 'accession;'
the second, to our * coronation.' The proper ex-
planation, therefore, of the incompleteness of the
paragraph is that Tin omitted the ordinuy

* place-taking ' ceremonies, and of course there
could be no record of them. Perhaps he mads
the omission, having it in mind to resign ere
long in favour of his younger brother (so, Tso-
she) ; but to say that the usual ,^ ^ >^ wif

TXAXl.

DUKE TIN.

liere omitted by Con Atcias, either to show his ap-
proTalor diaapproyal of Yio, as Kuh-leang doet,

foUowedby Hoo Gan-kwoh (|^ ^ g, A.D.

1,074 — 1,138) and a hundred other commentators,
is not to ezplaiti the text, but to perplex the read-
er with vain fancies.

Par. 2. There was nothing proper for record
in the 1st and 2d months of the year, and we
oome here to the third month. Choo (we have

Choo-low, jtK j^T in Kuog-yang) was a small

State, nearly alfsiirroonded by Loo,<-*the pres.

dis. of Tsow CSSbi dep. Ten-chow. At this

time it was only a Foo-yung (^^ j^\ attach-
ed to Loo (see Mencins, V. ^|\, iL 4.); but in a
lew years after this its chief was raised to the
dignity of Tiscoont (-T*)* The House had the

■vmame of Ts'aou (^T), and had been inyested

with the territory by king Woo, as being de-
scended from the ancient emperor Chuen-heuh.
The chiefs name, as we learn afterwards from

the Chhin Ts*ew, was K*ih (^); E-foo (^,

read in the 2d tone, found appended to many
designations, by way of honour) is his designa-
tion (^^)f gi^en to him here, says Tso-she,' by

way of honour,' for which remark there seems
to be no ground. Meeh (Kuh and Kung both

have ffit, with the same sound) was a place be*
longing to Loo, — ^in the pres. dis. of Sze-shwuy
(^B PT^)' ^^P* Ten-chow. We know nothing
of any special object sought by the < covenant-
ing ' here. Tso-sbe merely says that the duke ar-
ranged for it to cultirate friendly relations with
his neighbour, at the commencement of his tem-
porary administration. ^^V heads the record, here

and in most other accounts of meetings and cove-
nants on the part of the marquises of Loo with
other princes ; — an order proper in the historiogra-
phers of that State. J can think of no better word

for ^ than 'ooYenant,' ' to covenant.' On all
occasions there was the death of a victim, over
which the contracting parties appealed to superi-
or Powers, wishing that, if they violated the
terms of their covenant, they might meet with
a fate like that of the slain animal. One de-
finition of the term is ^^ ^ffy, * an agreement

with an oath.' Compare the account of Jacob
and Laban's covenant, Genesis, xxxi.

The ]^ after j^ is to be taken as simply:^

S^, ' with ;* < and.' Kung, Kuh, and others find

recondite meanings in it, which will not bear
examination.

fTso-she, after this paragraph, gives an in-
doent of the 4th month, in summer, that * the
eari of Pe led a force, and walled Lang,' adding
that no record of it was made, because it was not
done with the duke's order. See the Ist note
on * The speech at Pe' in the Shoo. I have
translated the notice according to the view of
Ch'in Sze-k*ae given there; but Tso-she could

•ot 1»T. iotemM H fjg to b. taken w me«>-

ing * Earl of Pe,' but merely < Plb (some adon d
the House of Loo) of Pe.']

Par. 3. Ch4ng was an earldom which had not
been of long duration. In B.C. 805, king Seuea

had invested his brother Tew ( ^kf ) with the lands

of ChHog, in the pres. Hwa Chow (Mfi Wx dep.
T'ung-chow, Shen-se. Tew's son, Keueh-tuh

quered a territory more to the east,— the country
of Kwoh and Kwei (^ fR i^ J^) -and
settled in it, calling it * New Ch4ng;' — the name
of which is still retained in the district of Bin-
ch*ing(^^),dep.K'ae-fung,Ho-naii. Woo'«

son, Woo-shang (^^ ^), known as duke

Chwang (^) and born in B. C. 76«, is the eari ol
this par. Twan was his younger brother. Ten
has left its name in the dis. ol Tea-liog (SR

). Tso-she's account of the event in the

text is the following :-*

'Duke Woo of Ch*ing had married a daughter
of the House of Shin, called Woo Keang, who
bore duke Chwang and bis brother Twan off
Kung. Duke Chwang was bom as she wae
waking from sleep [the meaning of the text
here is uncertain], which frightened the lady
so that she named him Woo-shang («■ bom
in waking\ and hated him, while she loved
Twan, and wished him to be declared hia
father's heir. Often did she ask this of duke
Woo, but he refused it. When duke Chwang
came to the earldom, she begged him to oonfet
on Twan the city of Che. '* It is too dangerous a
place," was the reply. " The Tounger of Kwoli
died there; but in regard to any other place, you
may command me." She then requested Kingi
and there Twan took up his residence, and came
to be styled T*ae-shuh (esthe Great Tounger)
of King city. Chung of Chae said to the duke,
''Any metropolitan city, whose wall is more
than 3,000 cubits round, is dangerous to the
State. According to the regulations of the
former kings, such a city of the 1st order cao
have its wall only a third as long as that of the
capital ; one of the 2d order, only a fifth as long;
and one of the least order, only a ninth. Now
King is not in accordance with these measures
and regulations. As ruler, you will not be able
to endure Twan in sucA a place/* The duke re«
plied, " It was our mother's wish ; — how could I
avoid the danger?" "The lady Keang," re*
turned the officer, " is not to be satisfied. Tou
had better take the necessary precautions, and
not allow the danger to grow so great that it
will be difficult to deal with it. Even grass,
when it has grown and spread all about, cannot
be removed;— how much less the brother of
yourself, and the favoured brother as well!'*
The duke said, " By his many deeds of unrighte-
ousness he will bring destruction on himself.
Do you only wait a while."

'After this, T'ae-shuh ordered the places on
the western and northern borders of the State to
render to himself the same allegiance as they
did to the earl. Then Kung-tsze Leu said to the
duke, "A State cannot sustain the burden of two
services; — ^what will you do now? If you wish

THE CU»UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKL

to gWe Ch'inp to T'ae-shuh, allow me to serve
him as a subject. If yoa do not mean to give it
to him, allow me to put him out of the way, that
the minds of the people be not perplexed.**
** There is no need," the duke replied, *'/or such
a step. His ccdamity will come of itself.'*

*T'ae-8huh went on to take as his own the
places from which he had required their divided
contributions, as far as Lin-yen. Tsze-fung [the
designation of Kung-tsze Leu above] said,
'*Now is the time. With these enlarged re-
sources, he will draw ail the people to himself."
The duke replied, " They will not cleave to him,
so unrighteous as he is. Through his prosperity
he will fall tht more,"'

*T^ae-shuh wrought at his defences, gathered
the people about him, put in order buff-coats and
weapons, prepared footmen, and chariots, intend*
ing to surprise ChHng, while his mother was to
open to him from wiUiin, The duke heard the
time agreed on between them, and said, ** Now we
can act." So he ordered Tsze-fung, with two
hundred chariots, to attack King. King revolted
from T*ae-shuh, who then entered Yen, which
the duke himself proceeded to attack ; and in
the 5th month, on the day Sin-ch*ow, T*ae-shuh
fled from it to Kung.

*In the words of the text,— "The earl of
Ch*ing overcame Twan in Yen,'' Twan is not
called the earts younger brother, because he did
not show himself to he such. They were aa two
hostile princes, and therefore we have the word
"overcame." The duke is styled the earl of
ChHng simply^ to condemn him for his failure to
instruct his brother properly. Twangs flight is
not mentioned, in the ^ext, because it was difficult
to do so, having in mind Ch'ing's wish that Twan
might be killed,

* Immediately after these events, duke Chwang
placed his mother Keang in Shing-ying, and
swore an oath, saying, "I will not see you
again, till I have reached the yellow spring [t.e.,
till I am dead, and under the yellow earth]."
But he repented of this. By and by, Ying
K*aou-8huh, the border-warden of the vale of
Ying, heard of it, and presented an offering to
the duke, who caused food to be placed before
hiifl. K'aou-shuh put a piece of meat on one
side ; and when the duke asked the reason, he
said, "I have a mother who always shares in
what I eat. But she has not eaten of this meat
which you, my ruler, have given, and I beg to
be allowed to leave this piece for her." The
duke said, " You have a mother to give it to.
Alas! I alone have none." K*aou-8huh asked
what the duke meant, who then told him all the
circumstances, and how he repented of his oath.
"Why should you be distressed about that?"
said the officer. " If you dig into the earth to t he
yellow springs, and then make a subterranean
passage, where you can meet each other, who
can say that your oath is not f ulfllled ?' The
duke followed thia suggestion ; and aa he entered
the passage sang,

" This great tunnel, within,
With joy doth run."
When his mother came out, she sang,
" This great tunnel, without,
The joy flies about."
[After this, they were mother and son aa be-
fore.

* A superior man may say, "Ying K*aou-shuh
waa filial indeed. His love for his mother pass-

ed over to and affected duke Chwang. Wss
there not here an illustration of what is said io
the Book of Poetry,

" A filial son of piety unfailing.
There shall for ever be conferred blest*
ing on you?"'

Space would fail roe were I to make any re-
marks on the criticisms interspersed by Tso-she
in this and other narratives, or vindicate the trans-
lation of his narratives which I give. The read-
er will perceive that without the history in the
Cbuen, the Confucian text would give very Utile
idea of the event which it professes to record ; and
there are numberless instances, more flagrant

still, in the Book. The jS^'-f', who moralises,
is understood to be Tso-she himself. We have
no other instance in the Chiin Ts'ew of ^F used
as in this paragraph.

Par. 4. ^ ^, ' Heaven's king,' or * king
by Heaven's grace,' is of course king P*ing. The
sovereign of China, as Heaven's vice-gerent over
the empire, is styled ^ -^, • Heaven's son;'
in his relation to the feudal princes as their
ruler, he was called ^ ^, < Heaven's king.'

^^ -^ is 'the second Tsze,' i e., the daugfa-

ter of the duke of Sung, who became the 2d
wife of duke Hwuy as mentioned in the note on
the title of this book ; not Hwuy's mother, si

Kuh-leang absurdly says. B@ is explained in
the diet M H^ ^ ^, • presents to the dead,'

to the presiding mourner to bury his dead.'
But such presents were of various kinds, and

^ denotes the gift specially of one or more ca^

riages and their horses. So both Knng and Knh.
The king sent sudh presents on the death of any of
the princes or their wives ; and here we have an
instance in point. But there is much conten-
tion among the critics as to who the messenger

was;— whether the king's chief Minister S

^^), or some inferior officer of bis department.

The former view is taken by Kuh-leang, and
affirmed by the editors of the K*ang-he Ch*an
Ts*ew ;— but, as I must think, erroneously. Un-
der the ^ ^ or ^ ^, were two /J\ ^,

and four ^^> called by Biot Grand-aMtdf

trateur general,* * Sous-adminstrateursyenerauXf'tind
aides-aaministrateurs generaux.* It belonged to the
department of the last, on all occasions ef eon-
dulence, to superintend the arrangements, vith
every thing that was supplied by way of pre-
sents or offerings,— the silks, the utensils, the
money, Ac. (see the Chow Le. L, iii. 5&— 73).
The officer in the text was, no doubt, one of tbeM
aid-administrators; and this removes all dif-
ficulty which the critics find in the mention of an
officer of higher rank by his name.

The rule was that princes should be bnrled
five months after their death, and Tso-she saji
that the king's message and gift arrived too Iste,
so far as duke Hwuy was concerned. This
criticism may be correct ; but he goes on to m/

Tejlb I.

DUKE YIN.

that Chang Tsze was not yet dead, and the
message and gift were too early, so far as she
was eonoemed. The king could never have
been gnilty of such an impropriety as to antici-
pate the lady's death in this way, and the
view of Tso-she can only provoke a smile. He
adds: — * The king's burial took place 7 months
after his death, when all the feudal princes were
expected to be present. The prince of a State
was buried 5 months after his death, when all
the princes, with whom he had covenanted, at-
tended. The funeral of a great officer took
place 3 months after his death, and was attend-
ed by aU of the same rank ; that of an officer,
at the end of a month, and was attended by his
relatives by affinity. Presents on account of a
death were made before the burial, and visits of
condolence were paid before the grief had as-
sumed its greatest demonstrations. It was not
proper to anticipate such occurrences.'

On first translating the Ch^un Ts*ew, I con-
strued the par. as if these were a ^p^ between j^

and 4hI, jmd supposed that only one carriage and
its horses were sent for the funeral of Chung Tsze,
who had been the wife of Hwuy. I gave up
the construction in deference to the prevailing
opinion of the commentators; but it hod been
adopted by no less a scholar than Ch^ing E
(jg®; A. D. 1033-1107).

[Tso-she has here two other entries under
this season: — * In the 8th month an officer of Ke
attacked £;' and * There were locusts.' He
adds that E sent no official announcement of
the'attack to Loo, and that therefore it was not
recorded ; and tliat no notice was entered of the
locusta, because they did not amount to a plague.]

Par. 5. Sung was a dukedom, — ^having its
chief dty in the pres. dis. of Shang-k'ew ( j^

^K), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. The charge given
to the viscount of Wei on his being appointed to
the State is stUl preserved in the Shoo, V. viii.
The dukes of Sung were descended from the
kings of Yin or Shang; and of course their sur-
name was Tsze (-?*)- Suh was a small State,

in the present Tung-p*ing (^ 2|£) Chow, dep.
T*ae-gan, Shan-tung. It was thus near Loo,
but a good 'way from Sung. Its chiefs were
barons with the surname Fung (J^).

Tso-she tells us that in the last year of duke
Hwuy, he defeated an army of Sung in Hwang,
but that now duke Yin sought for peace. It
was with this object that the covenant in the
text was made.

1 translate as if j^ preceded 2J^> ^^^ ^ ^^®
want must generally be supplied throughout the
classic. Kung and Kuh both understand some
inferior officer of Loo (jjj^ ^\ but in other

places they themselves supply j^. By ^j^

Ky however, we must understand an officer of

Sung. It is better to translate so than to say
simply —*a man of Sung.'

[Between this par. and the next Tso-she has
the three following narratives : —

*In winter, in the 10th month, on the day
Kftng-shin, the body of duke Hwuy was removed
and buried a second time.' As the duke was
not present, the event was not recorded. When
duke Hwuy died, there was war with Sung, and
the heir-prince was young, so that there was
some omission in the buriaL He was therefore
now buried again, and in another grave. The
marquis of Wei came to be present at the buri-
al. He did not have an interview with the
duke, and so his visit was not recorded.'

* After the confusion occasioned by Kung-shuh
of Ch*ing, Kung-sun Hwah [Twan or Kung-
shuh's son] fled to Wei, and the people of Wei
attacked Ch*ing in his behalf, and requested
Lin-yen for him. Ch'ing then attacked the
southern border of Wei, supported by a king's
army and an army of Kwoh, and also requested
the aid of troops from Choo. The viscount of
Choo sent a private message to Kung-tsze Yu
c/LoOy who asked leave from the duke to go.
It was refused ; but he went and made a cove-
nant with an officer of Choo and an officer of
Ch*ing in Yih. No record was made of this, be-
cause Yu*8 going was against the duke's order.'

'The southern gate of the city was made
new.' It was done without the duke's order,
and so was not recorded.]

Par. 6. Chae [so ^^ is here read] was an

earldom, in the present Ch*ing Chow (ttR Ml),
dep. K*ae-fung, held by the descendants of one of
the duke of Chow's sons. Ace. to Tso-she the
earl here was a minister at court., and came
to Loo, for what purpose we know not, without
the orders of the king. Kung-yang, indeed,
thinks he came as a refugee, and that iR is

the designation of the individual merely (-i!),
and nut his title ; while Kuh-leang makes the
coming to have been to do a sort of homage to
duke Yin. But this is simply guess work.

Par. 7. Of Yih-sze we know nothing but what
this brief par. tells. He was * a duke's son,' but
whether the son of Hwuy, or of Hwuy's father,
we cannot tell, It is best in such a case to take
,^ -7* as if it were the surname. So Ho Hew

(ifcf '^) say here, ^ ^ :^ ^ Ig,.

Kuh-leang finds a condemnation of Yih-sze in
the omission of the day of his death ; but the old
method of interpretation which found praise or
blame in the mention of or silence as to days, in
the use of the name, the designation, the title,
and such matters, is now discarded. S^ is the
proper term to use for the death of an officer.

Tso-she gives the designation of Yih-sze as
Chung-foo, and says that the day of his death
is not recorded, because the duke did not attend
at the ceremony of dressing the corpse, to it into
the coflln.

THE CH«UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

Second year.

-f*mm%-m%

BOOK I.

■ 'I ■*

n.M

A
ft

Jul

A A

ft ife # ^ is IE 3ftai..# u n.-n m -ta.^ 0.

11.

St
1

8
4

B9. K

^ ^ ^

7
8

In his second year, in spring, the duke had a meeting with

the [chief of the] Jung at Ts*een.
In summer, in the fifth month, an army of Keu entered

Heang.
Woo-h6ae led a force and entered Keih.
In autumn, in the eighth month, [on the day] KSng-shin,

the duke made a covenant with the Jung at T*ang.
In the ninth month, Le^scu of Ke came to meet the bride

[for his prince].
In winter, in the tenth month, the duke's eldest daughter

went to her home in Ke.
Tsze-pih of Ke and the count of Keu made a covenant at Meih.
In the twelfth month, on the day Yih-maou, the [dukes]

wife, the lady Tsze, died.
An army of Ch'ing invaded Wei.

Tbxb U.

DUKE YIN.

r. 1. There is wanting here the character

^p , ' king,' after ^^ probably because no month

is specified under whose regimen it should be.
Jung is properly the name of the wild tribes on

the west of *the Bfiddle Stete ({l§^);' but in

the time of Chow there were many of these tribes,
and not those of the west only, settled in China
along the seaboard and by the rivers, — remnants
of the older inhabitants, not yet absorbed by the
Chinese proper. We know, from the Shoo, V.
xxix^ that Loo was troubled even in the days of
Pih-k*in by the £ of the Hwae and the Jung of
Seu. The Jung in the text may have been a
remnant of Uie latter. Too Yu says their settle-
ment was in what is now the the dis. of Ts*aou

(^), dep. Ts*aou-chow. He says also that Ts'een
was a town of Loo, somewhere in the south-
west of Ts'aou-chow dep. 'w ^^jJL^^ — *^^^
with the Jung.' Kuh-leang says the term
"IV implies that the meeting originated with the

other party, and not with Loo, and that the duke
went out of his own State to it. Ho Hew on
Kung-yang aUo advocates this view. But the

meaning of ^^ is not to be so determined ; and,

aoc. to Too Yu, the place of meeting was in Loo.
Tso-she says the duke's object was to cultivate
the old friendship which his father had main-
tained with the Jung, but that he declined to
enter Into a covenant, which the Jung wished
him to make.
Par. 2. Keu has left its name in Keu Chow,

dep. E-chow {^K^ j\\^' ^^ extended east from

Loo to the seaboard. Its chiefs were viscounts,
and claimed to be descended from the old
Sbaon-haou, Hwang-te's successor. There is
some difficulty about their surname, whether

it was Ying (j^) or Sze ( P. ). Heang was a

small State, within the boundaries of Keu. Too

Yu, indeed, would place it in the pres. dis. of

Hwae-yuen('^|^),dep.Fung-yang(J^|gr),

Gan-hwnj. There was a Heang there, but it
was too far from Keu to be that in the text.
And there were two Heang in the pres. Shan-
tung, one of them 70 le from Keu Chow, which
was, probably, that here. The chief of Heang

had the luriiame Keang (^^)i as we learn

from what Tso-she says on the par.: — *The
viscount of Keu had married a daughter of
Heang, but she could not rest in Keu, and
went back to Heang. This summer, an army
fh>m Keu entered Heang, and took the lady

Keang hack to Keu.' I translate g ^ by
'the army of Keu,' after Maou (~B A ^

g j^ 6i6)> ^^^ ^y* down the canon that,
in the Ch*un Ts*ew, wherever mention is made
of troops under the command of any officer,
Ifigh or low, who is not specified by name
or designation, we find simply ^^, *the
men ' of such and such a State. Too Yu says,
somewhat to the same effect, that we find
^^ where the force is small, and she leader only

of low rank. The term y^, 'entered,* occurs

frequently of military' expeditions; Implying,
says Kuh, that * the entering is against the wUl

of the invaded party ( % ^ ^^)>' '^^^^ ^^®
country or city is entered, but not retained,' says
Kung. But there are instances in which the
entering was followed by the entire subjugation
and occupancy of the place or State ; and this was
probably the case in regard to Keu and Heang,
though the language of Tso-she translated above

has been pleaded against this conclusion. /^

implies invasion and capture in the present;
what was done subsequently cannot be learned
from the term.

Par. 8. Woo-heae (Kuh reads, here and subse-
quently, Y^) was an officer of Loo, — a scion of
the ruling House, belonging to a branch which
had not yet received a surname of its own. Tso-
she says he was Loo's minister of Works, and adds
that at this time he was defeated by K'in-foo of
Pe, — the same who walled Lang in the previous
year. Keih was a small attached State,— referred
to the dis. of Yu-t*ae (^ ^^), dep. Yen-chow.

The incident given here is said to be the first in
the Ch*unTs'ew of officers taking it upon them-
selves to institute warlike movements. It cer-
tainly shows how loosely the reins of government
were held by the marquises of the State.

Par. 4. T*ang was a place belonging to Loo,
— its site 12 le east from the pres. dis. city of
Yu-t'ae. Tso-she says that the Jung at the
meeting in spring had requested a covenant
which the duke then refused, granting it now,
however, on a second application. The text says
this covenant was made on the day Kftng-sliin, the
17th of the cycle; and Too Yu observes that in
the 8th month of this year there was no Kftng-
shin day, and concludes that there is an error
in the text of the 8th month for the 7th,
the 9th day of which wob Kftng-shin. His cal-
culation, however, proceeds on the supposition
that the Ist year of Yin began with the day

Sin-sse ( ^ P. ). If we make it begin a month

later, with the day Sin-hae (^^^^), according

to another scheme, we get the day Kftng-shin
in the 8th month of this 2d year. But the Sin-
hae scheme fails in other instances. The chrono-
logers of China have toiled admirably on the
months and days of the Ch*un Ts^ew; but thus
far with only partial success. The dates in the
classic and those in Tso-she's Chuen are often
irreconcileable. Two data are necessary to a
complete scheme, — that the day on which the
1st year of Yin began be known with certainty,
and that the intercalary months in subsequent
years be ascertained. Neither of these data can
be got. See Mr. Chalmers' essay on the Astro-
nomy of the ancient Chinese, in the prolego-
mena to the Shoo, pp. 90 — 102.
Par. 5. Ke was a small State, a marquisate,

in the dis. of Show-kwang (^^ "^ffl^* ^®P*
Ts'ing-chow. It lay between Ke (>M) on the

south and Ts'e on the north ; and we shall find,
ere long, that it was absorbed by Ts'e. Le-seu

(Tso-she has StfjtS) was the name of a minister

TOL. T.

THE CH*UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK I.

of Ke. We know that he comes here to meet his
prwce^s bride from the phnue S^ |^, for, when
a minister is described as coming to Loo to
meet a lady of the House for himself, he is said
Jtt ^£ iC* ' to meet such and such a lady Ke.'
He comes of course because he was sent, but it
was not proper, according to the ' rules for mar-
riage,' that that should be stated.

Par. 6. Thia is the sequel of the last par.
As it is the first par. of a season, it seems pro-
per that it should stand by itself, and not make
one with the other as in the K*ang-he edition.
|ScbJ^, * to be married,' spoken of the lady.
Her husband's house becomes her home.

Par. 7. Tsze-pih, (in Tso-she "J^ ^ ) i" ex-
plained by Too Tu as the designation of Le-seu
in par. 6. Kung says he had not heard who
-7* 4h ^m } and Kuh makes ^H a verb and
construes thus :-^* The viscount of Ke, consider-
ing himself an earl, took precedence and cove-
nanted with the viscount of Keu.' This is suffi-
ciently absurd, and besides, the chiefs of Ke
were marquises, which makes Woo ChHng
QA. D. 1249 — 1383) suppose that -^ ^6
may have got, by some mistake^ into the text
instead of ^^, Too Yu's view may be ac-
cepted as most likely. He says also that Meih
was a town belonging to Keu ; — ^in dis. of Ch'ang
yih ( M S ), dep. Lae-^chow. This places it a
considerable way from Keu, though near to Ke.
The identification of the site may be accepted,
but one does not see how a place at such a dis-
tance from Keu should have belonged to it. My

friend, the scholar Wang Taou, has suggested
that the chiefs of Keu themselves occupied origin-
ally in the territory of Lae-chow, and might
claim jurisdiction over places there after they
moved to the south. There was another Meih
which is mentioned in the Ch^un Ts*ew ; — ^in Ho-
nan. Tso-she says that the meeting was ^ on
Loo's account,' which Too-yu explains as mean-
ing that the count of Ke, kindly disposed to Loo
through his recent marriage, arranged for the
meeting, to heal a long-standing alienation be-
tween Loo and Keu.

Par. 8. I have translated J^ ^ -^ ^

by 'the duke's wife;' meaning, of course, duke
Yin. Too supposes the second wife of Hwuy to
be the lady meant, in anticii>ation of whose
death the king sent a funeral present in the
previous year;— -a view which confutes itself.
Kung thinks the lady was Yin's mother. Kuh

takes the view I have done. The term ^g is

appropriate to narrate the death of one of the
princes. It is here applied to the death of a
prince's wife ;-^* the honour due to the husband
passing to her.'

Par. 9 Wei was a marquisate held by the de-
scendants of K'ang-shuh, one of the sons of king
W&n, whose investiture with it is described in
the Shoo, y.ix. It may be roundly said to have

embraced the pres. dep. of Wei-hwuy C||^)^|)

Ho-nan, — flying, most of it, north of the Ho; but

it extended eastwards, across part of Chih-le,

into Shan-tung as well. Its capital — subsequentr

ly changed—was the old Cheaou-ko (SB Sh

of Shang, in pres. dis. of K'e i^^)- The reason
of Ch^ing's invasion of Wei is sufficiently indi-
cated in one of the supplementary notices by
Tso-she of the occurrences in the 10th month
of last year. ^ ^,— as "^ ^ in par. 2.

Third year.

m f^ ^i A* mf Ml

5fc ^ — M. T ^ >^.:i.3E

<a> Jjt ^ i

tbab m.

DUKE YIN.

mm®

mmm
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n it ^

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m ^ ® ^ ra ^.^ m.W rfli J3 4^ 2^.H

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M ^ \^ ist ^ >% ^

in M A ffij

'feoB fii JUL

^ i.* A.

T^flS-li A

la yC «wo 5m

A Wii A

n.A ^
T ^ ^ i^.^

m ^ w s -tfc.i'

wil'.J^ gl ? :f: H

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ift H i^ ^.95 ^

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n ^ ia i.^ i«:*

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Jt>* ill: ^ ^ ^.

j®. ;$: ^ HB ^

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0.

H ^ :^ ^ IS

THE CH'UN TS*EW WITH THE TSO CHUElf .

BOOKL

^.% m ^M # M * n.M.'i&iMi K ie A fl5 U^.

III. 1 In his third year, in spring, in the king's second month,

on the day Ee-sze, the sun was eclipsed.

2 In the third month, on the day K&ng-seuh, the king [by]

Heaven's [grace] died.

3 In summer, in the fourth month, on the day Sin-maou,

[an officer of] the Yin family died.

4 In autumn, a son of the Woo family came [to Loo] to ask

for the contribution of money towards the [king's] burial

5 In the eighth month, on the day ESug-shin, Ho, duke of

Sung, died.

6 In winter, in the twelfth month, the marquis of Ts*e and

the earl of Ch*ing made a covenant at Shih-miin.

7 [On the day] Kwei-we, there was the burial of duke Muh

of Sung.

Par. 1. This is the Ist of the 36 eclipses of
the sun mentioned in the Ch'un T^sew. From
the table in the prole^^. to the Shoo, pp. 103, 104,
it will be seen that it occurred on the 14th
February, B. C. 719, being the 6th cycle day, or
Ke-sze, of the 3d month of the Chow year. There
is an error therefore in the text of 2 for 3. The
mathematicians of Cliina were themselTes aware
of this, as early as the Suy dynasty (A. D. 689-
617). Evidently this year commenced on Ja-
nuary 16th, instead of a month earlier, by
some preyious error of intercalation. Qenerally,

the character ^^, *the Ist day of the moon,'

follows the name of the day of the eclipse; and as
it is wanting here, Rung and Kuh conclude that
the eclipse was really on the last day of the
previous month. But this involves much greater

difficulty than to suppose that the tuB was

omitted through inadvertence of the historio-
graphers, or has dropt somehow out of the text.

* The sun had something which was devouring
it.' The phenomenon had suggested this idea
to the earliest Chinese, and the phrase became
stereotyped in the language. On the ceremonies
observed at an eclipse, * to save the sun,' see the
Shoo, III.iv.4, and note. Kung-yang thinks
eclipses were recorded as extraordinary events

(J£)i ^^^ ^b® K'ang-he editors approve rather
the view that it was as calamitous presages (SfS)-

Par. 2. J^, *the fall of a mountain,' is the

appropriate term for the death of a sovereign.
Tso-she says that king P'ing really died on the
day Jin-seuh, i.e., 12 days before K&ng-seuh,
but that the official communication of the event

gave the wrong date, which was therefore record-
ed ; and Too Tu thinks the date waa wrongly com-
municated to hurry the princes to the capital
But there must be some other way of explain-
ing Tso-she's statement, if it be correct.— The
death of the sovereign was commanicated to sU
the princes of the States, whose duty it then
was to send off to the capital a high minister to
take part in the preliminary funeral rites, and
present the various offerings of money, silk, Ac,
required on such an occasion. The princes
themselves did not go to the capital till the time

of burial was arrived.
Par. 8. Who is denoted by the ^ ^ hen

is all-undetermined. Tso-she reads "Sf^ instesd

of ^^f and &P^ i* something like our ' rojil
lady,' meaning duke Tin's mother. Kung-yuf
and Kuh-leang both have ^* and luppoae thai

by ^*^^ 18 intended some minister at thecooit

of Chow of that surname, ^^ intimating thit

whatever office he held had become hereditary
in his family. Many other explanations of Che
words have been attempted. The most proba-
ble appears to be that of Kin Le-t«^eang (A. D.
1,282—1,303), which is strongly advocated b/
Maou, — that the person intended was an officer
of Ch'ing, of whom we shall read in Tso-she'i
Chuen, on the duke's 11th year, where the text
here will again be touched on« Tso-she ujt

that the term 2^ ia used here for the lad/i

death, instead of ^S for three reasons: becam*
1st, no n6tice of her death was sent to other
States in covenant with Loo ; 2d, duke Tin, oo

Team m.

DUKE TIN.

retarning at mid-day from her barial, did not
weep for her in his state apartment ; 3d, he did
not pUce her Spirit-tablet in the same shrine
with that of Hwuy's grandmother, He adds
that her burial is not recorded, because she is

not styled J^ K^ or [Hwuy*s] wife ; and that

she it merely styled ^9* P^, without her sur-
name, out of regaifti to the duke. [Much of this
ia needless trifling.]

[The Chuen has here the following narrative: —

* The dukes Woo and Chwang of Ch4ng had been
high ministers at the court of king P*ing, and the
king wished to divide the authority of Chwang
between him and th€ duke of Kwoh. The earl
resented the idea, and the king disclaimed it;
and in consequence of this Chow and Ch*ing
exchanged hostages, the king's son Hoo going
aa one to Ch4ng, and the earl's eldest son Hwuh
going to Chow. On the king's death, the other
ministers at the court proposed giving ChMng's
office to Kwoh ; and in the 4th month Qiae Tsuh
[the same as Chung of Chae in the narrative
under the Sd p. of 1st year] led a force and carri-
ed away the wheat of Wun, and in the autumn,
also the rice about Ching-chow, from which
ensued enmity between Chow and ChHng. — ^A
superior man may say, '* If there be not good
faith in the heart, hostages are of no use. If
parties act with intelligence and with mutual
consideration, their actions under the rule of
propriety, although there be no ezcluuge of
noatages, they cannot be alienated. When there
are intelligence and sincerity, what is grown by
streams in the valleys, by ponds, and in pools, the
gatherings of duck-weed, white southernwood,
and pond-weed, in baskets round and square,
and cooked in pans and pots with the water from
standing pools and road hollows, may be present-
ed to the Spirits, and set before kings and dukes ;
— much more may we conclude that when two
princes are contracting their States in good faith,
and their proceedings are according to the proper
rules, there is no good in hostages, bi the

* Lessons from the States' we have the Ts^aejan
(She, I.ii. IL), and the Ts'ae pin (ib^ IV.),
and in the Ta we have the Hing Wei (Ill.ii
IL), and the Heung cAoA ^^ Vll.^; — pieces
wmch eUl show how truthfulness of heart and
good faith msy be manifested with slight
things."']

Far. 4. We saw, in p. 4 of the 1st year, how
the king sent funeral presents to Loo; — ^that
was according to proprie^. Now, on hearing
of the king's death, Loo ought to have sent the
proper presents to the court, and of money

amo«g them (^ ^ Q |^). The duke

had not done so, failing in duty ; and the court
showed its weakness and want of self-respect in
sending to ask for the contribution. The Woos
must have been a family holding some heredi-
tary office at court.

Par. 5. The death of the duke of Sung was
communicated to Loo, and so the historio-
graphers put it on record. The proper word for

the death of the prince of a State is ^g, but

here we have 2^; the reason being that, in the

records of Loo, ^| could be used only of its
own princes.

Here the Chuen has:— "Duke Muh [Ho's
sacrificial title] of Sung being ill, he called
to him K»ung-foo, his minister of War, and
charged him to secure the succession to duke
Shang, saying, **My predecessor passed by hie
eon Yu-e, and left the State to unworthy me. I
dare not forget his deed ; and if by your power-
ful influence I succeed in preserving my head
till I die in peace, should my brother ask about
Yu-e, what answer shall I be able to return ?
I beg you to secure him the appointment to be
lord of the altars, and then I shall be able to
die without regret." The other replied, " All the
officers wish to support yoicr eon P4ng." " That
must not be," said the duke. *' My brother deem-
ed me worthy, and made me lord of tlie altars.
If I now throw away my virtue, and do not
vieldYAe State to his son, I shall be nullifying
his promotion of me, and not worthy to be
deemed honourable. Should it not be my chief
object to illustrate brightly the excellent virtue
of my brother ? Do not you, my friend and minis-
ter, nullify his merit." On this duke Afuh's son,
P*ing, was sent away to reside in Ch*ing; and
when Muh died on the day Kftng-shin, in the 8th
month, duke Shang, succeeded him.— A sup-
erior man may say, " It may be pronounced of
duke Seuen (who preceded Muh) of Sung that he
knew men. He made Muh possess the State, and
his own son came afterwards to the enjoyment of
it;— the charge was according to righteousness.
Are not the words in the sacrificial odes of
Shang.'

" Bight is it that Yin should have the appohit-
ment,

And sustain all the dignities (She^ rV.iv JII.),"
descriptive of such a case? ']

Par. 6. Ts*e was one of the most powerful
States, a marquisate, whose capital was Ying-
k'Sw (^ ^), in pres. dis. of Lhi-tsse (Eg

_^), dep. Ts<ing-chow; but it extended much
tyond the boundaries of that department Its
princes had the surname of Keang (^^), and
traced their lineage up to the chief uHnLter of
Yaou. Shih-mOn belonged to Ts*e;— in the

south-west of Ch'ang-ts'hig (^|||) dis., dept.
Tse-nan. It probably took its name fVora some
* Stone-gate ' or embankment of the river Tse.
Tso-she says that in connection with this meet^
ing, <the carriage of the earl of Ch*ing was
overturned in the Tse.'

Par. 7. The duke of Sung is mentioned here,
with his honorary or sacrificial title of Muh

(Kung and Kuh have j^l), the burial taking
place, of course, in his own State. We might
translate—* We buried,' it being the rule that
friendly States should send a great officer to x«-
present them on such occasions; — and this Loo
had here done.

[The Chuen appends here the following narra-
tive about Wei: —

' Duke Chwang of Wei had married the sister
of Tih-shin, the heir-son of the marquis of Ts*eu
known as Chwang Keang. She was beautitVil but
childless, and it was of her that the people of Wei
made the songof "the Great Lady (She, Lv.in.).'*
The duke then married a daughter of the House
of Ch'in, called Le Kwei, who had a son called

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK I.

Heaou-pih that died early. Tae Kwei, who
had accompanied her to the harem, had a son,
who was afterwards duke Hwan, and who was
cherished by Chwang Keang as her own child.
There was also Chow-yn, another son of the
duke by a favourite concubine, a favoured child,
and fond of his weapons, not restrained by the
duke, but hated by Chwang Keang. Shih Tseoh
remonstrated with the duke, saying, " Your ser-
vant has heard that, when you love a son, you
should teach him righteous ways, and not
help him on in the course of depravity. There
are pride, extravagance, lewdness, and dissipa-
tion, by which one depraves himself; but these
four vices come from over-indulgence and allow-
ances. If you are going to make Chow-yu your
successor, settle liim in that position; if you
have not yet decided on such a step, you are
paving the way for him to create disorder. Few
there are who can be favoured without getting
arrogant ; few arrogant who can submit them-
selves to others ; few who can submit themselves
without being indignant at their position ; and

few who can keep patient ander such a feeling
of indignancy. And moreover, there are what
are called the six instances of insubordination,
— when the mean stand in the way of the noble;
or the young presume against their elders; or
distant relatives cut out those who are near ; or
new friends alienate from the old ; or a small
Power attacks a great one; or lewdness defeats
righteousness. The ruler righteous and the
minister acting accordingly; the father kind
and the son dutiful; the elder brother loving
and the younger respectful: — ^theae are what
are called the six instances of what should be.
To put away what should be and follow what
should not be, is the way to accelerate calamity;
and when a ruler of men accelerates the cahunit j
which it should be his object to keep off, is not
the case a deplorable one? ** The duke ^d not
listen to this remonstrance; and Tsedh's son,
How, became a companion of Chow-yu. The
father tried to restrain him, but in vain. When
duke Hwan succeeded to his father, Tseoh with-
drew from public life on the plea of old •ge/]

Fourth year.

A PT

m^^mz mM ^,^m m mM =p^z3

S ® If- ^ -tfc.Hl # # 5t^ |IB.±»A ifc»

m^m.:^9^Mn^^m^m^

'ea« rv.

DUKE YIN.

ik.^ zf-mmmm.iixmm^mm.^^ 11.0.
f- m BM zyi\M^ # ^ « wf.asL m ^ f3^M m

W ^.« p? Bt ^ ^ Ho^ :^.0 UM ^M y^ ^

+ Ifc.^t fln ^ ^ ^ ^ rTi i^ ^ ^. ^ ^ ^ ^,

^ ^ ^ :m ;^ # ^.# ^ :^ ^ m.-^M

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V. 1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month,

an array of Keu invaded Ke, and took Mow-low.

2 [On the day] Mow-shin, Chow-yu of Wei murdered his ruler,

Hwan.

3 In summer, the duke and the duke of Sung met at Ts4ng.

4 The duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an army of Ts*ae,

and an army of Wei invaked Ch'ing.

5 In autumn, Hwuy led a force, and joined the duke of

Sung, the marquis of Ch*in, the array of Ts*ae, and the
army of Wei, in the invasion of Ch'ing.

6 In the ninth month, the people of Wei put Chow-yu to

death in Puh.

7 In winter, in the twelfth month, the people of Wei raised

Tsin [to be marquis of the State].

Par. 1. Ke was a raarquiBate (its chiefs are
so called earls and sometimes viscounts) whose
ipital at this time was Yung-k'ew (^ ^)
t dis. of Ke, dept. K*ae-fung. It lay between
eo OD the soath, and Ts*e and Ke (JRp) on
le north. Its chiefs were descendants of the
■eat To, and of course had the surname Sze
IM) ; —see Ana. III.t. The capital was changed
ore than once in the period of the Ch*un
i^ew. Mow-low was on its southern border,
»r to Keo;— in dis. Choo-shing (^ j£)*

y^^ 'took/ is snid to denote that the place waa

easily taken. Keu seems to have retained it.
Kung and Kuh say that this capture, Mng al-
together foreign to Lijo, sliould not have been
recorded ; but th.it Confucius entered it, to show
his hntred of such an outnige on the part of
Keu, especially ns this is the Ist instance of the
capture by one Si ate of a city of another, re-
corded in this classic. But, nu doubt, tlie cjip-

ture was announced by Keu to Loo, and tlie re-
cord of it was en regie.

Par. 2. %^ is the term appropriate to the

murder of a ruler by a minister, or of a father

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKL

by A son. To undentand the record fiilly, re-
fer to the last narrative under hut year from

the Chuen. Koh-leang, here and below, has llff

for yU ; and deep meanings are found in the

omission of jff^ -7*, 'duke's son,' before the
name ; — about which we need not be particular.
yj2 ^^ ^^^ name of the son of duke Chwang

of Wei, mentioned as himself duke Hwan ffef)

in the narratiTe referred to. It might appear
that this par. belonged to the 2d month, but Too
Yu remarks that in that month there was no

Mow-shin day. The characters ^^ H should

be at the commencement of the par.

Far. 8. jfi is simply * to meet,' as if without

previous agreement, and this is the meaning put
on the term here ; but such an interpretation
would be meaningless. Why should a casual
incident of that nature be recorded? In the
Le Ke, I. Ft. II. ii. 12, we are told that ' inter-
views between the princes before the time

agreed upon were called iB.' So Tso-she in-
terprets the word here, and Too Yu calls the
interview B ^j^ J^ fiB, 'a hurried arrange-
ment' Tso-she says : — * In spring Chow-yu of
Wei had murdered duke Hwan, and taken his
place. The duks and the duke of Sung had ar-
ranged for a meeting as a sequel to their cove-
nant at Suh [in the 1st year]; but before the
time came, they got the news of the confusion
in Wei.' In consequence of this, it would fol-
low, they had only a hurried meeting. Ts^ing

was in Wei,— in dis. of Tung-o (^ K^), dep.
Yen-chow.

Far. 4. ChHn was a marquisate, having its
chief city in Yuen-k*ew (^ HJ),— in pros.

dis. of Hwae-ning Cf&^^Sd^ dep. Ch*in-chow (so

called from the ancient State), Ho-nan. Its

chiefs were Kweis (jl&% descended from Shun.

Ch*in and Ts'ae were the most southern of the
States of China proper in this period, and expos-
ed consequently to danger from the barbarous
TsHx), by which they were ultimately absorbed.
Ts^ae abo was a marquiBate, with which king
Woo invested his brother Shuh-too at the com-
mencement of the dynasty; — in dep. Joo-ning

(Yrr ^&), Ho- nan. Its capital at this time was

in Shang-ts*ae (^Jj^ ^S) dis. To understand

the par., we must keep in mind the Chuen un-
der par. 5, last year. Tso-she adds here: —
* Wlien Shang came to the dukedom of Sung,
FHng, the son of duke Muh, fled to ChHng, where
there was a wish to vindicate his right to Sung.
And now, when Chow-yu had made himself
marquis of Wei, he thought at once of putting
to rights his father's grudge against Ch*ing [see
the 2d Chuen after p. 5, 1st year], and of getting
for himself the favour of the princes, in order to
make his people better affected. He sent a
message, therefore, to the duke of Sung, saying,
'* If you will invade Ch^ii;; to remove the danger
that is there to yourself [r.e. Muh's son F'iug],
you shall be chief of the expedition ; and all my

levies, as well as Ch*in and Ts'ae, will follow
ypu: — ^this is the desire of the State of Wet'
They acceded in Sung to the request; and as
Ch'in and Ts'ae were then friendly with Wei,
the duke of Sung, the marquis of Chin, aa
army of Ts*ae, and an army of Wei, invaded
Ch*ing, and laid siege for five days to the east-
em gate of its capital; — when they returned.

'The duke of Loo asked Chung-chung whether
Chow-yu of Wei would accomplish his ambition.
**Your servant has heard," said the officer,
' that the people may be made well affected by
virtue; I have not heard that they can be made
so by violence. To use violence with that view
is like trying to put silk in order and only ravel-
ling it. Chow-yu relies on his military force, and
can do cruel things. For his military likings
the multitude will not cleave to him; and for
his cruelty his relatives will not. With the multi-
tude rebellious, and his friends leaving him, it
will be difficult for him to be sucoes^PuL Mili-
tary weapons are like fire ; if you don't lay the
fire aside, it will burn yourself. Chow-ju
murdered his prince, and he uaes hU people
oppressively, thus not making excellent virtus
his pursuit, but wishing to succeed by vio-
lence;— he will certainly not escape calamity."'

Far. 6. This Hwuy was an ofllcer of Loo^ a
son, indeed, of the previous duke. He was after-
wards concerned in the murder of duke Yin;
and Kung and Knh think that he is here men-
tioned simply by his name, denuded of the
'duke's son,' as the sage's punishment of him
for his share in that deed. But this view is
quite inadmissible. Tso-she thinks the omission
shows Confucius ' dislike of him in the incident
here mentioned; but neither need we suppose
that. The historiographers had merely entered

his name The S* is little more than the ^

of other paragraphs. The Chuen is: — 'In the
autumn, the princes again invaded Ching, and
the duke of Sung sent to ask the assistema of%
force Jrom Loo. Yu-foo [the designation of this
Hwuy] asked leave to join them with a force
The duke refused, when he strongly urged hii
request, and went Hence the brief record of
the text, expressive of dislike to his condact
The army of the princes defeated the footmea
of Chlng, carried off the paddy from the flddii
and returned.'

Far. 6. Here and in p. 7, |j|^ ^ denotes

' the people of Wei,' as if the things recorded had
the consent, and were, indeed, the doing of them
all. Chow-yu might have been mentioned si

§^0^, being the ruler de facto; but he had
occupied his position only for a short time^
and the marquis Hwan was not yet buried.
Fuh was in Ch'in, near a river so named. Tso-
she gives the following account of Chow-yu'i

death:—

'Chow-yu finding himself unable to attach
the people to himself, SMh TsSoh*s son How asked
his father how to establish the prince n tki
State, Shih said, " It may be done by his going
and having an audience of the king." "Bat
how can this audience be obtained?" "Dnke
Hwan of Ch'in," replied the father, '<iB now in
favour with the king, and Ch'in and Wei are
on friendly terms. If the fnarmtia go to the
court of Ch'in, and get the duke to ask ss

Tbae y.

BUKE YIN.

andienoe for bim, it may be got." On this How
went with Chow-yu to Ch*iii; but Shih Tseoh
•ent information to Ch^in, saying, **The State
of Wei is narrow and small, and I am aged
and can do nothing. These two men are
the real mnrderers of my prince, and I yen-
tiire to oak that you will instantly take the pro-
per measures with them.** The people of Ch*in
made them prisoners, and requested Wei to send
and manage the rest. In Uie 9th month, the
people of Wei sent Ch*ow, the superintendent
of the Right, who put Chow-yu to death, at Puh,
and Shih Tseoh sent his steward. Now Yang-

keen, who put Shih How to death in th» eapUai
of Ch*in. A superior man may say, ** Shih Tsdoh
was a minister without blemish. He hated
Chow-yu, with whom kU own aon How was
art and part ; — and did he not so afford an illus-
tration of the saying that great righteousneit

is supreme oyer the affections ?'"
Far. 7. Tsin was a brother of duke Hwin,

and had fled to the SUte of Hhig (^). They

now sent to Hing for him, and raised him to tha
marquisate.

Fifth year.

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TOL y.

THE CH'UN TSEW WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK I.

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V. 1 In his fifth year, in spring, the duke [went] to see the fisher-
men at T^ang.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of
duke Hwan of Wei.

8 In autumn, an army of Wei entered Shing.

4 In the ninth month, [the duke] completed the shrine-palace

of Chung Tsze. For the first time he exhibited [only]
six rows of pantomimes.

5 An army of Choo and an army of Ch4ng invaded Sung.

6 There were the 7wm^-insects.

7 In winter, in the twelfth month, duke [Hgaou's] son K*ow

died,

8 An army of Sung invaded Ch4ng, and besieged Ch^ang-koh.

Par. 1. Instead of ^9 Tso-she has ^j^ with
the meaning of Of, * to set in order/ 'to ar-
range.' Then ^ is taken u**2^ ^« 'fisher-
men.' T<ang was in the dis, of Yu-t'ae, a long
way f^om ^'euh-fow where the coi^rt of I400

was. The name Ta-t'ae, (^ tt), <4sher->

men's tower/ remains, indeed, since A. D. 7d2,
when the district was so called, a monnment of
the incident in this par. Tso-she's riew of it
then is, that the duke, neglecting the boshiess
of goTt., went off for his own pleasure to T'ang,
and there had the fishermen drawn ap with all
their equipments, and watched them as they pro-
ceeded to catch their prey. A great 8ch<&ar,
Teh Mung-tih (A. B. 1077—1188), and others,

take ^ ^^^^ 'to shoot;' and think thit

duke Tin, really seeking his own pleasure, went
off to T^ang on the pretence that he was going
to shoot fish for use in sacrifice !

The Chuen says:—* The duke b^ng about to
go to T^ng, to see the fishermen, Tsang He-pili
remonstrated with him, sa3iQg. *' All pmmat of
oreatures in which the great afifaira efthB Sidt
are not illustrated, and when they do not sap-
ply materials ayallable for use in its Tariosi
requirements, the ruler does not engage in. Into
the idea of a ruler it enters that he lead and
help the people on to what should be obserred,
and all the ramifications thereof. Hence the
practioe of exercises in admeasurement of tht
degrees of what should be obserred is called fix*
lAg the rule, and the obtaining tiie materiaii

Ymam V.

DUKE YIN.

supplied thereby for the ornament of the various
requirements of the State, is the guiding principle to
•how what creatures should be pursued. Where
there are no such admeasurement and no such
materials, the goyemment is one of disorder;
and the frequent indulgence in a government of
disorder is the way to ruin. In accordance
with this there are Uie spring hunting, the sum-
mer hunting, the autumn hunting, and the win-
ter hunting :— all in the intervals of husbandry,
for the illustration of one great hMsXnees of States.
Then every three years, there is the grand mili-
tary review ; when it is over, the troops are all led
back ; and their return is announced by the cup
of spirits in the temple: — all to take reckoning
of the accoutrements and spoils; to display the
various blazonry; to exhibit the noble and the
mean; to distinguish the observance of order
and ranks ; to show the proper difference between
the young and the old ; to practise the various
observances of discipline. Now when the birds
and beasts are such that their flesh is not
presented in the sacrificial vessels, and their
skina, hides, teeth, bones, horns, featherS) and
hair are not used in the furniture of the
State, it was the ancient rule that our dukes
should not shoot them. With the creatures
found in the mountains, forests, streams and
marshes; with the materials for ordinary articles
of use; with the business of underlings ; and with
the charges of inferior officers: — with all these
the ruler has nothing to do.** The duke said, "I
will walk over the country ;" and so he went,
had the fishermen drawn up in order, and looked
at their operations. He-pih gave out that he was
ill, and did not accompany him. The text, "The
duke reviewed a display of the fishermen at
T^ang," intimates the impropriety of the affair,
and tells moreover how far off the place was.'
[The Chuen adds here a note about Tsin

* Earl Chwang of K*euh-yuh, with an army of
Ch4ng and an army of Hing, invaded Yih. The
king sent hie officers, the Heads of the Yin and
Woo families, to assist him« The maiquis of
Tih fled to Suy.*]

Par. 2. This burial was very late, more than
double the regular 5 months after the prince's
death ;— owing to the confusion in which the
State had been.

[The Chuen adds here —

* In the 4th month, an army of ChMng fell sud-
denly on the dig Muh of Wei, to revenge the siege
of its eastern gate [see the Chuen on p. 4 of last
year]. An army of Wei, aided by one of [the
fouthernl Yen invaded Ch^ing in return. The offi-
cers oj Ch^ing, — Chae Tsuh, Yuen Fan, and Seeh
Kea, with three bodies of men, withstood them
in front, and made the earl's two sons, — Man-
pih and Tsze-yuen, with another body, get
•tealthlly behind them. The men of Yen were
i^raid of the three armies in their front, but had
no anxiety about danger from the men of Che
[a town of ChMng in their rear] ; so that in the
6th month, the two princes, with the men of Che,
defeated the army of Yen near the city. A su-
perior roan may say that without pieparation and
anxiety an array cannot be properly conducted.*]

Part. 8. Shing (Kung has Jg^) was a small

State, an earldom, held by the descendants of
Shoh-woo 0^ ;^), one ol king W&n*a sons >—

m dis. of W&n-shang (WT j[^), dep. Yen-chow.

Ace. to Tso-she, during the troubles of Wei,
Shing had made an incursion into it ; hence this
retributive expedition.

Par. 4. ^k is explained in the Urh-ya bj

fiv*, * to complete;' — see the Shoo, V.xiii 24^

Fuh R*een ( J&^ ; towards the end of the Han

dyn.) contends that ':^ is the name of the
sacrifice offered immediately after the comple-
tion of the shrine-house (^^ JB| Jf^ m^, y^

J^ ^ ^§*);* which seems to be the view

also of Too Yu. But the sacrifice was tho
sequence of the finishing of the temple; and we

need not extend the meaning of>;^ beyond

that of the erection of the building. Chung Tsze
was the mother of duke Hwan, who was now
heir to the State; but she was only the aecond
wife of duke Hwuy. The tablet of the 1st and
proper wife had already received its proper
place; and the erection of a separate house for
that of Chung Tsze was a device to please the
young prince, but not according to rule. A
feeling of this seems to have prompted the ex-
hibition of six rows of pantomimes, as recorded

in the last part of the par. ^^, ' feathers,' is

here sa< feather- wavers,' t. e., the pantomimes,
who waved the feathers of pheasants in harmony
with the music which was played. Of such
performers the kings used 8 rows, each consist-
ing of 8 men, at their sacrifices, while the princes
of States could only use 6 rows, each of 6
men. But it had been granted to the princes
of Loo to use the kingly number in sacrifice to
the duke of Chow, their great ancestor, and
they had usurped the privilege so as to use it
in sacrificing to his descendants; — and on the
occasion in the text duke Yin employed only the
ordinary number used in sacrificing to the prince
of a State. The Chuen says:— 'In the ninth
month, having completed the shrine-palace for
Chung Tsze, the pantomimes were about to be
exhibited. The duke asked Chung-chung about
their number, who replied, **The emperor uses
8 rows ; princes of States, 6 ; great officers, 4 :
and scholars, 2. Now the dancing is employed
in harmony with the instruments of music,
and the motion of the 8 winds of the gear; the
number of them therefore descends in gradation
from 8 rows." On this Vie duke for the 1st time
exhibited only 6 featber-waversi and used 0
rows.*

Par 5. The Chuen on this has:-*

*The people of Sung had taken some ffeldi
from Choo ; and the people of Choo informed the
earl of Ch*ing, saying, " If you will now tent your
indignation on Sung, our poor town will lead
the Way for you." An officer of Chlng, aided
by a king's army, joined the forces of Choo^
and attacked Sung, penetrating to tbe subitfrbs
of its capital ; — in revenge again lot tfie siege
of tbe eastern gate of CAilng. They sent
off an account of their circumstances from
Sung to Loo; and when the duke heard that the
enemy Was in the tfubOrbs of its capital, he was
about to proceed to the relief of Sung. Asking
the mwsooger, however, how far the enemies'

THE CH«UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEK.

BOOK I.

army had got, the man replied, "They hare
not yet reached our city.** The duke was angry,
and stopped his measures, dismissing the mes-
senger with the words, "Tour prince in his
message requested me to have compassion on
the peril in which his altars were, and now you
tell me that the enemy lias not reached your
city; — I dare not take any notice of the case.**'
Par. 6. This is the record of a plague (SfS) ;
— * some evil caused hy the misconduct of men
(i^'A^Wifc^' The mfi«7 is described
as a grub that eats the heart of the growing
grain (0 ^ |$ J^ 0 1^)? "i* developes
into the locust (^ j^ «|fc). It is named
from the place of its injurious action, lying hid
In the heart of the plant (^ ^ ||| ^).

Far. 7. This Kung-tsse KH>w is the same as

the Tsang He-pih in the Chuen on p. I. K^w

was his name, and his designation was Tsze-

tsang (-?- jjHi). His grandchildren would

first receive the dan-name of Tsang, from his
designation; and he is so sumamed in the
Chuen as the ancestor of the Tsang family.

He (^%) is the honorary title given after his

death. On this par. the Chuen says: — < On the
death of Tsang He-pih, the duke said, "My
uncle was angry with me [i. e^ for not listening
to his remonstrance] ; but I dare not forget hia
faithfulness,^ He caused him to be buried with
the honours of one rank above what was his due/
Far. 8. Ch*ang-koh was a town of ChHng; —
its name remains in the dis. of Ch*ang-koh, in

Heu (§4^) Chow, Ho-nan. This expedition,

Tso-she observes, was in return for Chtng^t
attack of Sung mentioned in par. 6.

^ ^r^FW

Sixth year.

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YUAM YI.

DUKE YIN.

VI.

1
2

In [the duke'sj sixth year, in spring, an oflScer of Ch4ng

came [to Loo] with overtures of peace.
In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] Sin-yew, the

duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, when

they made a covenant at Gae.
[It was] autumn, the seventh month.
In winter, an army of Sung took Ch*ang-koh.

Far. 1. The text here has f^ ^, with

Kong and Knh, while Tao-she reads ^ ^.
Bat both the former commentators explain
their phrase by ^^Mf], 'to the ruin of peace.'

Tso-she explains his by J^ J^,-* 'which
changed tkeir relatumi of enmity, and there was
peace,' Jj£^ meaning JS^ *to change.' Later

critics have taken t& in the sense of £h, ' to

inresent,' ' to offer;' and thus a meaning ib got
out of the more likely reading, which comes to
the same as the view of Tso-she. There was
reason for the overture of peace on the part of
Cbing. Before Yin succeeded his father, he
had been taken prisoner in an expedition against
Ch4ng, and detained there. He made his escape,

but might be supposed to be ill-affected towards

it. When, howeyer, he rejected the application

fixMn Sung the year before for assistance against

Ch4ng, that State thought the time a favourable

one for initiadng proposals that Loo and it

should be at amity.

[The Chuen has here another note about the
affairs of Tsin:—

The nine original dan-branches of Yih [i^ e.,
Tsin], with the representatives of the five minis-
ters of the time of Yin, and Kea-foo, son of
K*ing-foo, went to meet the marquis of Tsin in
Suy [see the Chuen after 1st par of last year],
and escorted him back to GrOh. The people of
Tsin called him the marquis of Goh].

Far. 2. Gae was a hill in Loo ; — ^in the north-
west of the dis. of Mung-yin (^ff |^)i dep.
Ts'ing-chow. Loo and Ts^ had been at feud
before the time at which the Ch^un Ts*ew opens.
This meeting and covenant were the commence-
ment of peace between them.

[The Chuen here adds: — 'In the 5th month,
on the day K&ng-shin, the earl of Ch*ing made
a sudden raid into Ch4n, and got great spoil.
The year before, the earl had requested peace
from Ch*in, when his proposals were rejected.
Woo-foo remonstrated with the marquis of
Chin, saying, '* Intimacy with the virtuous and
friendship with its neighbours are the jewels
of a State. Do you grant Chang's request."
The marquis replied, **My difficulties are with
Song and Wei; what can Ching do?" And so
lie repulsed Ching.

'A superior man may say. Good relations
should not be lost, and evil relations should
not be prolonged ;— does not this seem to be
illustrated in the case of duke Hwan of ChHn?
When a man goes on to prolong enmity, the
consequences natural! v come upon himself; and
though he may wish deliverance from them, he
will not obtain it. The Shang 8hoo says, 'VThe
evil issues of enmity develope easily, as when
there is a fire blazing on a plain. It cannot be
approached, and still less can it be beaten out
(Shoo, IV. vU. Pt. i. 12)." Chow Jin [see Ana.
XVI.i.6.] has said, "The Head of a State or of a
clan looks upon evil relations as a husbandman
looks upon weeds or grass, which must be re-
moved. He cuts down, kills them, collects
them, and heaps them up, extirpating their
roots that they may not be able to grow ; and

then the good grain stretches itself out." ']

Far. 8. There was nothing to record in all
the autumn of this year; but still it was neces-
sary, according to the scheme of these annals,
to indicate the season and the 1st month of it.

Par. 4. See the siege of this place in the last
par. of last year. Too Yu says that the siege
had then been unsuccessful, but that Sung
returned this year, and took the place by
surprise. He says also, after Tso-she, that the
capture was made in autumn, but was only
communicated in winter to Loo, so that the
historiographers entered it under that season.
But as Sung was held by the representatives of
the House of Shang, its months would be those
of that dynasty, and part of its autunm would
be Chow's winter.

[Tso-she appends here the following two
Chuen:—

' In winter, an announcement came from the
capital of famine there, to meet which the duke
asked the courts c/Sung, Ts'e, Wei, and Ching,
to be allowed to purchase grain in their States.
This was proper.'

*The earl of ChHng went to Chow, and for the
first time sought an audience of king Hwan.
The king did not receive him> courteously,
when the duke Hwan of Chow said to him,
**0ur Chow's removal to the east was all
through the help of Tsin and Ch*ing. Ton
should treat Ch'ing well, to encourage other
princes to come to court ; — and still there is fear
that they will not come. Now when he receives
discourtesy, Ch*ing wMl not come again." ']

THE CH*UN TS»EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKL

Seventh year.

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VII. 1

2
8

5
6

In his seventh year, in spring, in the king's third month,

the duke's third daughter went to the harem of Ke.
The marquis of T'Sng died.
In summer, we walled Chung-k^ew.
The marquis of Ts'e sent his younger brother Neen [to

Loo] with friendly inquiries.
In autumn, the duke invaded Choo.
In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl

of Fan to Loo with friendly inquiries.
The Jung attacked the earl of Fan at Ts'oo-k'ew, and

carried him back with them.

Tbab VII.

DUKE YIN.

Par. 1. The marriage of the duke's eldest
daughter to the marquis of Ke is entered in the

2d year, pp. 5,6. There the ^ «■ ' went to be

married to/ < went as the wife ;' here the |^

has only the significance which appears in the
translation. When the daughter of a State was
married, the rule was that she should be accom-
panied by a half-sister and a cousin (— • 4hB»"~^

iS). Then two other States sent each a prin-
cess to attend her (J^ Q ^b^ j^)> ®^^ ^^
whom was similarly accompanied by two rela-
ttres. Thus altogether a prince's marriage
brought nine ladies to his harem {^S ^^ '^

^S ^ "ic)' ^ ^^® ^^^® ^° ^^® ^^^ ^^® ^^
had been too young to accompany her sister In the
2d year, and had waited five years, till she
reached the statutory age of 15, and could pro-
ceed to Ke. She appears twice again in the
classic ; and it is contended that such promi-
nence was given to her, humble though her
rank, to mark the sage's sense of her worthiness.
Par. 2. T*ftng was a small State: — in dis. of
THlng, dept. Ten-chow, held by the descendants

of Shuh-sew (;|( ^), one of king Woo's bro-
thers. Its chief is here styled marquis, but af-
terwards he appears only as viscount, his rank
having been reduced. According to the gener-
al practice of the Ch'un Ts^ew, the name as well
as the title should be given in the notice of the
death. The want of the name here is probably
an omission of the historiographer; but Tso-she
says that it is in rule, because duke Tin and
the marquis had never covenanted together.

He adds, * At covenants between the princes,
they were mentioned by name; and therefore on
the death of one of them, his name was given
when the event was communicated to other
States. At tae same time his successor was
also mentioned, — for the continuance of friend-
ship, and the assurAuee of the people. This
was one of the standing regulations oj the king-
dom.'

Par. 3. Chung-k*ew was in dis. of Lan-shan
iWm lJj)> ^^P' £-<2how. No doubt there was
some exigency requiring it to be fortified. Tso-
she, however, says the record is made, because
of the unseasonableness of the undertaking, call-
ing the people off from their field labours.

Par. 4. Tso-she tells us that this Neen's de-
signation was E-chung ( ^ 'f4')> *^^ ^^^ ^b®
visit in the text was to cement the covenant
made the year before (p. 2) by Loo and Ts^e.
These p*ing or missions of friendly inquiries
were regular institutions, by which the princes
maintained a good understanding with one an-
other;— see the Le Ke, I., Pt. 11. ii. 12,

n:k^mnm^Bm- The

employment by T8*e of the prince's brother,
instead of the officer usually charged with such
a minion, was a special honour done to Loo.
From the Chow lie, Bk. XXXVIII., p. 24, we

learn that among States in the same quarter of
the empire, there ought to have been every year

'the interchange of inquiries (^jjS RiH)t' ^nd

every two years 'the interchange of pHng

(j|j| jj^ ^y Conciliatory offerings of sUk

and pieces of jade were made at such times.

Par. 5. Ace. to the Chuen, this attack of
Choo was a cowardly proceeding on the part of
Loo; and a covenant of peace had been made
between the two States, not long before; — see
the Ist year, p. 2. — ' This autumn. Sung and
ChHng made peace, and in the 7th month, on
the day Kftng-shin, covenanted at Suh. The
duke proceeded to attack Choo, — so punishing
it to gratify Sung.'

Par. 6. This earl of Fan was a high minister
and noble at the court. Fan was in the pres.
dis. of Hwuy ()|sB), dep. Wei-hwuy, Ho-nan.
Not only was there an interchange of friendly
nussions among the princes themselves, but also
between them and the king. Indeed, the king
was supposed to send annually to every one of
them to inquire about his welfare (^^ ^ ftr

Chow Le, XXXVUI. 17) ; but as Ch4ng E ob-
serves, for the king to send such a mission to
Tin, who had never sent one to court, was deroga-
tory to his dignity (^ J "H).

Par. 7. These Jung are probably the same
as those mentioned in the 2d year, pp. 1, 5.
Ts*oo-k'ew was in the east of the pres. dis. of
Ts'aou, dept. Ts'aou-chow. The incident shows
how lawless the time was. The Chuen relates that,
some time before, the Jung had presented them-
selves at Chow in homage, and distributed pres-
ents among the high ministers, but that the
earl of Fan had not received them courteously.
They took advantage therefore of the opportuni-
ty presented by his return from Loo, attacked
him, and carried him off. |^ ^t, according
to Kung-yang means that the Jung made the
earl prisoner (^ ^); but Too Tu says that

they did not seize him (^^-f^), infiuenced,

probably, by a remark of Kuh-leang that the
phrase denotes something lighter than seizure

()^ j^ ^). And the K*ang-he editors say
this interpretation is much the better of the
two. They are also stumbled at the use of the
word ' attacked ' in p. 6, as too weighty for the
occasion. There, however, 4yf is; and I appre-
hend 1^ ^ also is only a gentle way of telling
that the earl was captured and carried off.

[The Chuen has here : —

* Ch'in and Ch'ing made peace. In the 12th
month, Woo-foo of Ch*in went to Ch*ing, and on
the day Jin-shin made a covenant with the earli

THE CH»UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK I.

and smeared his mouth with the blood of the vic-
tim, as if he were forgetting what he was doing.
Seeh Fih said, ** Woo-foo will not escape a violent
death. This covenant will be of no use to him."
Leang Tso of Ch*ing went to Ch4n, and on the
daj Sin-sze made a covenant with the marquis,
when he also perceived the disorders which were
imminent in Chin.' «

* Hwuh, son of the earl of Ch'ing, had lived
at the king's [as a hostage; see the Chuen, after
p. 3 of the Sd year] ; and on this account [t.€^ ac-
cording to Too Tu, thinking it likely he would
be a favourite with the king] the marquis of
Chin proposed to give him his daughter to
wife. The earl acceded to the proposal, and
the marriage was determined on.']

Eighth year.

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VIII. 1 Id [the duke'a] eighth year, in spring, the duke of Sung
and the marquis of Wei met at Chuy.

2 In the third month, the earl of ChUng sent Yuen [to Loo]
to give up P&ng.

8 On [the day] KSng-yin we entered P&ne.

4 In summer, iu the sixth month, on [the day] Ee-hae^

K'aou-foo, marquis of Ts'ae, died.

5 On [the day] Sin-hae, the baron of Suh died.

6 In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] ESng-

woo, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'e, and the
marquis of Wei made a covenant at Ya-uh.

7 In the eighth month, there was the burial of duke Seuen

of Ts'ae.

8 In the ninth month, on [the day] Sin-maou, the duke and

an officer of Keu made a covenant at Fow-lae.

9 There were the miTu^-insects.

10 In winter, in the twelfth month, Woo-hSae died.

Par. 1. On thi* paragnph Tw>-Bhe t»,j%: —
• The muqnli of Ti^ wanted to bring aliout pBBce
between 5nng and Wei on Ihe tmt hand and
OiHiu <M lie otAs-, and had fixed a time (or a
neetuw tnA tl^prmctto/At tioo former StaUt.
Tlu dnJw of Sobs, howerer, «ent prcMiita to
W«i, MDd begged that the marqnii and himadf
ndgtat have A pnrioiu maetiiig MMMH (A«aM«ftiM.
nM marqoit agned, and they met accordingly
at K'eaen-k'Sw.' BeguJated b; thi« account,
tbe toeanlng of VSk fitter* tllghtlj from that
laid down on par. 8 of the ith year. The idea,
howBTo', of a 'hurried ' meeting renuini. Tfie
neetiiig pnpoaed byTi'e waa held in the Tth
month: thi* waa a preliminary meetlTig of
and Wei to eoniii^ bow tbey shonld re

le ^ace ; — Too-yn layi it wa* in W«l, on the
north of tfa« dep. dty of T*'«os-choir; but aee
MILLS.

Par. 8. Tio-«he Mjt here: — 'The earl of
Chlng Intimated hia vlih to giro Dp the aaivlflce
at mount T'ae, and to tacrifice to the dnke of
Chow, and to exchange thersfoie P&ng near
monDtT'aeforthefieldaofHen. IntheBdmonth,
accordingly, he lent Tnen to gire up Ptng to
Loo, sod no more naed the mount T'ae tacrine*.'
But to undentand thii, an explanation t« necea-
iaiy, which ii rapplied by Too Yu. — When king
Cblng built the citj of Lob, and wai meditating
the remoral of his capital to It, he granted to
the duke of Chow the land* of Heu (in the lontb-
we»t of the preeeut Hen Chow, dep. K'ae-fnng),
where tbe princes of Loo might reaide when
they Tisited Loh on state occaiioni; and aubae*
cuently a temple was built there to the dnke of
Chow. But the first earl of Ch'ing, at a brother
of king Seuen, had the town of Ping, near
mount T'ae, where he and hit luccetsort might
reat, when called there on occasion of the
king's eaatera progresaet, and baring then to
aiiiat at the •acrificw on or to the motutidn.

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK I.

Owing to Cfae dec*7 €f the toyal HoOfe, Uiere
was ciow an end of the kingly progwMes. The
earl concluded that Ch*ing had no farther oc-
casion for Pftng, and therefore offered it to Loo,
to which it was sear, in exchange for Hen, which
was near to ChHog, Tcinnteering to maintain
there Loo*s aacrifloe to the duke of Chow.«^If
all this be correct, yet we know that Loo's part
of the arrangement did not take eflbct for some
time;-^«ee tlie 1st year of duke Hwan, p, 2.
Tuen, of coune, was an oi&cer of Ch4ng.

Par. 8. Kunff and Kuh lay great stress on
the mentioQ of the day here;— but without

reasolkL Theuseofj^,lioweyer, seems strange,

as that character should denote a hostile ent^.

[The Ciraen appends here: —

'In summer, Ke-foo, duke of Kwoh, for the
first time became a 'high minister and noble at
the tourt o/Chow.'

*In tiie 4th month, on the day Keah-shin,
Hwuh, son of the earl of Chi<ig, went to Ch4n,
and met his Kwei brldeu On the day ^-hae.
he commenced his return with her. On the day
Keah-yin, they entered the capital of Ctiing, the
officer Keen of Oh*in acting as esoort to the
lady. The prince was first mated, and then
announced the ihliig in the ancestral temple.
The officer Keen said, '* These are not husband
and wife; — ^he is imposing on his fathers. The
proceeding is improper. How can they expect
to haye children ?" 'j

Par. & Su1i;«-4ee on p. S df 1st year. The
name of the baron should follow the title, but is
wanting; — through an omission of the historio-
grapher.

Par. ^. The meeting here is that spoken of
in the Otiuen on par 1, as called by Ts*e. Atten-
tion is oaUed to it by critics as the first meeting
in the Ch*un-T8<ew when more than two princes
came together to consult and covenant on the
affairs of the time. As it was called by the
marquis of Ts'e, he should appear Ist on the list ;
but, says Too Tu, he did honour to the duke of
Bung, ceding the presidency of the meeting to
him. Tso-she says they first met at Wfln, and
then covenanted together at Ya-uh. A recon-
ciliation was effected between Sung and W^
and Ch*ing, and tlie siege of Ching's eastern

Sate was condoned. Ya-uh was in the king's
omain,— 20 /s south of the dis. city of Wei-

ch'uen (^ l||), dep. K*ae-fung.

Par. 7. [To this the Chuen appends: —
'*In the 8th month, on th^iay Ping-seuh,
the earl of ChHng, through the marquis of Ts'e,
appeared at court. This was proper.']

Par. 8. Fow (Knng and Kuh read ^>lae

was in Ken; — 20 k west of the pres. city of Keu
Chow. In the 2d year, p. 7, we have a meeting
"between the count of Keu and an officer to bring
about a good understanding between Keu and
Xoo. This was the sequel of that, — * to cany
out the good wishes of Ke.'

Par. 9. See on paragraph 5, 5th year.

^The Chuen adds here: — ' In winter, the mar-
quis of Ts*e sent a messenger to inform the
duke that he had effected the pacification of the
three States [Sung, Wei, and Ch4ng]. The
duke sent Cliung-chung to reply to him, <*That
you have reconciled the conflicting schemes of
the three States, and given rest and settlement
.to their people, is your kindness, O prince. I

have heitrd ydvr meisaga^ and dare not Imt ac-
cept and acknowledge your bright Tirtue.* '

Par. 10. Woo-h9ae;«-«ee paragraph 8 ef the
2d year. The Chuen has here :— ^ On the death
of Woo4i8ae, Yu-fbo [the dengnaCioD of Hwuy,
IV., 5] requested for him an ii^arary title and
a elan-name. The duke adced Cliung-diung
about the clan-name, who replied, ** When the
Son of Heaven jwould ennoUe the viftsoos, he
gives them surnames from their birth-piaoes (or
the birth-places of their ancestors]; he rewards
them with territoiT, and the name of it becomes
their dan-name. The princes agam confer the
clan-name from the designation of the gramd'
fathery or fh»n his honorary title [tiie text
is here difficult to construej. Or wfien merit
has been displayed in one office by laetab&s
of the same family for generations, tiie name of
that offioe may become the dan-name, or the
name of the dtv hdd by the family ms^ become
so." The duke determined that Woo^eat^a
dan-name should be Chen, from the designatiaa

of his grandfather (^ ^ j^ ).»

Too Yu illustrates what the Chu^ says tbost
the procedure of Uie king by the case ol the
chiera of Ch*in. They were descended from
Shun, who was bom near the river Kwei ; hence
they got the surname of Kwei. When they
wtt« invested with Chin, that became their
dan-name, to distinguish them from otiier
branches of Shun's descendants. He says fur-
ther, that the princes of States coidd not confer

surnames (j||^)» but only dan-names (^^X

which the^ did in the way described.

But while the theory of surnames and dan-
names in ancient China may have been as here
described, they were often assumed and acknow-
ledged without any conferring on the part of the
king or the princes. Seeliaou K*e-lingni &c. He
says : — * When a ruler of Loo died, the event was
recorded; when the ruler of another State died,
that also was recorded, when the announcement
of it arrived. The deaths of great officers, sdons
of the ruling family, were sometimes recorded
and sometimes not; with the accompaniment
of their dan-names or without ; and with the
mention of the month and day of the death
or without it:— aU this prooeeded from the his-
toriographers of Loo, and the Master simply
transcribed their reoord without making any
obange in it himself. We have here the mention
of Woo-heae's death, without his clan-name^ just
as we have similar records of other offlcer'ain lY*
6.;IX.8;&c

*Now according to the ordinary whew of the
matter, the dan-name was only confeired on men
who had been distinguished fior thdr Tirtoa.
But on this prindple few officers mentioned in
the Ch^n Ts^ew could have received it, wbtioai
we find it given to many of the worst cha-
racters, and to be abhorred for their flagrant
wickedness. It is impossible to suppose that
the dan-names of the officers of Loo w«ere all
given by the marquises. The general nde waa

that the son of a deceased ruler was sidled j^

-^, or " duke's son;" his son sgain, j^ ,fl^

or " duke's grandson.** But in the next descent^
the son took as a matter of coarse the designa-
tion of his grandfather, or his honorsiy ^le^
or the name of his office, or of his taiy^

VximlX.

made it Ills own cfam-mimeL Om
Imuicked cml into muiy dan-names, and oas
d^in-name branched out again into man/

f«nay ««tte. ( jjt ^ fl5 ^ ^, ^ X

^ t& fi j!^^ Tso-she would make it ap-

BUKB YJJSL

psar here tbat Woo-hSae had no dsn-nsme till
after his death;— which is not to be believed.
His record of events is very ranch to be relied
on ; bat as to every ten of his devices to explain
the style of the classic^ he is sure to be nuttaken

in five or six of them.'

Ninth year.

nM.

nil » it

IX.

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In [the duke's] ninth year, in spring, the king [by] Hea-
ven's fgracej sent Nan Ke to Loo with friendly inquiries.

2 In the tmrd month, on the day Kwei-yew, there was great

rain, with thunder and lightning. On [the day] K&ng-
shin there was a great fall of snow.

3 Heeh died.

4 In summer, we walled Lang.

5 It was autumn, the seventh month.

6 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts^e

in Fang.

THE CH<UN TS<£W WITH THE T80 CHUEN.

BOOKL

Par. 1. See on p. 6 of 7th yew. Nan is the
clan-name, and Ke the designation of the offi-
oer, the king's messenger.

Par. 2. The Chuen says on this : — * In spring,
in the king's 8d month, on the day Kwei-yew,
there was great rain without ceasing, accom-
panied with thunder ;-Hhi8 describes the begin-
ning cfthe storm. On the day K&ng-shin, there
was a great fall of snow ;— this also in the same
way describes its unseasonableness. When rain
oontinaes for more than three days, it is called a

great rain (9^)* When it lies a foot deep on

the ground, there has been a great fall of snow.'
The 8d month of Chow's spring was only the 1st
month of spring, when thunder and much snow
were certainly unseasonable phasnomena.

Par. 8. Heeh (Kung and Kuh hare "1^) was

an officer of Loo, a scion of the ruling House,
belonging, Tso-she would say, to a branch which
had not yet receiyed a clan-name.

Par. 4. See Uie Chuen after p. 2, 1st year.
Lang was in the north-east of pres. dis. city

of Yu-t*ae (^ Jj^). The walling Lang at

this time, Tso-she says, was unseasonable.
Par. 5. See on VI. 8.

Par. 6. Fang (Kung and Kuh hare W&) ^"^^

in Loo; — ^in dis. of Pe, dep. E-chow. As pre-
liminary to the meeting here, the Chuen has: —
*The duke of Sung had not been discharging
his duty to the king [by appearing at court],
and the earl of Ch'ing, as the king's minister of
tlie Left, assumed a king's order to punish
him, and invaded Sung, the duke of which,
resenting cur duke's conduct when his suburbs
were entered, [see Chuen on V.6], sent no in-
formation of AM pruent difficuUies. Our duke

was angry, and broke off aU oommnnicatioii
with Sung. In autumn, an officer of Ching
cama announcing the king's command to attack
Sung; and in winter the duke had a meeting
with the marquis of Ts^ in Fang, to arrange for
doing so.'

[l%e Chuen appends here the following narra-
tiye: — *The northern Jung [their seat was in
pres. dep. of Tung-p4ng, Chm-le] made a sudden
raid into Ch*ing. The earl withstood them,
but was troubled by the nature of their troops,
and said, ''They are footmen, while we hare
chariots. The fear is lest they fall suddenly
upon us." His son Tuh said, * Let a body A
bold men, but not persistent, feign an attack
upon the thieyes, ana then quickly draw off from
them ; and at the same time place three bodies in
ambuscade to be ready for them. The Jung an
light and nimble, but hare no order; they are
greedy and haye no lore for one another ; when
they conquer, no one will yield place to his
fellow; and when they Are defended, no one
tries to save another. When their fhmt men
see their success fin the retreat of our skxr«
mishers], they will think of nothing, hut to
push forward. When they are thus adyancing,
and fall into the ambush, they will be sure to
hurry away in flight. Those behind will not
go to their rescue, so there will be no support to
them; and thus your anxiety may be reiiered.*
The earl followed this plan. As soon as the
front men of the Jung met with those who were
in ambuscade, they fled, jrarsued by Chuh Tan.
Their detachment was surrounded; and smitten
both in front and in rear, till they were all cut to
pieces. The rest of the Jung made a grand
flight. It was in the 12th month, on the dsj
Keah-yin that the army of Ch'iDg inflicted this
great .defeat on the Jung.*]

Tenth year.

m AA B.

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DUKE TIN.

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X 1 In his tenlh year, in spring, in the king's second month, the

duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts^e and the
earl of Ch*ing in Cnung-k*ew.

2 In summer, Hwuy led a force, and joined an officer of Ts'd

and an officer of Ch4ng in an invasion of Sung.

3 In the sixth month, on [the day] Jin-seuh, the duke defeated

an army of Sung at Ewan.

4 On the day Sin-we, we took Eaou; on the day Sin-sze, we

took Fang.

5 In autumn, an army of Sung and an army of Wei entered

Ch4ng.

6 The army of Sung, the army of Ts^ae, and the army of Wei

attached Tae. The earl of Ch^ing attacked and took
them [all.]

7 In winter, in the tenth month, on the day Jin-woo, an army

of Ts^e and an army of Ch^ng entered Shing.

the marqniB and earl aie simply styled A ,

*man' in the text; — contrary to the general

usage of the Work, where ^ either denotes an

officer, not of very high rank, or a force under
the command of such an officer. Agreeing with
the Chuen, Too Tu says that Hwuv hurried
away, ambitious of joining the two princes, and
without waiting for orders 6x>m the duke, and
that therefore his name only is mentioned by
the sage. But this is not more reasonable than
the theory of Kung and Kuh mentioned on p. 6
of the 4th year. The text leads us to suppose
that the princes of Loo, Ts'e, and Ch4ng all
sent officers and troops against Sung, in antici-
pation of their own adyance.

Par. 8. The Chuen is:— *In the 6th month,

on the day Mow-shin, the duke had a meeting
with the marquis of Ts<e and the earl of Ch'ing
at Laou-t*aou, and on the day Jin-seuh he de-
feated an army of Sung at Ewan.' Too Tu from

Par. 1. Chang-k<ew,— see Vn. 8. This meet-
ing was a sequel to that in p. 6 of last year.
The Chuen says on it: — *In the 1st month, the
duke had a meeting with the princes of Ts*e
and Chlng in Chung-k'Sw, and on the day
Kwei-Gh'ow they made a coTenant in Tang, set-
tling the time when they should take the field.'
From this it appears they made a covenant at
this time ; and to the question why it is not re-
corded in the textj all that Too Tu can say is
that the duke only mentioned the meeting in
the report he took back to his ancestral temple.
Too abo obsenres that the day Kwd-ch'bw was
the 26th of the Ist month, and that uamd month
in the text must be an error. But all through
this year, as often in other years, the montios
and days of the King and Chuen do not accord.

Par. 2. The Chuen on this is :— * In summer,
in the 5th month, Tu-foo, preceding iht duke,
joined the marquis of Ts<e and the earl of Ching
in tnyaaOng Song.' If this be oorxect, then both

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHTJEN.

BOOK I.

this conclttden that Ta^ and Ch*iiig were dila-
tory, and had not united their forces with Loo,
when the duke seised an advantage presented
by the army of Snng, unprepared for action, and
defeated it. The situation of Kwan does not
appear to have been identified. Too says it was
in Sung.

Par. 4. The Chuen is :— ' On the day Kftng-
woo, the army of Ching entered Kaou, and on
8in-we the earl gaye it orer to us. On KAng-shin
his army enter^ Fang, and on Sin-sze he gave
it aUo oyer to us.' Firom the text we should
infer that both Kaou and Fang were taken by
the troops of Loo. Tso-she, howeyer, goev on
to moraliaee over his narratiye:-— *The superior
man will say that in this matter duke Chwang
of ChHng nmy be pronounced a correct man.
With the king's command he was punishing a
prince who had forsaken the court. Not coyet-
ing his territory for himself, he rewarded with
it the higher nobility of Loo :— this was a fine
instance of correctness.' Kaou was 80 /ie to the
Bouth-easI from the pres. die. dty of Shing*woo

(^ifi ^£* ^®^* ^®^~^^^- Vvag was also in
Ten-chow, west of the dis. dty of Kin-heang

mie Chuen adds here : — * The people of TsHm,
of Wei, and of Shing, did not unite with Ch'uig
and the others at the king's command.*]

Par. 5. This was intended as a diyersion, to
compel Ching to withdraw fh>m Snng.

Par. 6. Tae was a small State, haying its

chief dty in pres. dis. of K*aou-thing (^ ^|^),
dep. Kwd-tih, Ho-nan. Its lords had the sur-
name of "T*, and must haye been some bianch,
therefore, of the old House of Sung. It would
appear that the officers of Sung and Wei, after
entering Chlng, had been joined by a body of

troops from Ts*ae, and then tamed aside to
attack Tae. The Chuen says : — ^ In autumn, in
the 7th month, the army of Ch'ing entered its
own borders and was still there, when the
troops of Sung and Wei entered the State. These
were joined by a force from Ts^ae, and proceed-
ed to attack Tae. In the 8th month, on the
day Jin-seuh, the earl of Ch*ing surrounded
Tae; on Kwei-hae, he reduced it; tiUdng at the
same time the three armies. After Sung snd
Wd had entered Ch*ing, and then ti^en occasum
to attack Tae, th^ called the foroes of Ts'ae
to co-operate with them. The men of Ti'ae
were angry, so that there was discord among
themsetyes, and they were defeated.' Kong and

Kuh both understand ^P^, as many students do

on a first look at the text, as referring to Tae,
and seem to think that Ching all at once made
common cause with Sung, Wes, and Ts'ae and
with thdr help took the dty. But this is ^te
inconsistent with the relations of these States
and Ch'ing. Hoo Oan-kwoh is of opinion that
Ch*ing took adyantage of the open strife and
secret dissatisfaction between Tae, Sung, Wei,
and Ts'ae, and so took the dty and defeated
the forces of the other three States. This ii
the yiew, followed in the ' History of the Divid-
ed States,' in its lively account of the affair.
Upon the whole, the narratiye in the Chuen is
to be preferred, though it would be mere easy

to understand Jfj^ Jy^ if it were spoken of the

capture of a city.

[There is a short Chuen appended here, that
'in the 9th month, on the day Mow-yin, the
earl of Ch'ing again entered Sung.*].

Par. 7. This is understood from the Chuen
appended to p. 4. Tso says here that the allies
'entered Shing to punish its disobedience to
the king's command.* 8hiQg^--s^ oa p. 3 of
the 5th year.

Eleventh year.

DUKE TIN.

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THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKL

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XL 1 In [the duke's] eleventh year, in spring, the marquis of

'F&ng and the marquis of Seeh appeared at the court [of

Loo].
2 In summer, the duke had a meeting with the earl of ChHng

at She-lae.
S In autumn, in the seventh month, on the day Jin-woo,

the duke, with the marquis of Ts^e and the earl of ChHDg,

entered Heu.
4 In ysdnter, in the eleventh month, on [the day] Jin-shin,

the duke died.

Par. 1. ra| Ib here, of course, a Terb; bat it

la difficult to give an exact rendering of it
Kung-yang Bays that the ch^aouwas of the same
nature as the p^mp, — * a friendly Tisit/ the dif-
ference bdng that the visitors in the p^ing were
officers, representing the princes, whereas in the

cA'aoM, the princes appeared themseiyes (^K

in^ to the rules of the Chow dynasty, ereiy
pnnce within 'the fiye tenures* was required to
appear at the king's court, at least once, every
•iz years; — see the Shoo V.zz. 14, and note;
but this statute was little observed in the time
of the Ch*un Ts*$w. The princes were also
required to appear at one another's courts. Tso-
•he savs, on p. 8 of the 16th year of duke Wftn,
that they dici so once in 6 years ; but ace. to the
Chow Le, XXXVm. 24, a prince visited his
brother princes at thdr courts only once
(|tr 4^3 ^)' Whatever tlie rule was, there
was now no consistency in the observance of it.
S^h was a marqtiisate, near to T'ftng, having
its chief town 40 U south of the pres. dis. city

which still bears the name of T'ftng. Its bxdi
were recognized as descended from Hwang-tB,
and had the surname of Jin (^^).

In connection with this par., the Chuen sayi;
— *The two princes contended which should

have the precedence. The marquis of Seeh isid,
" My fief is the older." The marquis said, ''Uj
ancestor was the chief minister of divination to
Chow. Tours is a different surname from that
of our royal House. I cannot go after yoo."
The duke sent a request by Tu-foo to ths
marquis of Seeh, saying, **Tour hndship sod
the lord of T'ftng have condescended to viol
me. There is a common saying in Chow, *Tli8
mountain has trees, but the workman meanixsi
them; Guests have certain rules, but the boil
selects them.* ^ Now the House of Chow at coTe>
Xkants first records the princes of its own surasoie,
and those of difTerent surnames come after. If I
were at the court of Seeh, I should not dsie to
take rank with the Jin. If yonr lordship will
condescend to confer kindness on me, allow me to
n)akearequest in f avourof T^ftng in this matter.*
The marquis of S^h agreed, and gave the pie-
cedence to the marquis of THUig.*

DCKE YTS.

Par. 2. After JM Knng and Kuh have 5El
^. For ^ 5^ Rung has ^^ and Tso

•implj 3^|(. 6he-lae was in ChHng, 40 fe to the

east of the dep. city of K*ae-ftmg. The meeting
was preliminary to the inrasion of Hen, the
resolt of which we have in the next par. The
Chnen says : — *The doke and the earl of Ching
met at Lae, to make arrangements for the inrasion
of Hen. The earl heing abont to attack Hen,
in the 5th month, on the day Keah-shin he took
his weapons of war ont of the grand temple.
Kong-sun Oh and Ting K'aoa-shuh contended
for a chariot [a prize offered by the earl to the
strongest of nis officers]. K'aou-shuh took
the curred end of the chariot pole under his
arm, and ran off with it, while Tsze-too [the
designation of Knng-snn Oh] seized his spear,
and pursued him as far as the nigh way, without
coming up with him. Tsze-too was enraged.'
See this Cfhuen and the next told graphically in

Par. 8. Heu was a small State, which has

left its name in the pres. Heu Chow, Ho-nan.

Its lords were barons, haying the surname

Keang (^&)» ftnd being descended from Taou*s

chief minister, the *Four Mountains' of the 1st
Book of the Shoo. The SUte was on the
south of Ch*ing, and suffered much from that
greater Power, being often reduced to the verge
of extinction, but manifesting a wonderful
tenacity of life. Its capital at this time was

Hea-ch*ang (gf S ), 80 le to the east of the

pres. Chow city. The Chueu is: — 'On ihe day
ICang-shin, the three princes were close to Heu,
when Ying K*aou-shuh took the flag tnow-hoo of
the earl of Ch4ng, and was the first to mount the
wall. Tsze-too pierced him with an arrow from
below, and he fell down dead, Hea Shuh-ying
took up the flag, and again mounting the wall
with it, he wared it all about, and shouted,
"Our lordlias mounted." All the army of Ch'ing
then forced their way up ; and on the day Jin-woo
the princes entered Heu, duke Chwang of which
fled to Wd. The marquis of Ts*e refused to ac-
cept Heu, and wished the duke to take it; but
the duke said, **Yoa said, my Lord, that the
baron of Heu did not perform his duty,
and I therefore followed you to punish him.
He has paid the penalty of his crime; but,
CIS lo his StaU, I dare not take any notice even
of your commands.' Heu therefore was given
to Ching, the earl of which made Pih-le, an of-
ficer of Hen, take charge of a younger brother of
the baron who had fled, and reside with him in
the eastern border of the State, saying, " Heav-
en has sent calamity on Heu; — ^it must Be that

^ _ of me,_nnworthy asl am, io punish

^m^y^nt I have not t)een able to secure the
'l^lRSse of my nndes and cousins in Ch4ng ; —
dare I consider that Heu has come to me from
my merit? I had a younger brother, whom
1 coold not retain in harmony, and whom I
caused to wander abont filling his mouth in
different States; — can I long enjoy the posses-
sion of Hen ? Do yon. Sir, maintain this youth,
and help hun to soothe and comfort the people
of Hen; and 1 will send my officer Hwoh to as-

sist you. If I live out my days in the land,
and Heaven then graciously repent of the
calamities inflicted on Heu, shall not the lord of
Heu again worship at his altars ? Then when
Ch'ing has requests and messages to send to
Heu, he will condescend to accede to them as
intemuurriages that hare existed between otir
States might suggest, and there will be no
people of other families allowed to settle here,
and press upon Ching, contending with it for
the possession of this territonr. In that com my
descendants would have all their time occupied
with defending themselves fh>m overthrow,
and could in no wise maintain the sacriflces
of Heu. When I appoint yon. Sir to dwell here,
I do so not only for the sake of the State of
Heu, but also to strengthen my own borders."
Accordingly the earl sent Kung-sun Hwoh to
reside in the western border of Hen, charging
him. " Do not place your equipments and vari-
ous wealth in Heu, but when I am dead, quick-
ly leave it. My predecessor was the first to
establish his capitid here in Ch^ina, Even the
royal House has become small, andt the descend-
ants of Chow are daily losing their patrimonies.
Now £Ae lorda of Heu are the posterity of T*ae-
yoh ; and since Hesven ia mnnifMlingi^disastia-
fyf\r,t% «ri»^ tthF YJrtii^ '^ r!hnw, nm i able to
y:oqn,rt^r\tj»n{\\ngvrith Hen?" ;The supenot
man may say that in this matter duke Chwang
of Ch*ing behaved with propriety. It is pro-
priety which governs States and clans, gives
settlement to the tutelary altars, secures the
order of the people, and provides for the good of
one's future heirs. Because Heu transgressed the
law, the earl puni8hed it, and on its submission
he left it. His arrangement of affairs wast
according to his measurement of his virtue; his '
action proceeded on the estimate of his strength ;
his movements were according to the exigency
of the times: — so as not to embarrass those who
should follow him. He may be pronounced one
who knew propriety.'

*The earl of Ch'ing made every hundred
soldiers contribute a pig, and every five and
twenty contribute a fowl and a dog, and over
their blood curse the man who had shot Ting
K*aou-shuh. The superior man may say Aere that
duke Chwang of Ch*ing failed in his methods
of government and punishment. Government
is seen in the ruling of the people, and punish-
ment in dealing rightly with the bad. As he
showed neither the virtue of government, nor
the terrors of punishment, his officers became
depraved. Of what benefit was it simpbi to
curse the man who had so become depraved?

[There are here appended three other Ch uen :—

* From Ch*ing the king took Woo, L€w, and
the fields of Wei and Yu; and he gave to Ch'ing
the fields which had been granted to Soo Fun-
sftng, containing the towns of W&n, Yuen, He,
Fan, Seih-shing, Ts*wan-maou, Heang, Mftpg,
Chow. King, T*uy, and Hwae. The superior
man from this transaction may know that king
Hwan had lost Ch*ing. To act towards another
on the principle of reciprocity is the pattern of
virtue, the standard rule of propriety. But when
the king took what he could not hold himself to
give to another, was it not to be expected that
that other would not come to his court?'

* ChHng and Seih had some strife of words,
on which the marquis of Seih invaded Ch*ing.

VOL v.

THE CHOJN TS*EW WITH THE T80 GHUEN.

BOOKl

The earl fought with hun hi the borders, when
ibe army of Seih receired a great defeat, and
retreated. The superior man nom this traniac-
tion may know that Seih woold §oon perish.
Its lord did not connder the Tirtoe of hi*
mpomaU: he did not estimate hu own strength;
£e did not cherish the regard which he should
have done to his relatire [the chiefs of Ch4ng
and Seih were of the same surname] ; he made
no examination into the language which was
causing the strife; he did not try to ascertain
whose the wrong was: — but guilty in all these
flye points, he proceeded to attack the other
side. Was H not rif^t that he should lose his
army?'

'In winter, in the tenth month, the earl of
Chlng, aided by an army of Kwoh, invaded Sung,
and <m the day Jin-seuh inflicted a great defeat
on its army, thus taking revenge for Bung's en-
trance into Ch4ng thttyear be/oro. Sung miade no
announcement of this to Loo, and therefore it
was not entered in the historiogn4>her's tablets.
Whatever announcements were received from
other princes were so entered; but where there
was no announcement, no official record was made.
The rule was also observed in regard to the
good and evil, the success and d^eat, of all
military expeditions. Though the issue should
be the extinction of a State, if the extinguished
State did not announce its ruin, and the victor
did not announce his conquest the event was
not written in the tablets.*]

Par. 4. The reader supposes from this para-
graph that duke Yin died a natural death,
instead of being murdered, as was really the
case. And numerous other instances will occur
throughout the classic, which make the foreign
student think very doubtfully of the merits of
Confucius as a historian. The Chinese critics,
however, can see no flaw in the sage. It was
his duty, they say, to conceal such a nefarious
transaction which reflected dishonour on his
native State. And yet, they think, there are in-
timations of the real nature of the event, in its
not being stated where he died, and in no entry
being made of his burial ! Of this and analogous
peculiarities of the Ch^un Ts'ew I have q>oken
in the prolegomena.

The account of Tin's death, as given ki the

Choen is: — *Yu-foo asked leave to put duke

Hwan (Tin's younger bntlier and smcecssqi] to
death, mtending thereon to ask to be made
chief minister. The duke said, *'l shall resiga
in his favour ; — I have not done so yet amply be-
cause of his youth. I have caused TSK>-k*Sw to
be built, and mean there to spend my old age,'
Tn-foo was frightened aS what he had dnie^
and went and slandered the duke to Hwan, re-
questing leave to murder hun. When he was
a young man, the duke had fought with an
army of ChMng at Hoo-jang, and was takes
prisoner. Ching kept him in confinement in
the house of the ofBcer Tin. He bribed this
Tin, and prayed to Chung-woo, the Spirit whose
shrine Tm had set up in his house. After this
he and Tin returned together to Loo, and tbero
he set up an altar to Chung-woo. In the
eleventh month he was in the haint of going to
sacrifice to this Chung-woo, fasting in tiie
enclosure of the altar to the Spirits of the
land, and lodging in the house of the oflloer
WeL On the day Jin-shin, Tu-foo emfdojed
ruffians to murder the duke in the house of the
officer Wei. He then raised duke Hwan to the
marquisate, and punished several membets of the
Wei family with death.']

Tso-she adds that the burial of duke IHn does
not appear in the text, because the fnnersl rites
were not paid to him.

The K*ang*he editors have a note faeie oa
the circumstance that only in the first of Tin's
eleven years is the 'first month ( ||* By re-
corded. Rung and Kuh see in the omission sa
intimation that Tin >^ j^ jp*, or ^ "^

7P, 'did not consider himself, or was not, tbs

rightful holder of the SUte.' Disclaiming this
view, the editors seem to think that the omis-
sion is in condemnation of Tin's never having
returned any of the king's Mendly messsge^
and never having gone himself to the caistsl,
thereby being the first to set the example (% not
doing honour to the ruling monarch by going
or sending to receive the calendar for tiie yesr
from him. This is being wise above what is
written. To seek for meanings in the Ch'on
T8*ew in this way makes the whole book a rid-
dle, which two men will not guess idike.

BOOK n. DUKE HWAN.

First year.

^olQ

<g^

Ik ffloT

lis % 5t 1 ^.^ ;A:mi;SfiS@^mg1' <£^.lft iP 19
ft ^ * 1 ;^ >L ^ ifc . ai T l«r 1 H # ^ ii^ 7C

I. 1 In his first year, in spring, in the king^s first month, the

duke succeeded duke Yin.
2 In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the earl of

Ch*ing in Chuy.
8 The earl of Ch^iog borrowed the fields of Heu for a peih

symboL

4 In summer, in the fourth month, on [the day] Ting-we, the

duke and the earl of ChHng made a covenant in Yueh.

5 In autumn there were great floods.

6 It was winter, the tenth month.

Thb title ov the Book. ]^ j^^ 'Duke
Hiraa.' See what ii said on the title of the
fonner book, where it is related how this Hwan

was a jounger brother of Tin, and would haire
taoeeeded to the marqaisate on their father's
death b«t for faia youth. It appean that Tin

had always intended to resign the dignity In hia
faTOur, when he should have grown up. The
young man, however, was impatient, or perhapa
he was doubtful of his brother's intentions ; so
he lent a ready ear to the slanders of their near

relatiye Kung-tsze Hwuy, and gave his sanction

to the murder of Tin. He thus became mar^oit

THE CHOJN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKIL

of Loo by a deed of atrocious guilt. — Sze-ma
T8*een gires his name ai Tun (yj^X while

other authorities say that it was Kwei (jB[^\
The honorary title Hwan denotes — * Extender of
cnltiTation and Subjugator of the distant (J^

Hwan's rule lasted 18 years, B. C. 710—698.
His Ist year synchronized with the 9th year
of king Hwan; the 20th year of He of Ts'e; the
7th year of Oae ( S[} oi Tsin ; the 8th of Seiien

(^) of Wei; the 4th of Hwan (jfQ) of Ts^ae;
the 83d of Chwang of Ch'ing; the 46th of Hwan
of Ts'aou ; the 84th of Hwan of Chin ; the 40th
of Woo of Ke (jjfl^i the 9th of Shang (^) of

Sung; the 6th of Ning (^) of TsHn; and the

SOthof WooofTs'oo.

Par. 1. After what has been said on all the

phrases in this par. in the notes on the 1st par. of

the former Book, it is only necessary to deal here,

r«ither more at large, with the characters |[[] 4\f,

They are somewhat difficult to translate. To say
* came to the throne' would be inaccurate, because
Loo was only one of the feudal States of the king-
dom; and 'came to the place' or * to the seat,'
would be awkward. The reader will see how I
have dealt with it. On the death of duke Tin,
in the 11th month of the year before, his brother
had immediately taken his place; still what re-
mained in that year was counted to Tin, and
the first day of the next, his successor announced

the beginning of the new rule in the ancestral

temple,— 'changed the beginning (H^ THV ^

it is called, — and took solemn possession of the

▼acant dignity. This is the accession in the text;
but here comes a great questioning with the
critics. It seems to be a rule in the Ch'un Ts'ew
that the phrase ' came to the place ' is not used
where the preceding marquis has been murder-
ed. So we find it at the accessions of Chwang,
Min, and He. How is it that we find the phrase
•here, describing the accession of Hwan, charge-
able with being accessory to the murder of his
brother? The answer given byChoo He is the only
sensible one. The paragraph simply relates what
took place. Hwan omitted no ceremony that
should have been proper on the occasion. He
denied that he had been a party to the murder, and
would have his accession gone about, as if Tin
had died a natural death. No contrivances of
ConAidus, to construct his record so as to
brand the new marquis, were necessary. His
own conduct was the strongest condemnation

of hinL

Par. 2. Chuy,— see on I. viii 1 ; but if Chuy

belonged to Wei, as is stated there. Too Tu

thinks it would hardly have been the meeting

place of the marquis of Loo and the earl of

ChHng. Kea Kwei ( p| ^) thought it was in

Loo, which seems more Ukely ; — ^it is easier to

suppose that the lords of Sung and Wei might

have met in Loo on the occasion in I. viii. 1.

This point ,however, need not affect the identifl-
cation of the place, for Loo and Wd were con-
terminous on Uie north-west of Loo. Hwsn
would be glad to get the countenance cf Ch'ing,
considering the circumstances in which he had
just succeeded to Loo, and it appears from ths
next par. that Ching had also something to gsin
by the meeting.

Par. 8. See the Chuen on I. viiL 2, and Too
Tu*s explanation of it. Tso-she savs here:^
*' The duke on his accession would cultivate the

friendship of Ch4ng, and the earl (^ ^)

again requested liberty to sacrifice to the duke
of Chow, and to complete the exchange of the
fields of P&ng. The duke acceded, and in the
8d month the earl borrowed the fields of Heu
for a peiA-stone; — ^with reference to the sacrifice
to the duke of Chow, and to P&ng.' It would
appear that the exchange of the lands of Ping
and Heu, proposed by Ch'ing to duke Tin,
had not as yet taken fuU effect. Loo hsd
taken possession of Pftng, but Heu had not
been given over to Ch^ing. Whateyer difflcnl^
there was in the matter was now adjusted.
K'ung Ying-tah thinks that Heu was of mors
value than Pftng, and that Loo required some-
thing additional for it; and Soo Ch*di and Hoo
Gan-kwoh follow his view. Ch'in Foo-Uang

(^^^ ; of the Sung dynasty) thinks thst

the addition of thepeih and the word 'borrow-
ing' were simply to gloss over the transactkn.
This is more likely. For the two princes to ex-
change lands granted to their States by sn set
of the royal House, without any reference to
the reigning king, shows how his authori^ vss
reduced.

The peih was one of the five sceptres or sym-
bols of rank held by the princes from the king.
Counts and barcms received pah, difiTerenUated
by the figures engrayed upon them. But ths
princes carried other jmA, called Sj^ ^g, b
their visits among themselves; and it was, no
doubt, one of these which was given at this time
to Loo. All the peik were made round.

Par. 4. Tueh is the same as Chuy ; and the
place had thus three names ; — Chuy, Tndi, sod
K'euen-k'ew. This coyenant was the sequel of
the meeting in p. 2, * to settle finally the ex-
change of Pftng and Heu.' Tso-she says that
among the words of the coyenant were these,—
'May he who departs ttom this covenant not
enjoy his State I'

Par. 5. Ace. to Tso-she, the phrase ^j^*
' great fioods,' is used when the water is out sD
over the level plains.

Par. 6. See on I. vi. 8.

The Chuen appends here: —

[*In winter, the earl of Ch'ing [came, or sent]
to render thanks for the covenant.*

*Hwa-foo Tuh of Sung keqtpemed to see tbi
wife of K*ung-foo [Confucius* ancestor] on the
way. He gazed at her as she approached, and
followed her with his eyes when she had psis-
ed, saying, "How handsome and beautiful I*"]

Tejlx U.

DUKE HWAN.

Second year.

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DUKE HWAN.

11. 1

2
3

7
8
9

In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first
month, on [the day] Mow-shin, Tuh of Sung murdered
his ruler Yu-e, and the great officer K*ung-foo.

The viscount of T*&ng appeared at the court of Loo.

In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the mar-
quis of Ts^e, the marquis of Ch'in, and the earl of Ch'ing,
at Tseih, to settle the confusion of Sung.

In summer,in the fourth month, the duke brought the
tripod of Kaou from Sung, and on [the day] Mow-shin
deposited it in the Grand temple.

In autumn, in the seventh month, the marquis of Ke came
to the court of Loo.

The marquis of Ts^ae and the earl of Ch4ng had a meeting
at T'&ng.

In the nintn month we entered Ee.

The duke and the Jung made a covenant in T^ang.

In winter the duke arrived from T^ang.

1. The Chaen al the end of last year
preliminary to this par. Tso-tfhe adds
here: — *In the duke's 2d year, in spring, Tuh
attacked the K'ung family, killed K^nng-foo,
and carried off his wife. The duke was angry,
and Tuh, in fear, proceeded also to murder Mm.
The superior man understands that Tuh was
one who had no regard for his ruler in his heart,
and that thence proceeded his wicked moTe-
ments. It is on this account that the text men-
tions first liis murder of his ruler, though it was
aecond in point of /act,* See farther on par. 8.

Hwa-foo Tuh was a grandson of duke Tae
CMf) of Sung (died B. C. 766). See about
^img-foo Kea in the prol^. to toLL, p. 67.
The ^y^y written sometimes "S, is a respect-
ful adjunct sometimes of the dan-name, and
sometimes of the designation.

Par. 2. See on I. zi. 1. Tlie only thing to be
noticed here is the descent of the title fh)m * mar-
quis' to *Tiscount,' which has giren rise to an
immense amount of speculation and writing.
Hoo Gan-kwoh*s yiew may be mentioned, — that
Confucius here degrades the marquis to condemn
bim for yisiting a villain like the duke of Loo!
The only satisfactory account of the difference
of the titles is that given by Too Tu, that, for
some reason or other, the lord of T*ftng had been
dei^wled in rank by king Hwan.— Tlie visit was,
no doubt, to congratulate duke Hwan on his
succession. According to the rule in the Chow Le
(see on Lzi.l ), all the other princes in this part of
the kingdom should in the same way have come
to Loo.

Par. 8. Tseih was in Sung; — somewhere in
the pres. dep. of K*ae-fung. Tso-she says that

though the meeting is cautiously said in the
text to have been * to settle the confusion of
Sung,' it was really brought about by bribes
(see on next par.), to maintain the power of the
Hwa family. He adds : — * During the 10 years
of duke Shang's rule in Sung, he had fought 1 1
battles, so that the people were not able to en-
dure the constant summonses to the field, K*ung-
foo Kea was the minister of War, and Tuh wa»
the premier of the State. Taking advantage of
the dissatisfaction of the people, Tuh first set
on foot a report that the constant fighting was
owing to the minister of War, snd then, after
killing K*ung-foo, he murdered duke Shang.
ImmediateUf c^er, he called duke Chwang (the
Kung-tsze Pmg; see the Chuen on I. iii. 5) from
Ch*ing, and raised him to the dukedom;— in
order to please Ch4ng, bribing also the duke of
Loo with the great tripod of Kaou. Ts*e, Chin,
and Ch4ng all received bribes, and so Tuh acted
as chici minister to the duke of Sung.*

Par. 4. We have met with a city of Kaou
already in Sung ; — see L x. 4. If Kaou mention-
ed here were not the same, it is yet placed by
Too in the same dis., that of Shing-woo in Yen-
chow dep. Perhaps there had been a small
State of this name, which had been absorbed by
Sung. The tripod in the text had belonged to
it, either made in Kaou, or more probably pre-
sented to it by king Woo, when he distributed
among the princes many of the spoils of Shang.
It was now held by Sung, and as a valuable
curio was given at this time by Hwa Tuh as a

bribe to Loo. I have translated ^ by * brought,'

without seeking to find any mysterious implica-
tion in its employment, — that the * marquis of
Loo was taking from Sung what Sung had no

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKU.

right to giTe, and he had no right to reoeive.'
The * grand temple' waa that of the duke of
Chow.

There is here a long Chnen:— <Thia act of
the duke was not proper, and Tsang Gae-pih
[son of Tsang He-pih, famous for Ms remon-
strance addressed to duke Tin; — see I.y. 1]| re-
monstrated with him, saying, *'He who is a
ruler of men makes it his ot^ect to Illustrate
Au virtue, and to repress m otherM what is wrong,
that he may shed an enlightening influence on
his officers. He is still afraid lest in any way
he should fail to aceompliah these things; and more-
over he seeks to display excellent virtue for the
benefit of his posterity. Thus it is that his
ancestral temple has a roof of thatch ; the mats
in his grand chariot are only of grass; the
grand soups [grand, as used in sacrifice] are
without condiments; the millets are not finely
cleaned: — all these are illustrations of his
thrift. His robe, cap, knee-covers, and mace; his
girdle, lower robe, buskins, and shoes ; the cross-
piece of his cap, its stopper pendants, its fastening
strings, and its crown; — all these illustrate
his observance of the statutory measures. His
gem-mats, and his scabbard, with its orna-
ments above and below; his belt, with its
descending ends : the streamers of hit flags and
the ornaments at his horses' breasts: — these
illustrate his attention to the regular degrees of
rank. The flames, the dragons, the axes, and the
symbol of distinction represented on his robes: —
these illustrate the elegance of his taste. The
five colours laid on in accordance with the ap-
pearances of nature ; — ^these illustrate with what
propriety his articles are made. The bells
on his horses' foreheads and bits, and those on
his carriage pole and on his flags: — these il-
lustrate his knowledge of sounds. The sun,
moon and stars represented on his flags : — these
illustrate the brightness of his intelligence.

** Now when thus virtuously thrifty and ob-
servant of the statutes, attentive to the degrees
of high and low ; his character stamped on his
elegant robes and his carriage; sounded forth
also and brightly displayed: — when thus he
presents himself for the enlightenment of ills
officers, they are struck with awe, and do not
dare to depart from the rules and laws. But
now you are extinguishing your virtue, and
have given your support toa man altogether bad.
You have placed moreover the bribe received
from him in the grand temple, to exhibit it to
your officers. If your officers copy your example,
on what ground can you punish them? The
ruin of States and clans takes its rise from
the corruption of the officers. Officers lose
their virtue, when the fondness for bribes on the
part of their ruler is displayed to them ; and licre
is the tripod of Kaon in your temple, so that this
could not be more plainly displayed 1 When king
Woo had subdued Shang, he removed the nine
tripods to the citv of Loh, and the righteous
Pih-e and others, it would appear, condemned
him for it ; but what can be said when this bribe
isseen in the grand temple, — ^this bribe of wick-
edness and disorder ?" The duke did not listen
to the remonstrance, but when Chow's historio-
grapher of the Interior heard of it, he said,
" Tsang-sun Tah shall have posterity in Loo I
His prince was doing wrong, and he neglected
not to administer to him virtuous reproof." ' |

Parr. 5,7. See L iv. 1 ; and p. 2. Tso-she sayi
that the marquis of Ke behaved at this time
disrespectfVdly, and that it waa to punish him
for this that the expedition in p. 7 was under-
taken. Kung-yang and Kuh-leang, however,

read j^ instead of jjfi^ in p. 5.

Par. 6. There was a small Sute called T'Ing,
a long way off to the west near the river Han ;
bat the T*&nghere was adty otT^^S&le south-
east from the prea. dis. city of Yen-shing (^

mhf dep. K'ae-f ung. Ace. to Tso-she, the lords

of Ts*ae and Ch*ing met here, in fear for the
flrst time of the encroachments and growing
power of Ts*oo.

Parr. 8,9. See Lii. 1,4. The duke and the
Jung met now, says Tso-she, to renew the good

relatioiiS between the Jung and Loo. The ^

in p. 9, intimates that the duke on his return to
Loo gave notice of his arrival in his anoestrsl
temple. Tso-she says : — *■ On setting out on aoy
expedition, the duke announced the movement
in the ancestral temple. On his return, hs

drank in celebration of that {4^ ^^) in the

temple ; and when he put down the cup, he had
the transaction entered in the tablets; — this was
the rule. When only two parties were oonoem-
ed at a meeting [as in these parr.], the place of it
is mentioned both in the account of the setting
out and of the return, as if to signify how e«ch
had declined to take the presidency. Wiiea
three or more parties were concerned, then the
place is mentioned in the accoimt of the gcung,
and on the return it is said, ** The duke came
from the meeting," intimating that there was a
president, and the business was completed.'

[Tso-she has here a narrative about the af-
fairs of Tsin: — "Years back, the wife of Moh,
marquis of Tsin (B. C. 811—784), a lady Keang,
gave birth to her eldest son, at the time of the
expedition against T'eaou, apd on that accoant

there was given him the name of K*ew (y^ ■«

" enemy,"). His brother was bom at the time
of the battle of Ts*een-mow, and he got with rs-

ference to it Uie name of Ching-sse ( 6^ ^j^ ^

* grand success"). Sze-Aih said, " How strange
the names our lord has given to his sons ! l^ov
names should be definitions of what is right; tbs
doing of what is right produces rules of what is
proper ; those rules again are embodied in the
practice of government; and government hss
its issues in the rectification of the people.
Therefore when government is completed in this
way, the people are obedient ; when this course
is changed, it produces disorder. A good part-
ner is called Fei {'W^ «* consort ') ; a grumbling

partner is called K*ew (.ilti — ■ * enemy '):— theie

are ancient designations. Now our lord hsi
called his eldest son Enemy, and his second son
Grand Success; — this is an early omen of dis-
order, as if the elder brother would be supersed-
ed." In the 24th year of duke Hwuy of Loo
(B. C. 744), Tsin began to be in confusion, and
the marquis Ch'aou ^son of K^ew abovej ap-
pointed Kwan Shnh [his uncle, the above Cning-
sze] to K*euh-yuh, with Lwan Pin, grandson of
the marquis Tsing, as his minister. Szc-fuh ssid,

tbix m.

DUKK HWAN.

**I haTe heard (hat in the letting up of States
and dans, in order to the security of the parent
State^ while ita root is Uirge, the branches must
he smalL Therefore the son of Heayen estab-
lishes States; princes of States establish clans.
Heads of clans establish collateral families;
great officers have their secondary branches;
officers hare their sons and younger brothers as
their serrants; and the common people, me-
chanics and traders, have their different relatives
of Tarious degrees. In this way the people serve

their superiors, and inferiors cherish no ambi-

.tioas designs. Now Tsin is a marquisate in the

Teen (^^ domain; and, establishing this State,

can it continue long, its root so weak ? In the
80th year of duke Hwuy, Fan-foo killed the
marquis Ch'aou, and endeavoured without suc-
cess to establish Hwan-shuh in Ts^in, The peo-
ple of Tsin appointed the marquis Heaou. In
the 45th year of duke Hwuy, Chwang, earl of
K*euh-yuh, attacked Tih, and murdered the
marquis Heaou. The people of Tsin set up his
younger brother, the marquis Gk>h. Goh begat
the marquis Gae. Gae overran the lands of Hing-
t'ing, which were on his southern border, and so
opened the way for K*euh-yuh to attack Yih.*]

Third year.

^ ^ ^ ^n i

^ i f

Z.ZA 0 f *B ^
± m KiJ #^ # M

VOL. ▼.

42
HI.

THE CU»UN TS EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKE

1 In his third year, in spring, in the first month, the duke

had a meeting with the marquis of Ts*e in Ying.

2 In summer, the marquis of Ts*e and the marquis of Wd

pledged each other at P'oo.

3 In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the

marquis of Ke in Shing.

4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] Jin-shin,

the first day of the moon, the sun was totally eclipsed.
6 Duke [Heaou's] son, Hwuy, went to Ts*e, to meet the
[duke's] bride.

6 In the ninth month, the marquis of Ts*e escorted his

daughter to Hwan.

7 The duke and the marquis of Ts^e had a meeting in Hwan.

8 The [duke's] wife, the lady KSang, arrived from Ts'e.

9 In winter, tne marquis of Ts'e, sent his younger brother

Neen with friendly inquiries.
10 There .was a good year.

[Tso-Bhe here continues his namtiTe of eyents
in Tsin: — *In the $d year, in spring, duke Woo
of K*euh-yuh [son of earl Chwang], proceeded
against Yih, and halted in Hing-t4ng. [His
uncle], Han Wan drore his chariot, having on
his right Leang Hwang. They pursued the
marquis of Yih [t,e^ Tsin] to the banks of the
Fun, when the trace of one of his outside horses
got entangled about the yoke, and the carriagt
stopped. They caught hiai in the night, and
Kung-shuh of Lwan with him.']

Par. 1. The absence of ^, 'king's,* after

^^ *Dd before 7F. j^ » ^*« given rise to end-
less speculation and conjecture, especially as
the character is wanting in most of the years of
Hwan. Too Yu thinks that the king had not
sent round the calendar to the princes on those
years. Kuh-leang thinks the omission is to
mark the sage's condemnation of duke Hwan*s
character. But then it should have been omit-
ted every year, — especially in the Ist. Even
Too's explanation cannot be admitted in all the
omissions of the term throughout the classic.
We can only acc«pt the omission without trying
to account for it. Ying belonged to T8*e,— 50
h to the south-east of the pres. dep. city of T'ae-
gan. The object of the meeting here was to
settle a marriage between the duke and a prin-
cess of Ts*e. The K*ang-he editors say here

that as ^K intimates that the mover to the

meeting was not Loo but the outside party, and
we must suppose here that the mover was really
the marquis of Loo, wishing to strengthen him-
self in his ill -acquired dignity by an alliance
with a powerful House, the term is used to mark
Confucius' condemnation of Ts*e. But the thing
itself was the condemnation of Ts*e, and we need
not look for it in the simple term.

Par. 2. P*oo was in Wei, — ^in the pres. dis.
of Ch*ang-ynen (^4 ^^) dis., dep. Ta-ming,

Chih-le. ^ '^-;|sB '^^ 'charged each
other;' i.e., the subject about which the two

princes had met was put in writii^:, and rmi
out in the hearing of them both; bat they sepa-
rated, simply pledged to each other in a certain
line of conduct, without having gone tbioim^
the formalities of making a convenant.

Par. 8. Tso and Kuh both haTe here jfi^

while Kung-yang reads j^. The K^ang-bs

editors think Rung's reading is right Both

Ke (JrR) and Sliing, they say, were afraid of

Ts'e, and were cultivating the friendship of
Loo as a counterpoise to the other poweiiU
State. Shing, — see Lv.8.

Par. 4. SeeonLiii.L j^— 1^> 'totaflj.'

There was a total eclipse in this year, on the day
Jin-shin ; but the month, ace to Mr. Chalmen'
table, should be the 8th, and not the 7th. See
prolegg. to the Shoo, p. 103.

Par. 6 — 8. See on I ji.5. The ancient practice
of the princes going themselves to meet their
brides had long fidlen into disuse, though it
might sometimes be observed, especially by tiie
loi3 of a small State intermarrying with a
larger. Hwuy (I. iv. 6 ; x. 2) appears here with
his full title of * duke's son,'— ace to Tso-slie out
of respect to his father, a former marquis of
Loo, and who, it might be presumed, waspkawd
with the match ; but the reader need not weaiy
himself in trying to account for the differenoe
of style in tUs matter between this and fanner
paragraphs.

Hwan was in Loo, — ^in pres. dis. of Fei-ahiog
(QC ^) dep. Ts'e-nan. It was contraiy to

the regular rule for the marquis himsdf to
escort his daughter; but probably he had some
business of another kind to discuss with the
marquis of Loo. Tso-she says: — *It was con-
trary to the rule for the marquis of Ti'e to
escort his daughter. In all cases of the ma^
riages of the daughters of princes :-— if the inter-
marriage were with a State of equal dignity and
power, and the ladies were sisters of the ruling
prince, a minister of the highest rank escorted

IV.

DUKE HWAN.

, ont of respect to their father, the former
>f the State; but if they were daughters of
■uling prince, only a minister of a lower
escorted them ; if the intermarriage were
a greater State, eren in the case of a dangh-
I the ruling prince, a minister of the highest
escorted her ; if the intermarriage were with
on of Heaven, all the ministers of the State
, only the ruler himself did not go; and
irere with a smaller State, then the escort
mly a great officer of the 1st class.' Obsenre

aide is here called ^^ p^ *lady Keang,'

ing still in Ts*e and with her father.

le duke may be said to hare observed the

!nt ceremony of meeting his bride, as Hwan

D>n the borders between Loo and Ts*e.

r. 8. Having now entered Loo, the bride

passed into the wife (^ ^). On jg,

be last par. of the previous year.

X. 9. See I. vii. 5, and note. Tso-she says
the object of this mission was to carry her

ats* salutadona to the wife (^ J^ ^).

Yu adds that it was to inquire also about
deportment, whether it was becomingly

modest and reverent, and to show the earnest
regard which the union might be supposed to
produce lietweeu the States. A mission of this

kind sentyrom Loo would be called ^ -^;

coming to Loo it has the general name of Jf^

Sucli a mission was sent three months after the
lady had left her parents. If she were not giv-
ing satisfaction, she might be returned. (So

Ying-Uhsays:-^ j|^ ^

Far. 10. The phrase "^a^ is expressive of

a good year, no crop failing (^^ ^ ^ ^).

It is strange that the critics should find a mys-
tery in this simple paragraph, as if the sage
had preserved the record to show how things
turned out in Loo as they ought not to have
done under so bad a ruler as Hwan.

[Tso-she appends here: — *Juy Keang, the
mother of Wan, earl of Juy, indignant at him
because of his many favourites, drove him out
of Juy, and he took up his residence in Wei

^i^^

Fourth year.

^o^m^^ T i^ je ^.

H. ^ 1^ © ^h 'g © ^ >f& X. # 4^ ^. :fe

1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke

hunted in Lang.

2 In summer, the king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the [sub-]

administrator, K'eu rih-kew, to Loo^with friendly in-

quiries.

ir. 1« i^ here is the name of the winter

t oelebnited, as Tso says, *at the proper
on;* for in reality Chow's 1st month, was
2d month of winter. Hiis is an instance in
t to show that Chow's * spring' did really
ide two months of the natural winter,
g,— see lix- 4.

ar. 3. See I. L 4, for the meaning of Sfe.

1 was the name of a city in Chow, from
:h the official family to whom it was granted
: their dan-name. Tso-she says the name
i-kew) of the messenger is given because
father was still alite. If he had not been

ire should have read £S ^^.

here is no entry here under autumn or win-
not even the names of those seasons and
r first months. This is contrary to the rule

of the classic, and we must believe that a
portion of the text is here lost. Of course many
of the Chinese critics are unable to accept so
simple a solution of the matter, and will have
it that the sage left those seasons out of the
year, to express his displeasure with duke
Hwan, and his condemnation of the king for
sending friendly inquiries to such a man as he
wast

[Tso-she has two brief notes of events that
happened in the second half of this year : —

* In autumn, an army of Ts*in made a raid on
Juy, and was defeated. It was defeated through
making too light of Juy.'

*In winter a king's army and an army of

TsHn besieged Wei. The armtf of TsHn captured

the earl of Juy, and carried him back to Ts'm

with it.']

THE CH'UN TS'EW WITH THE T80 CHUEN.

BOOKIL

Fifth year.

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flq 5.

Aa V.

DUKE HWAN.

4
5
6

7
8
9

In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the first month, on

Keah-seuh or Ke-ch*ow, Paou, marquis of Ch'in, died.
In summer, the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing went

to Ke.
The king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the son of JingShuh to

Loo witn friendly inquiries.
There was the burial of duke Hwan of Ch*in.
We walled Chuhk'ew.
In autumn, an army of Ts^ae, an army of Wei, and an army

of Ch'in followed the king and invaded Ch'ing.
There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
There were locusts.
In winter the duke of Chow went to Ts'aou.

*Ar. 1. There is here evidently Mine cor-
»Uon of the text. Between Keah-seuh and
-ch*ow there are 14 clear days. We can
dly conceive how the historiographers could
'e entered the death of the marquis as having
aired on the one day or the other. If by
r possibiUty they had done so, here, if any-
ere, there was need for the pruning pencil of

[ifncius (^S'^)* Tso-she says that two

ferent announcements were communicated to

9, and adds, * At this time Ch^in was all in

ifnaion. T^o, the son of duke Wftn, had killed

I marquis's ddest son, Wftn [so ^^ is here

d], and superseded him. The disorder arose
en the marquis was very ill; the people got
ttered ; and so two announcements were taken
Loo.' But this is an explanation made to suit

I text. ChHng £ supposes that after Keah-
ih some entry has dropt out which constituted
1 1st par.; and then a second par. might oom-

noe with Q -^j^. This is a reasonable

ijecture, but there is another difficulty in the
t which renders it inadmissible. The day
-ch*ow was in the 1st month of this vear,
t K^Ji-seuh was in the 12th month of the
seeding. This error of the month, as preced-

' ^ f^* ^ equally fatal to the solution of
ing-yang and Kuh-leang, that the marquis,
a It of madness, or some other way, disap*
ured on the first of the days mentioned, and
s found dead on the second. The text is
dratly corrupt Leave out the two charac-

8 S J^ and the difficulty disappears.

?ar. 2. ^, as in HI. 6, simply— :j^, • to

to.' Tso says that <the lords of Ts*e and
ing went to the court of Ke wishing to sur-
se it, and that the people of Ke knew their
ign.' The marquis of Ke, it is understood,

II communicated their visit and its object to
9, to which alone he looked for help ; and so

entry of a transaction, apparently foreign

to Loo, was made by its historiographers. We
shall see, hereafter, that Ke's fear of Ts'e was
well founded.

Far. 8. For ^ Kuh-leang has f^. Com-
pare L iii. 4. Jing Shuh must have been a great
officer of Chow. The critics are much concern-
ed to determine whether Jing Shuh himself
were dead, or only old, so that his son was em-
ployed instead of him, and whether he took it
upon him to send his son, or the son was direct-
ly commissioned by the king. The last point
seems to be settled by the text ; the others only
give rise to uncertain speculations. Tso-she

simply says the messenger was *a youth (jjS

Far. 5. Chuh-k*ew is believed to have been
50 2e to the south-east of the pres. dep. city of
E-chow. Too thinks it was walled as a pre-
caution, in consequence of the designs of Ts'e
on Ke.

Far. 6. On this paragraph Tso-she gives ut
the following narrative : —

'The king deprived the earl of Ch^ing of all
share in the government of the kingdom, and the
earl in consequence no more appeued at court.
In autumn the king led several of the princes to
invade CbHng, when the earl withstood him.
The king drew up his forces so that he himself
was in the centre, while Lln-foo, duke of Kwoh,
commanded the army of the right, having the
troops of Ts*ae and Wei attached to him, and
Hih-keen, duke of Chow, commanded on the left,
having the troops of ChHn. Tsze-yuen of Ch^ing
asked the earl to draw their troops up in squares,
on the left opposed to the armies of Ts*ae and
Wei, and on the right to the men of Ch4n.
<* Ch'in," said he, " is at this time all in confu-
sion, and the people have no heart to fight. If
we attack them first, they will be sure to run.
The king's soldiers seeing tiiis will fall into
disorder, and the troops of Ts*ae and Wei will
set them the example of flight without making
any resistance. Let us then collect our troops

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHXJEN.

BOOKIL

and fall upon the king ; — m this way we may
calculate on success." The earl followed this
counsel. Man-pih commanded the square on
the right ; Chae Chung-tsuh that on the left ;
while Yuen Fan and Kaou K'eu-me, with the
earl, led the centre, which was drawn up in
fish-scale array. There was always a force of
25 chariots, supported by 5 files of 6 men each,
to maintain a close and unbroken front. The
battle was fought at Seu-koh. The earl com-
manded the squares on the right and left to wait
till they saw his fiag waved, and then to advance
with drums beating. The troops of Ts*ae, Wei,
and Ch*in all fied, while the king's were thrown
into disorder. The forces of Ch4ng then united
in an attack on the opposite centre. The king
received a great defeat, and an arrow shot by
Chuh Tan wounded him in the shoulder ; but,
notwithstanding thit^ he retreated, still maintaining
an able fight. Chuh Tan asked leave to pursue
him, but the earl said, ** A superior man does
not wish to be always showing superiority over
others; much less dare he offer insult to the
son of Heaven ! If we manage to save our-
selves, and the altars of Ching take no damage,

we have accomplished veiy much.** At night

he sent Tsuh of Chae to comfort the king, and

to ask after the welfare of his officers.'

Par. 7. ^1- ^:^, < a sacrifice in time

of drought.' The Chuen says that to offer this
sacrifice — or at least the grand sacrifice for rain —
in the autumn was unseasonable, and therefore
the record of it appears here. Tso-she adds : —
* With regard to the sacrifices in general, at the
season of K*e-chih [* the emergence of insects
from their burrows ;* — the Ist month of Hea, and
the 8d of the Chow year], the border sacrifice
[to Heaven] was offered ; at the season of Lung-
been [^ the appearance of the Dragon (see the
Shoo, on Ft. 1, par. 6);'— the 4th month of Hea,
and the 6th of Chow], the sacrifice for rain ; at
the season of Ch^-shah [* comencement of death :'
— the 8th month of Hea, and the 10th of Chow],
the Shang or sacrifice of first fruits ; and at the

season of Pei-chih [* the closing of insects is
their burrows ;' — the 10th month A Hea, and 12th
of Chow], the Ching or winter sacrifice. If
any of those sacrifices were offered after tbe
season for them, the historiographers made an
entry of it.' According then to Tso-she, this
sacrifice for rain was competent to Chow and
its various States only in the 6th month, its
object being to supplicate for rain in the bc^-
ning of sunmier, that there might be a good
harvest ;— of course it was out of season to ofFer
this sacrifice in any month of Chow's autumn.
But I believe, with Maou K*e-ling, that, while
there was the regular saimfice at the beginning of
the natural summer, special sacrifices might be
offered at any season of prolonged drought, and
it does not follow, therefore, that the sacirtfioe
in the text was unseasonable. As to the name
' grand,' characterizing the sacrifice here, it bss
given rise to much controversy. Kea Kwd
thought the sacrifice was addressed to Heaven
or God by tbe princes of Loo, under sanction
of the grant to their ancestor to use imperial
rites, and is therefore here called * grand.' This
point we must leave.

^<^* ®- ^^ (^ Kung-yang, ^|[) are de-
scribed by Tbo Tu as t^ jrg ^ jB, < a kind

of locusts.'
Par. 9. Chow was a small State, in pres. dis.

of Gan-k'ew (^ J^), dep. Tsing-chow. Its

prince appears here with tbe title of doke;
—it is supposed because some previous lord bad
been one of the three Kung or dukes at the

king's court His capital was Shun-yu (^

-7^). Ts'aou was an earldom, held by the de-
scendants of one of the sons of king Wftn ^ts
capital was Ts^u-k*ew (|1|^ J^X in pres. dis.

of Ting-t^aou, dep. Ts'aou-chow. Tso-she says
on the par: — <In winter, the duke of Shun-yu
went to Ts^aou, reckoning that his State was in
a perilous state; and he did not return to iC

Sixth year.

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DUKE HWAN.

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THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK n.

VI. 1 In the [duke's sixth year, in spring, in the first month,

Shih came to Loo.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, the duke had a meeting '

with the marquis of Ke in Ching.

3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jin-woo, [the duke]
held a grand military review.

The people of Ts'ae put to death T*o of Ch*in.

In the ninth month, on [the day] Ting-maou, the [duke's]

son, T'ung, was born.
In winter, the marquis of Ke came to [our] court.

4
5

Par. 1. According to all the three Chuen,
this iB a coritinaation of the last par. in last
year. Tso-she says:— * In the spring, he came
from TB*aoa to the court of Loo. The text

^1^ ^ intimates that he did not return again
tohis own State.' In this way, ^— *£or good,'
and Too Yu defines it by *B. Kung and^uh

explain it by ^ and ^ ^, *this i6an.'

ChMng E and Hoo Gan-kwO, however, suppose
that Shih was the name of the duke of Chow.
A prince, living, ought not to be called by his
name, but this poor duke, a fugitive from his
State, never to return to it, was in his princely
character as good as dead, and might be named.
The K*ang-he editors say both views are to be
preserved. The point is one of trivial importance.
[There is appended here in the Chuen the
following narrative:— * King Woo of T8*oo [this
viscount of Ts*oo had usurped the title of * king ']
burst suddenly into Suy, and sent Wei Chang to
beg that Ts*oo and Suy might be on good terms
with each other, meanwhile waiting with his
army at Hea for intelligence. The court of

Suy sent Shaou-sze [/J^ j^j^ ; this is evidently

the name of an office ; but nothing can be ascer-
tidned about it I have therefore followed the
example of the Leeh-kwoh Che which calls the
phrase the nonw of the marquis of Suy's fa-
vourite] to manage the conclusion of a treaty of
peace. Tow Fih-pe said to the viscount of Ts*oo,
'* Hiat we have not got our will on the east of
the Han is all owing to ourselves. We have
displayed our three armies, our men all equipt
with their buff coats and weapons, and so we
have presented ourselves to the States in all our
power. They have been afraid, therefore, and
nave united together to provide against our
designs. It is this which makes it difficult to
separate them. Of the States oast of the Han
Suy is the greatest. Let Suy once be elated, and

then it will spurn the smaller States, which
will become alienated from it ; — this will be to
the advantage of Ts'oo. This Shaou-sze is a
vain extravagant nuiu; let us inflate him by
making our army appear as if it were weak."
Heung Leuh-tseu-pe said, ** While KeXeaogJs
in Suy^ of what use will this be ?" Tow Pih-pe
replied, "It will serve as a basis for future
measures ;— Shaou-sze is his prince's favourite."
, ' The king, according to Pth-pea cotmsei^ gave
his army a dilapidated appearance, and then
received Shaou-sze, who on his return to Suy
requested leave to pursue the army of TsH)a
The marquis was about to grant it, when Ke
Leang stopt him saying, " Heaven is now giv^
ing power to Ts'oo. Its exhibition of weakness
was only made to deceive us. Why, O ruler,
be so hasty ? I have heard that the condition
in which a small State can nuitch with a great
one, is when the small one is ruled according to
reason, and the great one is abandoned to wild
excess. What I mean by bginy ^"1**^ ncoording
.(gjSAfiOn, is showing a loval love^ffr fho poftpio^
and a_ ffLithiiiL3Ei^liip_i2lihe- Spirits. When
the ruler thinks ontyoi benefiting the people, i
that is loyal loving of them ; when the priests' <
words are all correct, that is faithful worship. \
Now our people are famishing, and the prince
indulges his desires ; the priests are hypocrites
in their sacrifices: — I do not know whether
there is the condition of success." Tlie mar-
quis said, * My victims are the best, and weU
fatted ; the millet in the vessels is good and all
complete; — where is there any want of since-
rity?*' Ke Leang^ replied. " The stale of^\t piv^r'*
is what the Spirits regards TRe sage kings there-
forc~fir8t secured the welfam^of tne T)eOT)lerajn3[__
^ig^putjni^h^fjie^ ingert't'wy the Spirits,

Thus when they presented iheir viciims, and
announced them as large and fat, they meant
that the people's strength was all preserved;
that to this was owing the laiige growth of the
animals ; that to this was owing their freedom
from scab or itch; that to this it was owing

Tear VL

DUKE HWAN.

they were so fat, and amply sufficient. When
they preaented their resaelB of millet, and an-
nounced it as clean and abundant, they meant
that in all the three seasons no harm was done
to the cause of husbandry ; that the people were
harmonious, and the years good. When they
presented their distilled and sweet spirits, and
announced them as admirable, strong, and good,
they meant that superiors and inferiors were all
of admirable virtue, and their hearts in nothing
inclined to perrerseness; what was termed the
widely dilfVised firagrance was reiQy that Ihere
were no slanderers nor wicked men. In this
way it was that they exerted themselres that
the labours of the three seasons should be per-
formed; they cultirated and inculcated the five
great duties of society; they cherished and
promoted the affection that should exist among
the nine classes of kindred : and firom this they
pioceeded to their pure sacrifices. Thus their
people were harmonious, and the Spirits sent
down blessings, so that every movement they
undertook was sucoessfuL Now the people's
hearts are all at variance, and the Spirits have
no lord [i. e., none whom thev will serve, and
serve 1^ blessing]. Although you as an in-
dividual may be Uberal in your acti of worship,
what blessing can that bnng? I pray vou to
cultivate good government, and be mendly with
the States of your brother princes ; then perhaps
you will escape calamity."

' The marqius of Suy was afraid, and attended
property to his duties of government ; and Ts*oo
did not dare to attack him.*]

Par. 2. Tso says the marquis of Ke came to
this meeting to consult with Loo about his

difflcultiet with Ts'e. The ^^ in the text is

from Kuh-leang. Tso and Kung both read J^
which makes Too give the situation differently
flrom that of the other in I.v. 8 ;— 90 k north-east
from pres. dis. city of NIng-yang.

fThe Chuen has here :-^ The northern Jung
hao invaded Ts^e, which sent to ask the assist-
ance of a force from Ch4ng. Hwuh, the eldest
ton of the earl of Ch'ing, led a force accordingfy
to the help of Ts'e, and inflicted a great defeat
on the Jung, ci^turing their two leaders, Tae-
ISangand Shaou-leang, whom he presented to
the marquis with tiie heads of 800 of their buff-
coated warriors. At that time the great officers
ofmoMi of the princes were keeping guard in
Ts^e, and the marquis supplied them with cattle,
employing tkt offioarB of Loo to arrange the order
of distribution. These placed thi troopg of
CkHmf last, which made Hwuh indignant, oon-
•idenng that his had been the merit of the vic-
tory ; and it gave rise to the battle of Lang [see
the 10th year].

'Before the duke of Loo had married the
daughter of Ts*e, the marquis had wished to
marry her — ^Wftn Keang — ^to Hwuh; but he had
revised the match. Some one asked the reason
of his refusal, when he replied, ^ People should
be equally matched. A daughter oj Ts^e is too
great a match for me. The ode says, *For him-
self he seeks much happiness (She, IIL i. 1. 6).'
I have to do with what depends on myself
•imply ; what have I to do with a ercat Siate ? *'
A superior man will say that Hwuh did well
in thus making himself the centre of his plan
o/H/e, On thia occasion, when he had defeat-

ed the army of the Jung, the marquis of
Ts^e again asked him to take another of hia
daughters to wife, but again he firmly ref^ised.
Being asked the reason, he said, '* Formerly
when I had had nothing to do in Ts'e, I still did
not dare to marry one of its princesses. Now I
hurried here by our ruler's order to succour
Ts<e in its exigency; if I returned firom it with
a wife, it would be as if I had won her by arms."
Li this way he declined the alliance on the
ground of wanting the earl of Chug's command.'
Tso-she seems to have forgotten here that he
had already narrated the marriage of Hwuh of
Ch*ing to a daughter of the house of Ch*in, un-
der LvilL 8. The marquis of Ts^e would hardly
have offered one of his daughters to fill a
secondary place in Hwuh's harem.]

Par. 8. ^-|g ^ J| ' ^ examfaie tho

chariots and horses.' This was an annual cere-
mony, to which the winter hunt was subsidiary.
See the Chow Le,Bk. XXIX., pp. 24— 84. Many
of the critics think that the holding this review,
as here, in the 8th month in autumn, was un-
seasonable, and that it is recorded to condemn
it. But the duke might easily have had reasoni
sufficient to justify him for holding such a re-
view at this time.

Par. 4. Tso-she has no Chuen here, -but we
find what serves for one under the 22d year of
duke Chwang. We have seen, under V . 1, that TH)
had killed the eldest son of the marquis of Ch*in,
and superseded him. But that son's younger bro-
ther was a son of a princess of Ts*ae, and in hia
interest Ts'ae now did justice on T*o. T'o had
not yet been recognized as marquis of Ch^in,
and therefore we have simply his name, with-
out his titlOi I have translated ^&K by ' the

people of Ts'ae,' after the analogy of |^ ^^

in Iiv.6,7. Kuh and Kung account for his death
at the hands of some people of Ts'ae by saying
that he had intruded into the territory of IVae
in hunting or for a worse purpose, and was kill-
ed in a quarrel about a bird or a woman. Their
Chuen, however, where matters of history are
concerned, are not to be compared with Tso-
she's.

Par. 5. Tso-she tells us that this entry of
T'ung's birth intimates that he was received
with all the honours proper to the birth of a
son and heir; that an ox, a sheep, and a pig
were sacrificed on the occasion ^ that an officer
of divinaUon carried him on his back, and hia
wife nursed him; and that the duke, with the
child's mother, Wftn Keang, and the wives of the
duke's noble kindred, gave him his name. This
last ceremony took place on the 8d month after
the birth. Tso-she adds:— * The duke aske^
Shin Sen about namea, who replied *^Names are
taken fh>m five things:— -some pre-intimation ;
some auspice of virtue; some striking appear-
ance about the child ; the borrowing the name
of some object; or some similarity. Wlien a
child is bom with a name on it, that is a pre-in-
timation [a character, such as "^Kf, may seem

to be made by some marks on the body, and so is
taken as the name^; when a child is named from
some virtue, this is called an auspice [Ch*ang,
the name of king Wftn, is an instance in point] ;
when it is named fh>m some resemblance about
it to something, this is called naming from thfl

TOLV.

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKH

^TOMnnce [Cotifudiit was so named Ne-k'&nr

(P^ J^)] ; when it is named from some ob-

jecti this is called borrowing [the name of Con-

hidiii' son Fih-yu (^, *ihe flsh') is an in-

Itance] ; when the name is taken from aomething
about the father, this is called a name from
Umilarity [see below]. The name must not be
taken from the name of the State ; or of an office ;
or of a mountain or riyer; or ol any malady;
or of an animal; or of a utensil, or of a cere-
monial offering. The people of Chow do not use
the name whiA they bore in serving the Spirits
9f the dead; and the name is not mentioned after
death. To take the name from the State would
do away with the State' t name; one fh>m an
office would do awav with the office; one from
it hill of stream would do awar with the sacrifice
to it; one from an animal would do away with its
«se as a rictim; one from a utensil or a cere-
monial offering would do away with its use in
oeremoniBB. The name of the marquis He of

TWn [he was called ^ ^] made the title of
miniatetof Instraction (^ ^) be discontinu-

ed in Tsin. So with duke Woo <tf Song nd Ol
title of minister of Works (^ ^). Ott

former dukes HSen [called ^L] and Woe

[called ^^2p caused two hills to loae thrir namsa

Therefbre the names of such great objects sad
offices must not be given to a child." Hie dnka
said, *«Well, his birth and mine were on ths
same day.** So, from that similarity, the ehiU
was named T*ung [the Similar].'

As this is the only instance in the dassie in
which the birth of a Son of any ol the mazquises
of Loo is chronided, there is much speciuatioa
as to the reason of the entry here. Some tidnk
it is a clear case of the pencil of the sage, who
would thus show that duke Chwang was reallj
the son of the marquis of Loo, and not the fruit
of the incestuous commerce which his mother
subsequently indulged in!

Par. 6. Tso-she says this Tisit firam thenuu^
quis of Ke was to beg the services of the duks
to ask the king's cMrder to bring about pesos
between Ke and Ts'e, but that the duke toli
him he could do nothing in the matter.

Seventh year.

9. a

A tf

B# ^ w tff

VII. 1

2
3

m z.m. i^^-^.R-ffi-b

In his seventh year, in spring, in the second month, oa

Ke-hae, the duke hunted with fire in Heen-k%w.
In summer, Suj^, earl of Kuh, came to [our] court
Woo-le, marquis of T'Xng, came to [ourj court

Par. 1. Heen-k*ew was a district, and pro-
bably the name of a town in it, belonging to

Loo;^somewhere in dep. of Ten-chow. ^^

here— )/(( EB ' ' ^ ^^°^ ^^^ ^^ ^™' ^^'

pears in the Urh-ya as another name for the

winter hunting ( jj^ QQ ^ f^)- The object

in using fire was to drive the birds and ani-
mals from their coverts. Too says the record is
made here to condemn the duke for his wanton-
ness in carrying on the operation, so that nothing
should escape. Bat this does not appear in the
text; and the Chuen has nothing on the par.
Parr. 2, 8. Kuh was a marquisate, with the

surname Ying (s[)» ^^^ bas left its name in
the pres. dis. ofKuh-shing, dep. Seang-yang,

Hoo-pih. THlng was not far from Kuh, sa

earldom with the surname BCan (.S). Sobm

dace it in ores. T^ftng Chow, de^Nan-yaag^
Bo-uan; others find its prindpal d^, 90 k
north-east of the dep. dty of Seang-yang in
Hoo-pih. But the two identifications need nol
dash. What brought these two distant loids
to Loo we cannot tell. Tso-she says they sis
mentioned by name in contempt; but we nsy
find a l>etter reason in a rule of the Le Ke^ L Ft
II.ii.21,thatprinoes who had lost their SttM
were mentioned by name. The suppositioo thst
the princes in the text were in this oondltioD
adequately explains their ooming aU the losf
way from their former fleft to Loo.

tk^ ym.

DUKE HWAN.

£1

Nothing that occurred in ftutumn or winter it
here entered. See what has been said upon
thia,— on the 4th year.

rTso-she appends here two short Chuen: —
* lung and Heang sought terms of peace from
Ch'ing fthese are two of the places mentioned
in one of the Chuen under I. xL 8, as granted by
Chow to Ch*ing. It was there said that Chow
could not keep them, and it would appear that

Ching also found it difficult to do so], and
afterwards broke them. In autumn, an army
of Ch*iDg, an army of Ts'e, and an army of Wei
invaded Mftng and Heang, when the king re-
moved their inhabitants to KSah.'

*In winter, the earl of K<gnh-yuh inreigled
the child-marquis of Tsin, and put Mm to
death.*]

Eighth year.

^'^mfmMm %*B /v

^ ^ B.9 SSL B.^.B.r> ^ mm 9i

»I * m.M ^ DS A Jff Bij Po#.W

^ ^ n # 3E.n ±'kk^n'kmB.

VIII. 1 In the juke's] eighth year, in spring, in the first montli|

on Ke-maou, we offered the winter saerifice.

2 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Kga Foo to Loo with

friendly inquiries.

3 In summer, in the fifth month^ on Ting-di^oW^ We offered

the winter sacrifice.

4 In autumn, we invaded Choo.

5 In winter, in the tenth month, there was snow.

6 The duke of Chae came [to Loo], and immediately after

went to meet the king's bride in Ke.

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKIL

Par. 1. fj^ was the name of the sacrifice
offered in the ancestral temple at mid-winter.
^— ^, 'all;* — all the labours of the year
had been completed, and the fruits of the earth
gathered in. They could therefore be now pre-
sented more largely than at the other seasonal
sacrifices. This is supposed to be the reason of
the name. Chow*s 1st month was the 2d month
of Hea's winter. The cAtii^ sacrifice was now
offered, therefore, at the proper time; but a re-
cord of it is here entered, the critics think, to
show the absurdity of offering the same again
in summer, as in par. 8.

Far. 2. See L Tii 6. ^^ is tlie dan-name, as

the surname^ and ^^^ is the designation. The
rule was, it is said, that great officers of Chow
sent on such missions to the States should be
mentioned with their designation; but I am not
sure of the correctness of such a rule.

[Tso-she adds here that *in the spring there
was the extinction of Yih;' m. the earl of K^euh-
yuh extinguished Tsin, or thought he had done

Par. 8. The proper sacrifice at this time was

the jm. To repeat at this season the winter

sacrifice was certainly a strange proceeding.

[Tso-she here gives the sequel of the Cbuen
under VI. 1 : — * Shaou-sze became more the fa-
Tourite in Buy; and Tow Fih-pe of T8*oo said,
'*Our enemy presents an opening, which we
must not lose.^ Accordingly^ in summer, the
Tiscount of Ts*oo called the princes of the south
together at Chin-luh ; and as Hwang and Suy
did not attend, he sent Wei Chang to reprove
Hwang, while he proceeded himself to attack
Suy, encamping his army between the Han and
the Hwae. Ke L&ing begged the marquis of
Siiqf to make offers of submission. ** If Ts'oo re-
fuse them," he said, <* and we fight afterwards,
this will hare made our men in£gnant and the
thieves remiss." Shaou-sze, however, said, <* We
must fight quickly, for, if we do not do so, we shall
lose the army of Ts'oo a second time," The mar-
quis took the field ; and as he surveyed from a
distance the army of Ts^oo, Ke LSang said, " In
Ts*oo they attach greatest importance to the left ;
the king is sure to be on the left. Don't let us
meet him, but let us attack their right. There are
no good soldiers there, and they will be beaten.
When a part is beaten, the whole ^dll be disor-
ganized." Shaou-sze said, ** If we do not meet the

king, we are no soldiers." The marquis wo^ not
follow Ke-LSang's advice. The battle was fought
in Suh-ke, and the army of Suy was completely
defeated. The marquis fied. Tow Tan cap-
tured his war-chariot, and Shaou-sze who had
occupied the place in the right of it. In au-
tumn, Suy and Ts'oo made peace. At first the
viscount was unwilling to grant peace, but Tow
Pih-pe said, *' Heaven has removed from Suy
him who was its plague ; it is not yet to be sub-
dued." Accordxnghi the viscount granted a cove-
nant, and withdrew wiih his army.^

Par. 4. The critics are much divided on the
question whether the duke himself commanded
in person in this expedition or not. I do not
see that it can be determined ; and have left the
matter in the translation indefinite. Many of
the neighbouring small lords had been to Loo
since Hwan's accession, but he of Choo had not
made his appearance. This invasion was the
consequence probably.

Par. 6. This was only the 8th month of Hea,
and snow was unseasonable.

fTso-she has here: — *In winter, the king
ordered Chung of Kwoh to establish Min, young-
er brother of the marquis Ghte, as marquis of

Tsin.*]

Par. 6. In I.i.6, we have an earl of Chae.
The duke in the text may have be^i the same,
or a son of that earl, here called hung or duke^
as being one of the king's three highest minis-
ters ; — see the Shoo, V. xx. 5. When the king
was taking a wife from one of the States, tiie
rule was that one of these htng should meet
her, and one of the princes, of the same surname
as the royal House, act as director in the affair.
The king tdmself could not appear in it, in con-
sistency with his supreme position. Every
thing in this par., therefore, is, as Tso-she says,
' proper.' The duke of Chae comes from Chow,
gets his orders from the duke of Loo, and then
goes to Ke to meet the bride, whom Loo could

not designate ^T, * daughter' of Ke, simply, as

she was going to be 'queen (^^)-* The poor

marquis of Ke had, no doubt, managed to bring
the match about, as a forlorn hope against the
attempts on him of the lord of Ts<e. Maou ob-
serves that as this was the 18th year of king
Hwan, it cannot be supposed that he had re-
mained queen-less up to this time, and that the
daughter of Ke was being taken by him as a

second wife (S ^).

Ninth year.

Tear IX.

DUKE HWAN.

2^ W -T*

BSB

B>L1f

IX. 1

2
3
4

In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the lady Eeang,
fourth daughter of [the marquis of] Ee, went to her
palace in the capital.

It was summer, the fourth month.

It was autumn, the seventh month.

In winter, the earl of Ts^aou sent his heir-son, Yih-koo, to
our court.

Par; 1. This it the sequel of the last par.
of last year. Tso-she ohserres that the historio-
graphers did not enter any intermarriages of
other States, excepting where they were with the

rojal HoQse. ^^ is the 4th in order of birth,

and appears here as the designation of the lady,
so that the translation might hare been sbni^y

— 'KeKeangof Ke.' ^,— seeLiL6. Ihare

here rendered it 'to her palace,' as Ke KSang

was a royal bride. On ^ ^jQ Kung-yang

•ays» 'The phrase denotes the dwelling of the

son of Hearen. ^ means '* great;" and ^j0

means ''aU.** Where the son of Heayen
dwells most be described by snch terms.'

Pair. 8,8. 8eeonI.TL8.

[The Chuen adda:— < The risoonnt of Pa sent
Han Fnh with an announcement to Ts*oo, asking
TsHxy's serrices to bring abont good relations be-
tween it and THbag. The Yisoonnt of Ts«oo then
tent Taon-soh, along with the Tisitor from Pa,
to present a friendly message to THUig, bnt the
men of TSw, on the southern borders of T'ftng,
attacked them, carried ofiF the presents they
were bearing, uid slew them both. Ts*oo sent
Wd Chang to complain to the lord of T*ftng of
the matter, but he would not acknowledge that
he had any hand in it.

« In summer, Ts*oo sent Tow LSen with a force
tad a f dce of Pa to lay siege to Tew, to the

relief of which the lord of T'ftng sent his nephews
Yang and Tan. They made three successful
attacks on the troops of Pa, and Ts'oo and
Pa were likely to faiL Tow LSen then threw
his force right in between the troops of Pa, en-
gaged the enemy, and took to flight The men
of T*ftng pursued them, till their backs were
towards the troops of Pa, and th^y were at-
tacked on both sides. The army of T'ftng re-
ceired a great defeat, and during the night the
men of Tew dispersed.'
*In autumn, the brother of the duke of

Kwoh, the earl of Juy, the earl of LSang, the

marquis of Seun, and the earl of KSa, invaded

K*guh-yuh.']

Par. 4. The earl of Ts'aon himself was ill,
and therefore sent his son to Tisit the marquit
of Loo in lus stead. Tso-she says : — * The son of
the eari of Ts*aou was reeeired, as was proper,
with the honours due to a miniBter of the high-
est rank. At the ceremonial reception which was
giren to him, when the first cup was presented,
as the music struck up, he sighed. She-foo said,
** The prince of Ts*aouwill won be sad indeed.
This is not the place for sighing."'

The critics are much dirided in their yiews of
this Tisit, and labour hard to find the sage's
work of 'condemnation' in it.

THE CHOJN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

Tenth year.

BOOKU.

f6 ^.^m m^j^.MP^M -f *

-p

W A M

liwifiw

f Jiff

»W1 ^^ ^ ^

»BC ^ C?
JIT H^ 3^ S^' ^^ IM

1 In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's first

month, on E&ng-shin, Ghuna;-s&ng, earl of Ts^aou, died.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, were was the burial of duke

Hwan of Ts^ou.
8 In autumn, the duke [went to] have a meeting with the

marquis of Wei in T*aou-k*ew, but did not meet with

him.
4 In winter, in the twdfth month, on Ping-woo, the marquis

of Ts'e, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Chiiig

came and fought [with us] at Lang.

Par. 1. Pair. 1^ See the Chneii on last
par. of laat year. A great mjBtery is found in

the reappearance of ^ ;— 'in tlie 10th year, tiie

oompletion of nnmbers.' Tm blends the two
parr, together, saying that 'in the spring duke
Hwan of Ts'aon died.'

(Tso-she adds here:— ^Thebrotfaer of tAs dUb
•/ Kwoh slandered his great ofi&oer Chen Poo
to the -king. Chen Poo was able to rebnt the
shmder, and with an army from the king at-
tacked Kwoh. In fummer, the dnke oi £woh
fled to Yo.*]

Par. S. T%0tt-kSlw was ia Wei;-«-dO k to
the west of the pneiSBt dial, city of l\ing^ (j|[

1^), in dept.Tiisg-ch<ang. The meeting had

beoi agreed upon, and the dnke was anxious to
detach Wei firom the party of Ch*iBg, wliich was
threatening Loo;— «ee next par. The marqofs
of Wei, however, changed his mind, and de-
termined to go with the other side.
[Tso-she adds:— < In aatomn, Ti<in reatoi«l

Wan, earl of Jny, to Jiqr-' See the Ghaen at

the Old of the 4th year*

Year XL

DUKE HWAN.

■The 3d brother of the duke of To had a
vahiabU piece of jade, which the duke asked of
him. He ref^ued it, but afterwards repented,
Baying, *^ There is the proTerb in Chow, *A
man may hare no crime; — that he keeps his
pah is his crime.' This jade is of no use to
me; — shall I buy my hurt with it?** He then
presented it to the duke, who went on to ask
a precious sword which he had. The young
brother then said to himMelff **Thi8 man is in-
satiable; his greed will reach to my person.*'
He therefore attacked the duke, who was
obliged to flee to Knng-ch^.*]

Par. 4. Lang, — see I. iz. 4. Tso-she says : —
• In winter, T»% Wei, and ChHng came to fight
with us in Lang; but we could explain what
they complained of. Formerly when the northern

Jung were distressing Ts^e, man^ of the princes
sent to its relief, and Hwuh, son of me earl
of Ch*ing, acquired merit. When the people of
Ts'e were sending cattle round to the different
troops, the officers of Loo were employed to
arrange the order of distribution. They did so
according to the rules of precedence at the court
of Chow, and sent last to Ch4ng. The men of
Ch4ng were angry, and the earl requested the
help of a force fW>m Ts'e, which granted it and
got troops from Wei besides. In these circum-
stances the text does not speak of their attacking
Loo covertly or openly, but that thev came am
fought. It also puts Ts'e and Wei before Ch'ing,
though ChHng wcu the prime mover o/the expedition^
— ^in the order of their rank as fixed by the king.'
The battle was, we may suppose, bloodless.

Eleventh year.

M^h*^mm*iiW\

4 ,.

%^.

-t

4-^* tt lit nrr

^a-^g^

» h

mBM

•rf w iP.ra m ^ 5(^ ift f A

THE CH*UN TS*EW WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK IL

tiM.ZM * # ^ IE

m.^ ZM m

JJLoT

tRTo

M.% «.^i^ A © iS

XI. 1

5
6
7

8
9

In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, in the first month,

an officer of Ts^e, an officer of Wei, and an officer of

Ch^ng made a covenant in 6oh-ts^aou.
In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] Kwei-we, Woo-

s&ng, earl of Ch4ng, died.
In autumn, in the seventh month, there was the burial of

duke Chwang of Ching.
In the ninth month, the people of Sung seized Chae Chung

of Ch'ing.
Tuh returned to Ch^ng.
Hwuh of Ch'ing fled to Wei,
Yew had a meeting with the duke of Sung, the n^arquis of

Ch*in, and the third brother of [the marquis of] Ts^ae,

in Cheh.
The duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung in Foo-

chung.
In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting
with the duke of Sung in E'an.

Par.l. The position of Goh-ts^ou is not
known. This meeting was, no doubt, a sequel,
in some way, to the expedition of the three
princes, the previous month, against Loo. Tso-
she says that Ts^e, Wei, Ch^ing and Sung all
united in the corenant, and Too Uiinks therefore

that ^1^ is wanting in the text But the men-
tion of Sung is supposed by many, and I think
correctly, to be an error of Tso. But who were

tlie covenanting parties? Sun Eeoh (^ '^)

early in Sung dyn.), Hoo Gan-kwoh, the K*ang-
he editors, and many other critics, contend that
they were the princes of the three States, who

are called ^^,— in condemnation. But why
were th^ not called ^ in the par. immediate-
ly before? It is better to understand K here,

as in many other places, of officers appointed by
the princes to act for them.

[Tso-she appends here : — * K*euh Hea of Ts^oo
was about to make a covenant with Urh and Chin,
when the people of Yun took post with their
army at F^oo-saou, intending, with Suy, Keaou,

Chow, and Leaou, to attack the army of TsHx).
The Moh-gaou [this was the name of an office
in Ts^oo. The party intended is K*euh Hea] was
troubled about it; but Tow Leen said, 'The peo-
ple of Yun, having their army in their suburbs,
are sure to be off their guard ; and they are daily
anxious for the arrival of the forces of the
other four States. Do you. Sir, take up a posi-
tion at Keaou-ying to withstand the advance
of those forces, and I will make an attack upon
Yun at night with a nimble, ardent troop. The
men of Yun are anxiously looking out, and relying
on theyroximity o/*their city, so that they have no
mind to fight. If we defeat the army of Yun,
the other four cities will abandon tkw- afluwes
with it.*' Keuh Hea replied, '' Why not ask the
help of more troops from the king [t. e., the vis-
count of Tsoo] ? " The other said, " An army
conquers by its narmoDy, and not by its numbers.
You have heard how unequally Shang and Chow

were matched. We have come forth with a
complete army ;— what more do we wan t ?** The
Moh-gaou said, " Let us divine about it." •* We
divine," returned the other, '*to determine in
cases of doubt. Where we have no doubts, why

tbae xn.

DUKE HWAN.

should we diyine?" Immediately he defeated
the army of Tun in P'oo-saou. The coTenant
[with Urh and Chin] wa« completed, and they
returned.'

' When duke Ch'aou of Chlng [t. 6., the earrs
eon Jiwuh, afterwards duke Ch^aouJ defeated
the northern Jung, the marquis of Ts'e wished
to gire him one of his daughters to wife. When
he declined the matcli, Chae Chung said to him,
**Toii must take her. Our prince has many
farouzitee in his family. Without some great
suppor^ you will not he able to secure the
BuocessioB to yourself. Your three brothers
may all aspire to the earldom." Hwuh, however,
did not follow the advice.*]

Parr. 2, 8. The earl of Ch*ing was certainly
the ruling spirit of his time, shrewd, crafty, and
daring, — ^the hero of the first part of the Ch*un
Ts^ew. His burial should not have taken place
till the 10th month. There must have been
aomething in the circumstances of the State to
cause it to be hurried. Tso-she appends to par.
2: — * Chung Tsuh had been border-warden of
Chae, and became a favourite with duke
Chwang, who made him one of his chief
ministers. He had got the duke married to
a lady Man, one of the daughters of the House of
T^ing, and the produce of the union was duke
Ch*aoa [the duke's son Hwuh.] It was on this
account that Chae Chung secured the succession
to him.'

Parr. 4 — 6. Chae was a place or district in
Ch*ing, of which Chae Chung, as we learn from
the last Chuen, had been wa^en; and it became
equivalent to his surname, and actually the sur-
name of his descendants. Too says that Cfaae
was really his surname, and Chung his name ;
hut I must believe that Chung was the designa-
tion, and Tsuh (Jg^) the name. ^1^ A ,

»*the people of Sung;* like ^^ A , in

VI. 4. A literal translation of ^^ would be
•grabbed.' The reason of the seizure of Chae
Chung is told by Tso-she : — * The officer Yung
of Sung had married a daughter, called Yung
K^eih [^ ^; Yung was the father's dan-
name; K'eih the surname] to duke Chwang of
Chlng. She bore a ion [TViA], who became duke
JjB. The Yung dan was in favour with duke
Chwang of Sung, who therefore beguiled Chae

Chung, seizing him, and telling liim that, unless
he raised Tuh to the earldom, he should die.
At the same time he seized duke Le [^Tuh], and
required the promise of bribes from him. Chae
Chung made a covenant with au officer of Sung,
took duke Le back with him to Ch^inyj and set him
up.' The action of pp. 5, 6 was almost contem-
poraneous. As the Chuen says: — *in the 9th
month, on Ting-hae, duke Ch*aou fled to Wei, and
on Ee-hae [12 days after] duke Le was acknow-
ledged in his room.' As Hwuh had been both
dejure and de facto earl of Ch4ng since his fa-
ther's death, the critics are much concerned to
find the reason why he is mentioned here simply
by his name, without his title. Eung-yang
thinks the style is after the simplicity of the
Yin dynasty, which called the son by his name
in presence of the father ; and the former earl
might be considered as only just dead, — in fact,
as almost still alive. Kuh-leang thinks the
name is given, as to a prince who had lost his
State. Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks the name is con-
demnatory of him, for having refused the strong
alliance which Ts'e bad pressed on them. Too's
explanation is more likdy. The announcement
of his exit, he says, was from Chlng, which
gave his name in contempt, and the historio-
graphers of Loo entered it as it came to them.
But see on XV. 4.

Par. 7. The situation of Cheh has not been
determined. Yew was a great officer of Loo^
who, ace. to Tso-she, had not received a clan-
name. On ^ -f^. Too Yu says that -f^ is

the name, and Maou agrees with him. It serves,
indeed, the purpose of a name; but I prefer to
render the word, according to its signification,

as in the translation. So, Sun Fuh (^^ ;^,

^^■tfc>

Parr. 8,9. Foo-chung (Rung reads "g) was

in the small State of Shing (|||(|$); and E*an

was very near to Shing, belonging to Loo; — in

the west of Wfa-shang (^ J^) district At

this time Loo and Sung, for some reason, be-
came, or wanted to become, close friends. We
shall find that their two princes had three meet-
ings in the course of the next year. The af-
fairs of ChHng were, no doubt, a principal topic
with them.

Twelfth year.

A^Kyhm'f^i^Mmir

TOL. T,

THE CH«UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK n.

+5^sffl n

^f<2^

J^.T J^.5lc + #

i^ ^ :t. A 1^ it UM ^M ^m.x^m.
^^z p^.is 1^ 11.^ ^M m^^^

JddL

XII. 1 It was the [duke's] twelfth year, the spring, the first

month.

2 In summer, in the sixth month, on Jin-yin, the duke had

a meeting with the marquis of Ke and the viscount of
Keu, when they made a covenant at K*euh-ch*e.

3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ting-hae, the duke

had a meeting with the duke of Sung, and an officer
of Yen, when they made a covenant at Kuh-k'ew.

4 In the eighth month, on Jin-shin, Yoh, marquis of Ch^,

died.

5 The duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung in

Heu.

6 In winter, in the eleventh month, the duke had a meet-

ing with the duke of Sung in Ewei.

7 On Ping-seuh, the duke had a meeting with the earl of

Ch'ing, when they made a covenant at Woo-foo.

8 On Ping-seuh, Tsin, marquis of Wei, died.

9 In the twelfth month, [our army] and the army of Ch*ing

invaded Sung; and on Ting-we a battle was fought in
Sung.

Tbar xn.

DUKE HWAN.

Par. 1. See on LtL 3.

Par. 2. For Ke isQ we hare j^ in Kung and

Kah. For^/H^Kanghasl^jfg. K'euh.

ch^ was in Loo; — 40 le to the north-east of pres.
dis. city of K*eah-fow. We might translate
the characters— * the pool of K'euh.* There is
or was snch a pool, having its source in Shih-

inftn(;gP^)hilL

Tso-she sajs the object of this meeting was
* to reconcile Ke and Ken,' which had been at
feud since Keu inraded Ke in the 4th year of
doke Yin.

Par. 3. Kuh-k*ew was in Sung;'^-30 U north
from the dep. city of Ts'aou-chow. Tso-she
aays: — 'The dnke, wishing to reconcile Sung
and Ching, had a meeting in the autumn with
the duke of Sung, at the height of Kow-tow
(^ij "^ ^ J^V ^^' ^ another name for
Kuh-k*ew. Ten here is the 'southern' Yen, a
amall earldom, whose lords had the surname
K'eih (^I^X Mid professed to be descended from
Hwang-te. It was in the pres. dis. of Keih
(m^), dep. Wei-hwuy, Ho-nan. Sung had re-
quind rery great promises from Tuh, as the
price of establishing him in Ch'ing; and the non-
fulfilment of them created great animosity be-
tween the two States. Loo, at Chang's solici-
tation, tried to act as mediator; but without
saoeess. But if this meeting were, as Tso-she
says, held simply on account of the differences
between Sung and Ch*ing, we cannot account
for the presence of an officer of Yen, whose
weight in the scale, on one side or the other,
would hardly be appreciable. Woo Ch^ing (_|B-

y^; the great Yuen commentator) thinks
therefore, that the meeting was called for an-
other purpose in which Yen had an interest, and
that Loo took the opportunity to touch on
ChHng matters. The * History of the Different
Statea* gires quite another turn to the par., and
makes as ^, to be the earl of the 'northern
Ten,' who happened to arrive at Kuh-k'ew,
while the meeting was being held, on his way
to the court of Sung.

- Par. 4. This marquis was canonized as duke
Le (jS j^)- His burial is not recorded, be-
cause Loo did not attend it. See on Liii. 7.
Ho Hew foolishly supposes that this marquis was
the son of T'o, and therefore his burial is not en-
tered,— ' in condemnation of T'o.' Too Yu obser-
▼ee that the day Jin-shin was the 2dd of the 7th
month ; and explains the error of entering the
death under the 8th month as having arisen
from the historiographers of Loo, simply taking
down the date as it was given them erroneously,

so far as the month was concerned, in the mes-
sage from Ch'in (^ ^).

Parr. 5,6. Tso-she says: — 'Uncertain whe-
ther Sung would be reconciled to Ch'ing or not,
Loo persevered in its endeavours; and the duke
had the meetings in these two paragraphs.'
Heu and Kwei were both in Sung; but their
positions are not well determined.

Par. 7. Sung had now positively declined to
be reconciled, and Loo takes decidedly the side
of Ch'ing. Woo-foo was in Ch'ing,— in the

south-west of pres. dls. of Tung-ming C^^QH)*

dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le.

Par. 8. This is the only instance in the
Ch'un Ts*ew, in which, when entries of two of
more different things that occurred on the same
day are made, the name of the day is given
with each of them.

Par. 9. This is the sequel of par. 7. The
text, however, is not so precise as usual. We

want a subject before 1^, which should be 'the
duke ' or ^ j^j^, as I have given it Then the

clause at the end is quite indefinite, so that
Kung and Kuh both say that Loo and Ch'ing
quarrelled, and fought between themselves,^
whereas we find them fighting on the same side
in the 2d par. of next year. Tso-she, after men-
tioning the meeting of Loo and Ch'ing at Woo-
foo, adds: — 'Immediately after, they led their
forces and invaded Sung, with which they
fought a battle, — to punish it for its want of
good faith. A superior man will say, " If there
be not the appendage of good faith, covenants are
of no use. It is said in the Poems (II. v. IV. 8),

'The king is continually insisting on cove-
nants,
And the disorder is thereby increased;'—
which was from the want of good faith.'

[The Chuen adds here : — ' Ts'oo invaded R^u,
and attacked the south gate of the city. The
Moh-gaou, K'euh-hea, said, " Keaou being small
will be lightly moved. Lightly moved, its plana
will be with little thought. Let us leave our
wood-gatherers unprotected and so entrap it.'
His advice was followed, and the people of
K^aou caught 80 men. Next day they struggled
to get out to pursue the service-men of Ts'oo
upon the hilL The army took post at the north
gate, and an ambuscade had been {placed at the
foot of the hilL Keaou received a great defeat.
Ts'oo imposed a covenant beneath the wall, and
withdrew. In this invasion of Keaou, the army
of Ts'oo waded through the P'ftng in separate
divisions, llie people of Lo wished to attack
them, and sent Pih-k^ to act as a spy. He
went thrice round the troops, and counted them/]

THE CH*UN TS*EW WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK IL

Thirteenth year.

Aft

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XIII. 1 In his thirteenth year, in spring, in the second month,

the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ee and
the earl of Ch*ing; and on Ke-sze they fought with
the marqub of Ts^e, the duke of Sung, the marquis
of Wei, and an officer of Yen, when the armies of
Ts*e, Sung, Wei, and Yen received a severe defeat.

2 In the third month there was the burial of duke Seuen
of Wei.

8 In summer there were great floods.

4 It was autumn, the seventh month.

5 It was winter, the tenth month.

rTso-she gires the following narratire as
prior to the fight in par. 1 : — * In spring, K*euh
uea of TsHx) proceeded to invade Lo, and was
escorted part of the way by Tow Pih-pe. As
lih-pe was returning, he said to his charioteer,
'*The Mok-gaou will certainly be defeated. He

walks high on his tiptoes; — ^his mind it not
firm." Immediately aiter, he had an intenrleir
with the viscount of Ts'oo, and begged him to
send more troops. The viscount reused, and
when he had gone into his palace told his wife,
a Man of T*ftng [see on VIL 8] about the matter.

TsAS XIV.

DUKE HWAN.

«'Yoar great officer^s words,*' said she, **were
not wertig for the sake of sending more troops;
hia meaning was that you should comfort the
inferior people by your good faith, instruct all
the officers by yowr virtue, and awe the Moh-
gaou by the Jtar of punishment. The Moh-
gaou, accustomed to success by the action of
P^oo-saou [see the Chuen appended to XI. 1;
but perhaps for Pxx>-8aou we should read Keaou]
will presume on his own ability, and is sure to
make too little of Lo. If you do not control him
and comfort ths army, the Moh-gaou will not make
the necessary preparations. Pih-pe*s meaning
certainly is tiiaC you, my Lord, should instruct
all the people, by good words controlling him
and comforting them ; that you should cidl the
officers and stimulate them on the subject of
excellent yirtue; that you should see the Moh-
gaou, and tell him how Heaven does not make
use of hasty, supercilious men. If this were
not his meaning, ke would not speak as he has
done; — does he not know that all the army of
Ts^oo has gone on the exvedition f** The viscount
cm this tent a Man of Lae after Jt*AiA Hea, but
he could not overtake him. Meanwhile the
Moh-gaou had sent an order round the army
that whoaover remonstrated with him should be
punished. When they got to the river Ten, the
troops got disordered m crossing it. After that,
they observed no order, and the general made
no preparations. When they got to Lo, its army
and one of the Loo Jung ^see the Shoo, V. ii.4.]
attacked them, and indflicted a grand defeat.
The Moh-gaou strangled himself in the valley
of Hwang, and all the principal officers of tie
expedition rendered themselves as prisoners at
Tay-foo to await their punishment. But the
Tiscount of Ts'oo said, ^The fault was mhie,"
and forgave them all.*]

Par. 1. The three Chuen all differ as to the

eirties in whose interest this battle was fought,
ung-yang thinks they were Loo and Sung;
Kuh-leang, Ke and Ts'e; and Tso-she, Sung
and Ch4ng. The K^ng-he editors prefer the
Tiew of Kuh-leang, referring to the arguings of

Chaou K<wang (^ g ; of the T<ang dyn.),

Hoo Gan-kwoh, Sun Keoh, and Woo Ch'ing in

its favour; and place the soene of the battle in

Ke (j^)* Something may be said in favour

of each view, but a fourth one, advocated by
Maou Ke-ling, is to my mind still more likely.
He sees in the battle Loo's return to Ts'e and
Wei for their attack in the duke's 10th year.
Then Ch*ing was associated with them under
Hwuh, but Hwan had managed to make Ch*ing
under Tuh confederate with him to punish the
other two States. The battle he thinks waa
fought in Sung, like the one in the preceding
par., which seems to account for the place not
being mentioned in the text. Tso-she's account
is: — ^^Sung kept constantly requiring the pay-
ment of the bribes promised by the earl of Ch*ing.
Ch4ng could not endure its demand*, and with
the help of Ke and Loo fought with Ts*e, Sung,
Wei, and Yen. The name of the place of the
battle is not in the text, because Me duke waa
too late to take part in it,* The last observation
is sufficiently absurd. The marquis of Wei ia
mentioned, the son, that is, of Tsin, whose
death is mentioned in the 8th par. of last year.
As the father was not yet buried, the son ought
not, it is said, aceording to rule, to be mentioned
by his title. But would that rule hold, when a
new year came between the death and burial of
the former prince ? Then the son would publicly
' come to the vacant place,' and a new rule be

inaugurated. ^j6 jl|| means a gieat defeat'
Tso-she says, under the 11th vear of duke
Chwang that ;^ J^ 0 lill ip[> 'the phrase
indicates a ruin like the fall of a great moun-
tidn.' m — ^ j|9> ' merit.' The defeat in-
volved the loss of merit and character.
Par. 8. See on 1.5. Wang Faou (^

Sung dyn., about contemporary with Hoo
kwoh) says: — <Nine times is the calamity of
floods recorded in the Ch*un Ts*ew: twice in the
time of Hwan, and thrice in the tfane of Chwang.
Of the nine calamities five of them occurred Si
the days of the father and his son. May we
conclude that thev were in retribution to the
father for his wickedness acciunulated and un-
repented of, and to the son for allowing his
father's wrong to go unavenged ?' So speculate
Chinese schoUrs.

Fourteenth year.

-t %K.A m 5 ^

THE CH»UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO GHUEN.

BOOK II.

In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the first month, the
duke had a meeting with the earl of Ch^ing in Ts^aou.

There was no ice.

In summer, in the 5th [month], the earl of Ch4ng

sent his younger brother Yu to Loo to make a covenant

In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jin>shin, the granary
of the ancestral temple was struck with lightning.

On Yih-hae we ofi^ered the autumnal sacrifice.

In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ting-sze, Luh-foo,
marquis of Ts*e, died.

An officer of Sung, with an officer of Ts*e, an officer of
Ts'ae, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Ch*in, invad-
ed Ch4ng.

XIV. 1

2
3

5
6

Par. 1. Since the meeting of the duke and
earl at Woo-foo in the 12tli year, Loo and Ch*ing
had been fast allies, and this meeting was, no
doabt, to cement the bond between them. Too
aajs tiiat, as they met in Ts'aou, the earl of
Ts'aon was also a party at the meeting. Tso-
she adds that the people of Ts^aou supplied,
cattle and other fresh provisions; — * which was
proper.*

Par. 2. The 1st month of Chow was the 11th
of Hea, the 2d month of winter, when there
ought to have been ice.

Par. 8. After j^ there is wanting the char-
acter B , ' month ;* and perhaps other characters
as weu. Or it may be, as some critics think,
that ^£ is an interpolation.

Instead of ™-, Kuh-l&ing has |B- Tso-she

Bays : — ' Tht son of duke Chwang ofChing, Tsze-

Jin ["7*^^ ; this was the designation of Tu, and

afterwaids became a dan-name] came to renew

the coYenant [^& B9.]* '^^^ ^o confirm the

meeting in Ts'aou.' I suppose this meeting had
then been agreed on. Kuh-leang lays down a
law, that where the day of a corenant is not
given, it intimates that the covenant had form-
erly been arranged for. The law is arbitrary;
but the fact in this case was, probably, as it
would assume.

Par. 4. Woo Ch*ing says : — * When the prince

is in his chariot, he is in immediate proximity

to hi. chwloteer. ^^^^i^H^U
jKr), Therefore the charioteer ^|) is used of

the men whom the prince approaclies nearpit,
and also of the things which the prince faimtetf

uses. The f|p granary was that in which the

rice which was produced from the field cultivated
by the prince himself was stored, used to supply
the grain for the ressels of the ancestral temple,
and which it was not presumed to apply to any
other use.' This is an attempt to explain the

use of jfSBi here ; and it is strange the dictionary

takes no notice of the term in this passage. The
phrase might be rendered by * the duke's own
granary,' as well as by those I have employed in

the translation. l&«>'met with calamity;*

but aoc. to Tso-she, in the Chiin Ts'ew the

term is used specially of 'calamity by fire from

Hearen (^ ^ 0 ^V

Par. 6. The Chang was a regularly recairing
sacrifice, and as ordinary and regular things ait
not entered in the Ch'un Ts*ew, the critics are
greatly concerned to account for this entry. A
sufildent reason seems to be supplied in the
date. The Chang was due on the 8th month of
Hea, and it was now only the Bth month of
Chow, oa the 6th month of Hea. But the graio
for it would have to be supplied from the
granary which had been burned; and by the
mention of the sacrifice immediately after that
event, the text seems to intimate some connec-
tion between the two things. Tso-she simply

Ybak XV.

DUKE HWAN.

■ays that the proximity of the texts shows that
'no harm was done' by the lightning; >. e.,
obsenres Too, * the fire was extinguished before
it reached the grain.' But, contends Kuh-leang,
to use the miserable remains of the grain scath-
ed by the lightning was very disrespectful ; and
not to divine again for another day on which to
offer the Shang, after such an ominous disaster,
Uoo Gan-kw5 shows, was more disrespectful
still I To a western reader all this seems * much
ado about nothing.'

Par. 7. Too Yu gires here, from another part
of the Chaen, a useful canon about the use of
l/j[ in the text and similar paragraphs : — 'When
armies can be ordered to the right or the left,

l/j[ is used.' The character simply «> VB,

' used.' In this case the troops of Ts'e and other
States were at the disposal of Sung. Once in
the She — IV. i. [iii.] V. — we find the same usage

of J^. The iuTasion of Ch*ing was in reprisal

for the events in par. 1 of last year, and XII. 8.
The Chuen says : — * In winter, an officer of Sung,
aided by armies from several princes, invaded
Ching, to avenge the battle [or battles] in
Sung. The allies burned the K'eu gate o/ iu
outer wall and penetrated to the great road.
Then they attacked the eastern suburbs; took
New-show ; and carried off the beams of ChHn^M
ancestral temple to supply those of the Loo gate
of Sung [carried off the year before].'

Fifteenth year.

^nn.^

un.z,^

IK A.^ T M i^ B *.¥.

IK ^ -tg ^

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKD.

©I W i^

Pf :;^ g.i^ IM ^ -

A. 25^ i^.^ -tfc

S ^ ®

XV. 1

4
5

7
8

In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the second
month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Kea Foo
to Loo to ask for carriages.

In the third month, on Yih-we, the king [by] Heaven's
[grace] died.

In summer, in the fourth month, on Ke-sze, there was
the burial of duke He of Ts*e.

In the fifth month, Tuh, earl of Ch4ng, fled to Ts^ae.

Hwuh, heir-son of Ch*ing, returned to hb dignity in
Ch*ing.

The third brother of [the baron of] Heu entered into Heu.

The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Gae.

An officer of Choo, an officer of Mow, and an officer of
Koh came to [our] court.

In autumn, in the ninth month, Tuh, earl of Ch4ng, en-
tered into Leih.

In winter, in the eleventh month, the duke joined the
duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, and the marquis
of Ch*in, at Ch*e, and they invaded Ch^ing.

Par. I. ^^,— 8eeVm.2. On the whole

par., see on I. iii. 5. Tto-she says here : — "This
mission was contrary to propriety. It did not
belong to the princes to contribute carriages or
dresses to the king; and it was not for the son
of Hearen privatSy to ask for money or ralua-
bles.*

Par. 2. See on I. iii. 2.

Par. 4. The Chuen relates :—' Chae Chung

monopolized the gOTemment of ChUng, to the
great trouble of the earl, who employed Chung's
son-in-law, Tung Kew [this Yung Kew had
come to ChHng with Tuh from Sung, and mar-
ried a daughter of Chae Chung] to kill him.
Kew proposed doing so at a feast which he was
to giTe Chung in the suburbs, but Tung Ke
[Kew's wife, and Chung*s daughter] became

aware of the design, and said to her mother,
*' Whether is a father or a husband the nesrer
and dearer ?" The mother said, *' Any man nuy
be husbuid to a woman, but she can have bvt
one father. How can there be any comparisoo
between them?" She then told Chae Chung,
saying, **Tung is learing his house, and intends
to feast you in the suburbs itnd there IdUm!
I got him to tell me by guile." On this Clue
Chung killed Tung Kew, and threw away hi*
body by the pool of the Chow family. The
earl took it with him in his carriage, and left
the State, saying, **It was right he should di^
who communicated his plans to his wife!**
Thus in summer duke Le quitted Ch'ing, sod
fled to Ts*ae.' Here Tuh has his title giiren
him, which, we saw, was withheld from Hwoh

in XL 6. Some of the reasons assigned by the

TSAB XVI.

DUKE HWAN.

critics for that withholding were then adduced,
but another maj here l^ suggested. Under
Hwuh, Loo and Ch*ing were and continued after
this to be enemies. Uuder Tuh, they were
iHends. These di£ferent conditions betray them-
selres in the historiographers, and Ck>nfucius
did not care to alter their style in XI. 6. In
this par. it should seem that there ought to be
some mention of Chae Chung's expelling his

prince; but the characters fjj ^K 'went out

and fled/ imply an impelling riolence behind.

Par. 5. The feeling of Loo against Hvruh
appears here also in his being only called

■jtf' "^ or * heir-son.' Tso says :— * In the 6th
month, on Yih-hae, duke Ch'aou entered.' The
phrase ^g ^, however, implies his recorery
of former dignity. In a Chuen on duke Ch^ng,
XVnLS. Tw has-:^^ 'fe 0 ^ ^.
^restoration to one's dignity is expressed by ^t^

Par. 6. See the long Chuen on the affairs of
Hen on I.xi.3. The Heu Shuh here is the
young brother of the baron who had fled before
Ching and its allies, and whom the earl had
placed in the eastern borders of the State, as if
with some prevision of what now occurred. After
■ixteen years, the young man recovered the

possession of his fathers. 7^ here has not the

hostile meaning which it generally bears, though
the K'ang-he editors think such a term is used
to oonrey some blame of Heu Shuh, for taking
possession of the seat of his fathers without an-
nouncing his purpose to the king, and getting
his sanction to his undertaking. But of what
use could such a proceeding hare been ? The
king was hardly able to sustain himself. The

nP After 7^ seems to distinguish this use of

y^ from the cases in which it is followed direct-
ly by its object.

Par. 7. Tso-she says the object of this meet-
ing was 'to consult about the settlement of

Heu;' but the critics doubt this view as nothing
is found in the Ch'un Ts*ew or elsewhere to

confirm it. SeeLYi.2. For "It^ Rung has JgJ^

and Kuh JgT.

Par. 8. Choo, Mow, and Eoh were all small
States, though the lords of Choo came to be called
viscount and marquis, and the chief of Koh

was an earl, with the surname Ting (SQ» It

was in pres. dis. of Ning-ling (^^ |@^}> dep.

Ewei-tih. Mow was merely an * attached ' State,

in pres. dis. of Lae-woo (^ $|l)> ^^P* 'T'Ae-

gan. Too Yu thinks the three visitors were all
the heir-sons of the three small States; the
chiefs of which, as being merely * attached,' would
be entered by their names, and their sons, there-
fore, would simply be ciUled *men,' and not
named ; but this is mere conjecture. We may

adhere here to the translation of K^ by 'officer/

Par. 9. Leih was a strong city of Ching, in
pres. Yu Chow, dep. K^ae-fung. Tso-she says :
— * In autumn, [Tuh], the earl of Ch*ing, pro-
cured the death of T'an Fih [the commandant
of Leih] by some of the people of Leih, and im-
mediately took up his residence in it.' The

meaning of /^ here is intermediate between

its purely hostile sig^iificance, and that in par.
6. Kung-yang supposes that this occupation of
Leih was equivalent to the recovery by Tuh of
Ch'ing, led away probably by the 'earl of
Ch^ng,' in wliich we again see Uie favour whidi
Loo bore to Tuh.
Par. 10. Ch'e was in Sung;— in Suh Chow

(7q ^•j), dep. Fung-yang, Gan-hwuy, Tso-
she says the movement was to restore duke Le;
and that it was unsuccessful, and the invaders

returned. Kung-yang has ^R ^^ after '^,

and "^ for ^E . Sung was induced to join the

undertaking, probably by assurances fVom Tuh
that, if he were once again re-established in
Ch^ing, he would fulfil the promises he had
formerly made.

ai +-^f

Sixteenth year.

VOL V.

THE CHUN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

^ + ^

fift jT ™ 3c ^»^ ffiw 5R B^

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US.

XVI. 1 In his sixteenth year, in snring, in the first month, the

duke had a meeting witn the duke of Sung, the mar-
quis of Ts*ae, and the marquis of Wei, in Ts'aou.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, the duke joined the

duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the marquis of
Ch*in, and the marquis of Ts^ae, in invading ChHng.

3 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from

the invasion of Ch^ng.

4 In winter, we walled Heang.

5 In the eleventh month, Soh, marquis of Wei, fled to Ts'e.

Par. 1. The expedition by Loo, Sung, Wei
and Chin against Ch'ing in the 11th month of
the laat year had been unBucoessful. The
princes of Loo, Sung, and Wei now meet and
arrange for another; and they have Ts'ae also
to poin their confederacy. Tso-she says : — * The
object of the meeting was to plan about invad-

Far. 2. This is the sequel of the last par.; and
Cli'in re-appears in the expedition. In accounts
of conferences and expeditions, Ts'ae is always
placed before Wei, as in par. 1, while here It is
fast in order. This makes Too say that at this
time the marquis of Ts^ae was * the last to ar-

rire (^^)-* Ying-tah, however, quotes from
Pan Koo (historian of the 1st Han), to the
efTect that, from Yin to the 14th year of duke
Chwang, — ^a period of 48 years, — there was no
regular order of precedence among the princes,
as no really leading one among them (Sg ip)

bad yet arisen.*

Par. 8. See on II. 9.

Par. 4. It is mentioned before, I. iL 2, that
'Keu entered Heang;* and in VII. i v. 1, we read
that duke Seuen attacked Keu and took Heang.
But here we find duke Hwan fortifying H£ang.
This can hardly hare been the same place, but
another, properly belonging to Loo. Too Yu
Bays nothing here on this point, nor does any
other iA the critics, so far as I have observed.
Tso-she observes that this undertaking was re-
corded because it was *at the proper time.'

But the time for such nndertaUngt was not
yet come, according to the natural reading of
the par., which simply says the thhig was dons
in winter; and as the next par. begins with the
specification of the 11th month, we oondads
that Heang was walled in the 10th; — ^whidi
was only the 8th month of the Hea year. To
justify Tso-she*s observation, therefore. Too
contends that though no month is mentioned
here, we must understand the 11th month; and
he saprs also that the sixth month of this yeir
was intercalary, which of course would cany
the 11th month of Chow forward to the term for
for such an undertaking. All thia, however, ii
very uncertain.

Par. 5. Tso-she has here a melancfaoly narra-
tive:— ^Long before this, duke Seaen of Wei
had committed incest with £-keang fa conco-
bine of his father;— comp. 1. Cor. v. Ij, the pro-
duce of which was Keih-tsxe, the charge d
whom he entrusted to Chih, hia faUier*s son I7
the occupant of the right of the harem, /a oosr*
o/fime, he made an engagement for KeOi-tae
with one of the princesses of Ta'e, but took ber
to himself in consequence of her beauty. Sbe
gave birth to ttoo Bon»^ Show and Soh, the former
of whom he gave in charge to hia father's atf
by the occupant of the left of the harem. E
Keang strangled herself; and Seuen Keang [tlN
lady of Ts*e, who should have been Keih-tue'k
wife] and Soh plotted against Keih-tsxe, till tbe
duke sent him on a mission to Ts'e, emfAoyiflg
ruffians to wait for him at Sin, and put him to
death. Show told Keih-tsze of the scheme, ssd

Tear XVn.

DUKE HWAN.

urged him to go to acme other State ; but he re-
fused, saying, "If I disobey my father's com-
mand, hov can I use the name of son ? If there
were any State without fathers, I might go
there." As he was about to set out, Show made
him drunk, took his flag, and went on before
him. The ruffians [thinking him to be Kelh-
taze] killed him, and then came Keih-tsze,

crying out, *'It was I whom ye sought?
What crime had he? Please kill me.*' The
rufEUms killed him also. On this account, the
two brothers of Seuen [who had received charge
of Keih-tsze and Show] cherished resentment
against duke Hwuy [Soh], and raised K'een-
mow to the marquisate, when Hwuy fled to Ta W
See the She, I. iii. XIX.

Seventeenth year.

0 AM ^ ^ 4^.

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k ifc.

I-

iffi.

THE CH»UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKH.

XVIL 1 In his seventeenth year, in spring, in the first month,

on Ping-shin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis
of Ts'e and the marquis of Ke, when they made a
covenant in Hwang.

2 In the second month, on Ping- woo, the duke had a

meeting with E-foo of Choo, when they made a cove-
nant in Ts'uy.

3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Ping-woo, we fought

with the army of Ts*e at He.

4 In the sixth month, on Ting-ch'ow, Fung-jin, marquis

of Ts'ae, died.

5 In autumn, in the eighth month, the fourth brother of

[the marquis of] of Ts'ae returned from Ch*in to Ts^ae.

6 On Ewei-sze there was the burial of the marquis Hwan

of Ts'ae.

7 Along with an army of Sung and an army of Wei, [we]

invaded Choo.

8 In winter, in the t^nth month, the first day of the

moon, the sun was eclipsed.

Par.l. Hwang, ace. to Too, was in T8*e. Some
find it in the pres. dis. of Hwang, dep. Tftng-
chow ; but that would seem to be too distant from
Loo, though convenient enough for Ts^e and Ke.

Tso-she says that the object of the meeting was
to reconcile Ts*e and Ke, and to consult about
the affairs of Wei. We may suppose that Ke
was now in more danger from Ts*e, sinc« the
death of the king, and the consequent loss of
his influence in favour of his son-in-law.

Par. 2. Ts^uy was in Loo, somewhere in the
borders of the pres. diss, of Sze-shwuy and
Tsow. Tso says the object of the meeting was
to renew the covenant at Meeh; — see Li. 2.

Too observes that Ping-woo was not in the

2d month, but was the 4th day of the 8d month.

It is plain that there could be no Ping- woo in

the 2d month, as we have the same day, In the

next par. recurring in the 5 th month. Kung has

]^ instead of '1^.
Par. 8. Kung-yang has here no S, and

Kuh-leang, instead of ^^, has ^R. He was in

Loo ; — ^in pres. dis. of T^ftng, dept. Yen-chow.
Tso says :— ' This fight was in consequence of
gome border dispute. Wheq it arose, the people
of Ts*e made a stealthy inroad on the borders
of Loo, the officers of which came and told the
dnke, who said, "On the borders it is for you
carefully to guard your own particular charge,
and to be prepared for anything unexpected.
In the meantime look thoroughly to your pre-
parations; and when the thing comes, fight.
What need you come to see nie for?"

The covenant of the Ist month had proved of
little use.

Par. 5. 2S has the meaning in the iranslatioo,

and was also and naturally the designation of the
individual. On par. 4 Tso says that, on the death
of the marquis [who had no son], the people of
Ts'ae called his younger brother from ChHn;
and here he observes that the entry here [the
designation being given, and not the name]
shows how highly the people of TsHie thought

of him. I think the character ^f intimates

that Ke was raised to be marquis of Ts^ae; and
this was the opinion of Too Yu, who identifies
him with Heen-woo, who, we shall see hereafter,
was carried oS prisoner by Ts^oa

I am surprised that the K'ang-he editors
doubt this identification, and follow the opinion
of Ho Hew, the editor of Kung-yang, who sajs
that Ke refused to accept the marquisate, which
was then given to Heen-woo. Kuh-leang sayi
strangely that Ke was a nobleman of Ts^ae,
raised by the support of Ch'in to be marquia
Yet even he does not doubt the elevation of Ke.

Par. 6. In all other cases, where the baritl
of a prince is recorded, the title of dnke followf
the honorary or sacrificial epithet. Here we
have a solitary instance, where the title of rank,
borne during the life-time, is preserved. This has
given rise to much speculation. It seems the
simplest solution of the difliculty to suppose an

error in the text of ^^ for ^jV.

Par. 7. Loo had covenanted with Choo in
the 2d month, and, the year before, Choo had sent
its salutations to the court of Loo; and yet here
we find Loo joined with Sung and Wei in an in-
vasion of Choo. Tso-she says that Loo was
following the lead of Sung, which, ace. to To(^
was quarrelling with Choo about their borden.

Teak XVm.

DUKE HWAN.

Par. 8. This eclipse took place, Oct. 8d, B. C.
694, and on KAng-woo, the 7th day of the cycle.
The day of the cycle is not given in the text,
becaase, ace. to Tso-she, *the officers had lost it.'
He adds, *The son of Hearen had his ** officer of

the days ( R ^B ^" '^^ ^^^ princes their *< su-
perintendent of the days ( Q ^)." The officer

of the days had the rank of a high minister,
and it was his business to regulate the days of
the year. The superintendents of the days were
required not to lose the days [which they had
received from the king^s officer], but to deliver
them to the difft. officers in their princes* courts.'
It may have been so that the number of the
day was thus lost; but it is simpler to suppose
that the historiographers on this occasion omit-
ted it. This is the view taken by many critics ;

— as Chaon KSrang (^B ^; T'ang dyn.),
Chin Foo-leang (^ ^ ^; 12th cent), and

Chan Joh-shwuy (^ ^ yk ; Ming dyn.).

The K'ang-he editors observe, that, during the
Han dynasty and previously, astronomers could
only determine the first day of the moon, ap-
proximately, in an average way (^f^ JqII^ ^°^

the average motion of the sun and moon, but

that from the time of Lew Hung, (^A^^ ; the

After Han dyn.), and through his labours, it

became possible to determine exactly the time

of new moon (^? |^), by adding to or

subtracting from the average time, as might
be necessary. Still, this want of exactitude
in these times could not affect the day of
the cycle on which a phsenonenon like an eclipse
was to be recorded.

[The Chuen appends here: — * Years backy
when the earl of Ch4ng [Woo-shang, duke
Chwang, the earl] had wished to make Kaou
K'eu-me one of his high ministers, duke Ch*aoa
[then the earl's son Hwuh], who disliked Kaou,
had remonstrated strongly against such a meas-
ure. The earl did not listen to him; but
when duke Ch*aou succeeded to the State, Kaon
was afraid lest he should put him to death. On
the day Sin-maou, therefore, he took the initiative^
and killed duke Ch^aou, raising up his brother
We in his room. A superior man will say that
the prince knew the man whom he disliked.
Kung-tsze Tab said, " Kaou Fih [Kaou K*eu-me]
inde^ deserved an evil end I His revenge of an
ill done to him was excessive." ']

Eighteenth year.

^T3E

ZM « -b t

m K.m m.n n.m mz^mm
m B n^M ^M z.^M^u mm.

xniL 1

BOOK a

IL£.J9 ^ ja ft.

lEl JL fit ^. 0.

3
4

EfXLih. c2«!e diiike Ittd a

Tre^ Bear t&e Lnh.

t&ie bdy Kean^ irant to
In iomiiier. in the fiMHtk

dake dkd in Ts^; and

ii¥vd from Ts^
It vas autumn^ the acrentli
In winter, in the twdfth mon

our rokr, duke Hwan.

spring, m the king's first

with the marquis of

the duke and his wife,

month, on Ping-tsze, the
on Ting-yeWy his cofB^ ar-

month.

th, on Ke-ch'ow, we buried

pflrtdoctnol
Tnb-tne, infab 'dd Text f£ Tk>-A^s Ch'n
Tf'ev ' omiti it, oontendiiig tiMi KBh-]£ti« alio
did not haTe it. It' ■■» hovevcr, in all the
editions of Knh that I have aeen. Twan aayi
thatUis 'a Tnlgv addition' to Tao-aiie (^

1^ ^). The critioi genenDy icoare it»

howerer. The conjonctiont ]]^, ^^^ and ftE
aie those proper to the CUm&c, and for the
^jL here thej aooonnt \fj iniiiting on ita eqni-

▼alence to ^C^ 'to grants' *to allow.' It was
contrary to propriety for the duke's wife to go
to T8% but she was bent on going, and the
dnke weakly allowed her to accompany him.

The ffL (pronounced Lnh or Loh) was a
stream, which flows into the Tse in the north-
west of the dis. of Leih-shing (||| ^), dep.

Tse-nan. We hare no intimation of the busi-
ness discussed at this meeting between Loo
and Ts'e; and the ordinary view is that it had
been brought about by duke Beang of Ts*e sim-
ply with a Tiew to bring his sister and him to-
gether, and then to get her farther to accompany
him to his capital. The only scholar who con-

troyarts this view is Wan 8se-to ( |$ ^ ^)>

f. dyn., who argues, feebly howeyer,
I wu a younger brother of Wftn

ooonection b^

attliiB meeting.

aajs: — ^^ In spring the duke, bemg

totntd, aOowcdattiieaaine time his wife

togowitklnmto Ti<e^ Shin Sen said,

MMiae ; tlie maa
and there must be no
ia there what
called inmniety. Any diai^ie in this matter
tolendtomin." Natmitkwiamdimg iku re-
the dnke had a meeting with the
of Tk*e near tiie Luh, and then went
on witih Win Keaa«r [his wife was atykd Win,
finm her deganoe and aooompHshments] to Ts^
where siie had criminal connection with the
marqnia, km- hroAer, The duke angrily re-
proaciied hc», and she told tlie marqnia of it'

Par. 2. In continnatioa of tiie last Cbnen,
TboHihe aaya: — *Th€ tmar^miB feaated the dnke^
and then, [liaying made him drunk], employed
P'ing-sing, a half brother of his own, to take
him to Alt lodgiag in his carriage. The duke
died in the carriage, and the people of Loo seat
a message to cAe tmarqioB of Ts^e, saying, ''Our
poor loid, in awe of your maiestyj did not dare
to remain quietly at h<mie, but went to renev
the old Moidship between your State <md omn.
After the ceremonies had beai all completed,
he did not come back. We do not fix the crime
on any one, but the wicked deed as humm among
all the princes, and we beg you will take the
shame of it away with FHUig-sang." On this,
thepeople of Ts*e put P'ang-s&ng to death.*

The reader will find all the incidents of
Hwan's yisit to Ts'e, his wife's misconduct, hit
death, &c., graphically told in the ^ History of
the Different States,' Bk.Xin. As to Confndsi*
silence about them in the text, see the note to
Lzi.4. Choo He says yery lamely, 'Confacioi
giyes a straightforward narration, and hit
judgment lies in the facts themselyes. When
he says, **The duke met with the marquis d
Ts*e in such and such a place; the duke sod
his wife KSang went to Ts<e; the duke died in
Ts'e; the duke's coffin came fh>m Ts^e; die
duke's wife withdrew to Ts^e;"— with such en-

ykjlr xvin.

DUKE HWAN.

tries plainly before our eyes, we oonld under-
stand the nature of them without any Chuen.'

^ft is to be taken here as ^ft SSf ■- >f{S>

Hhe coffin with the body in it ;* — see tne diction-
ary, in voc.

Par. 8. [Tso-she gives here two narratives :—
'In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e went with a
force to Show-che, and there Tsze-we [the new
earl of Ch*ing; see the Chuen at the end of last
year] went to have a meeting with him, Kaou
K^u-me being in attendance as his minister.
In the 7th month, on Mow-seuh, the msrquis
put Tsze-we to death, and caused Kaou K'eu-
me to be torn in pieces by chariots. After ihis^
Chae Chung sent to Ch*in for another son of
duke Chwang, met him, and made him earl of
Ch*ing. When Tsze-we and K^eu-me were setting
out for Show-che, Chae Chung, knowing what
would happen, made a pretence of being ill, and
would not accompany them. Some people said,
** Chse Chung escaped by his intelligence,'* and
he himself said that it was so.'

'The duke of Chow [Hih-keen; see the
Chuen on V. 6] wished to murder king Chwang,
and set his brother K4h [the king's brother;
another son of king Hwan] on the throne. Sin
Pih told the king of it, and then he and the king
put the duke of Chow, Hih-keen, to death,
while the king's brother K*ih fled to Yen.
Formerly, Tsse-e [the designation of K^ih] was
the favourite with king Hwan, who placed him

under the care of the duke of Chow. Sin Pih
remonstrated with the duke^ saying, ** Equal queens
[t. s., a concubine made the eqiud of the
queen], equal sons [u «., the son of a concubine
put on the same level as the queen's son], two
governments ft. s., favourites made equal to
ministers], and equal cities [i, e., any other for-
tified city made as large as the capital] : — these
all lead to disorder." The duke paid no heed to
this advice, and he consequently came to hit
badendS}

[The marquis of Ts*e, having committed
incest with his sister, and murdered his brother-
in-law, proceeded to execute the justice which
the former of these narratives describes to awe
princes and people into silence about his own
misdeeds. The division of the body by five
chariots was a horrible punishment. The
head, the two arms, and two legs were bound,
each to a carriage in which an oz was yoked,
each animal placed in a separate direction.
The oxen were then urged and beaten till the
head and limbs were torn from the body.]

Far. 4. The burial took pUce later than it
should have done; and indeed, according to
Kung and Kuh, it should not have taken place
at all until the real murderer of the duke was
punished. But what could Loo do in the cir-
cumstances? The evil man had come to an
evil end; and the best plan was to consign his
coffin to the earth.

BOOK HL DCKE CHWAXG.

Fir^ y^ar.

43ESi«^fl«l

f6^

A3E

^aSoT ^

^gj- **: #,

^b, J^ JS ^, H :|^ # IP. A H ffl ^. ^ 7C i
ijt.^ 1^ ifc. II g. ::f ^ ^. i«c ^ « ^. If

[It was] the [duke's] first year, the spring, the king's first

month.
In the third month, the [late duke's] wife retired to Ts*e.
8 In summer, the earl of Shen escorted the king's daughter.

4 In autumn, a reception house was built for the king's daugh-

ter outside [the city wall],

5 In winter, in the tenth month, on Yih-hae, Lin, marquis of

Ch'in, died.

6 The king sent Shuh of Yung [to Loo] to confer on duke

Hwan [certain] symbols of his favour.

7 The king's daughter went to her home in Ts'e.

8 An army of Ts*e carried away [the inhabitants of] P*ing,

Tsze, and Woo, [cities of] Ke.

Tear I.

DUKE CHWANG.

Title of the Book. — ^£ ^, 'Duke

Chwang.' This was the son of Hwan, whose
hirth is chronicled in IL Yi.5, and who reoeiyed

the name of T^ng (|@[), in the manner de-
scribed in the Chuen on that paragraph. He
was therefore now in his 18th year. The
honorary title Chwang denotes — * Conqneror of

enemies and Subduer of disorder (ffi^ ti^ ^

Chwang's rule lasted 82 years, B.C. 692—661.
His first year synchronized with the 4th year of

king Chwang (^^; the 5th of Seang (|^) of
Ts<e; the 13th of Min CJt^) of Tsin; the 7th of
Hwuy (&>t and the 8d of K*een-mow (gg^
^\ of Wei [Hwuy is the Soh of n.XTi.5. See

the Chuen there] ; the 2d of Gae (^) of Ts'ae ;

the 8th of Le, and the 1st of Tsze-e, of Ch'ing
[see the Chuen appended to II. xviii 8]; the 9th

of Chwang (^) of Ts'aou ; the 7th of Chwang
(^0C) of Chin; the 11th of Tsing (j||) of Ke
C|^; Uie 17th of Chwang (^) of Sung; the

5th of Woo ( jl^} of Ts*in ; and the 48th of Woo

of Ts*oo.

Par. 1. See on 1.1.1, and n. LI. There is
here the same incompleteness of the text as in
I. i. 1 ; and no doubt for tiie same reason, — that
the usual ceremonies at the commencement of
the rule of a new marquis were not obserred.
The young marquis's father had been basely
murdered; he took his place; but with as little
obsenration as possible. Tso-she says that * the

phrase gQ 4ff is not used here because W&n

Keang [his mother] had left the State.' This
occasions some difficulty, as will be seen, with
the next par.

Far. 2. The char, .j^, read sun, and in the
8d tone, is— j^, <to retire/ 'to withdraw ;'— a

euphemism for ^fi^, 'fled.* It is evident that

Wftn Keang had returned from Ts'e to Loo;
— ^when she did so, does not appear. From Tso-

she's obserration aboye, that the phrase ^H^ftSr

wasomittedintheaocountof Chwang's accession,
because his mother was then in Ts'e, it would
appear as if she returned subsequently to that
event. But that explanation of the omission is
inadmissible; and the view of Miaou and others
is much more probable, that she had returned
to Loo at the same time that tlie coffin and
corpse of duke Hwan were brought to it. She
probably felt her position there exceedingly un-
pleasant. Guilty of incest with her brother,
and of complicity in the murder of her husband,
she could not be looked kindly on by her son or
the people of Loo; and now therefore she fled
to Ts*e.
Mysteries are found in the omission of the

words ^ ^, ' the hidy Keang,' after ^ ^,
on which we need not touch. Tso-shc says they
are left out, ' as a disowning of her, and not

acknowledging her kinship; — as was proper;'
but even this is doubtful.

Kung and Kuh give a very strange view of
the par. They think that W&n Keang had not
returned at all to Loo; and that duke Chwang,
just at this period of the mourning for his
father, was led to think sorrowfully of her
absence, and ordered the entry in the text to be
made about her. This is clearly most unlikely

in itself, and contrary to the usage of .j^, which

we shall meet with in other passages.

Far. 8. A treaty of marriage had for mord
than a year been going on between Loo, on
behalf of the royal House, on the one hand, and
TB*e on the other. When the king wanted to
marry one of his daughters to any of the princes,
it was considered inconsistent with his dignity
to appear in the matter himself ; and a prince of
the same surname was employed as intemuncius
and manager. This duty was frequently de-
volved on the princes of Loo ; and Hwan had
undertaken it in this instance. His meeting with
the marquis of Ta^e at Luh, in the first month
of last year, had reference perhaps to this very
matter. When the marriage was fixed, the rule
was that the king sliould send the lady, escorted
by a high minister, to the court of the managing
prince ; and there she was met or sent for by
her future husband.

Accordingly, we have in the text the earl [a
royal minister, so titled^ of Shen [the name of
the city assigned to hini in the royal domain]

escorting the lady ( ^ "US, a royal Ke] to Loo.

On this view of the paragraph, all is plain; but

instead of ij^, Kung and Kuh, followed in this

instance by the K'ang-he editors, have \,

' met' This necessitates our understanding fa

'I H> as the surname and designation of an officer
of Loo, specially commissioned, somehow, to
meet and convoy the king's daughter to Loo.
One can easily see how ^j^ and ^^, might be

mistaken, the one for the other. There can be
no doubt, it seems to me, that Tso-she's reading
should be followed.

Far. 4. It was autumn, when the king's
daughter arrived at the capital of Loo. The ca se
was a hard one, as Chwang was still in mourn-
ing for his father. To be managing the marriage
of the king's daughter to the man who had
murdered his own father, was a greater difficulty
still. The case was met, in part at least, by
not receiving the lady in the palace or the an-
cestral temple, but building a Bb> a sort of hall
or reception-house for her, outside the city. Tso-
she says, 'This was treating her as an outsider

(jS ^h);— which was proper.*

Far. 6. ^f is used here as in the Shoo, V.

viii. 4, meaning the symbols of investiture or
more generally of royal favour. These were of
9 kinds, all of which could be conferred only
on the holder of a fief of the first class, — a duke
or a marquis. An earl might have seven of
them ; a viscount or a baron, 6. The proper place
for conferring them was the court, on the
noble's personal appearance; but they might also

TOL. T.

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOR m.

be Bent ;— as in the Shoo, V. xiii. 25. To confer
them, as here, on a dead man, seems very
strange; and on a man who had been stained
with crime, is stranger still. Whatever the
gifts were, they would be treasured in Loo as
royal testimonials to the excellence of duke
Hwan. Yung [the clan-name] Shuh [the de-
signation] was a great officer of the court.
According to the analogy of other passages,

there ought to be ^ before T. It may have

slipped out of the text, or been unwittingly
omitted by the historiographers.

Par. 8. Ts^e here takes an important step

in carrying out its cherished purpose of ex-

tinguishing the State of Ke. FHng is referred
to somewhere in the pres. dep. of Ts'ing-chow;

Tsze [so ^1 is read], to dls. of Ch*ang-yih ( S

&.), same dep.; and Woo to a place 60 He to the

south-west of dis. Gan-k*ew (^f ji^ ^*l*-
Tse-nan. These were three towns or cities of
Ke, the inhabitants of which the marquis of
Ts'e removed within his own State, peopling
them also, we must suppose, with his own sub-
jects. Kuh-leang wrongly supposes that the
three names are those of three small States,
absorbed by Ts*e at this time in addition to Ke.
But the end of Ke was not yet.

Second year.

WMM -f- ^m^2i

m Bife n.

II. 1

In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second

month, there was the burial of duke Chwang of Ch*in.
In summer, duke [Hwan's] son K'ing-foo led a force, and

invaded Yu-yu-k'ew.
In autumn, in the seventh month, the king's daughter,

[married to the marquis] of Ts'e, died.
In winter, in the twelfth month, the [late duke's] wife, the

lady Keang, had a meeting with the marquis of Ts*e in

Choh.
On Yih-yew, P'ing, duke of Sung, died.

Par. 2. K*ing-foo was the name of a half-
brother of duke Chwang, older than he, but the

son of a concubine. Older than Chwang, he should
be designated M&ng (^g); but as not being
the son of the rightful wife^ he was only styled
Chung (iW)> and his descendants became the

Chung-sun (/4w ^&) dan, which subsequently

was changed into M&ng-sun (^[^r) ; — see the
note in the Analects on n.v.l. Kung-yang is
wrong in saying he was a younger full brother
of Chwang ; — how could a boy of 10 or there-

abouts be commanding on a military expedition?
Too says that Yu-yu-k*ew was the name of s
State, while Kung, Kuh, and Ying-tah, all make

it a dty of Choo (^JJ). Toe's view ii to be

preferred ; and from the foreign, barbarous, tri-
syllabic aspect of the name, we may infer tbit
the State was that of some wild tribe, not far
fh>m Loo.

Par. 8. The ^Jg^ says the lady pined

away, and died broken-hearted, on finding vbat
sort of a husband she was mated to. Her death
is entered here, contrary to the rule in wch
matters, probably because Loo had superintend-

jtkab m.

DUKE CHWANG.

ed the marriage, and she might be considered
as one of the daughters of the State. See a re-
ference to the death of this lady, and duke
Chwang's wearing rooaming for her 9 months,
in the Le Ke, II. Ft n. i. 18.

Par. 4. The critics are unanimous in suppos-
ing that this par. implies that Wftn Keang had
■gain returned to Loo, after her withdrawment

to Ts*e in the 3d month of last year. Choh
[Kung-yang has ^R] was in Ts*e, on its west-
em border. Tso-she says plainly that the
object of the meeting was a repetition of the
former crime.

Par. 5. See the Chuen appended to I. iii. 5,
and the note on II.ii.3.

Third year.

MA ms.m Mm n.

o ^

III. 1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first

montn, Neih joined an army of Ts*e in invading WeL

2 In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of

duke Chwang of Sung.

3 In the fifth month, there was the burial of king Hwan.

4 In autumn, the third brother of *[the marquis of] Ke en-

tered with [the city of] Hwuy under [the protection of]
Ts*e.

5 In winter the duke halted in Hwah.

Par. 1. Compare I. ir. 5. We have here the
name Neih, just as in that par. we have the
name Hwuy. Tso-she says here, as there, that
the omission of j^nTy *<l^e'8 son,* before the
name, indicates the sage's dislike of the indivi-
dual and his enterprise (^E^ ^^ 'Wj)i ^"^^

though that omission has no such significance,
the invasion of Wei was certainly most blame-
worthy. SSdh the marquis of Wei, stained with
atrocious crimes, had fled to Ts'e, in the 16th
year of Hwan, and K*een-mow, with the ap-

groTal of the king [see VI. 1], had been raised to
is place; yet here we have Ts*e moving to re-
store Soh, and Loo, forgetting its own injuries
received from Ts'e, joining in the attempt.

Par. 3. Tso-she remarks that this burial was
late; and late it was, as king Hwan had died in
the 15th year of duke Hwan. Some reason
there must have been for deferring the inter-

ment so long, but we know not what. Eung and

Kuh, without any evidence in support of their

view, suppose that this was a second burial, — the

removal of the coflin from its first resting place

to another.

Par. 4. The marquis of Ee was of course the

eldest brother of his family (iR)f and the one

here mentioned would be his dd or his 4th

brother. Hwuy was a city of Ee, — in the pres.

dis. of Liu-tsse (E€ *J&)t dep. Ts'ing-chow.

Ts^e had begun to carry into effect its purpose
of annexing the State of Ee (see 1. 8). This
brother of the marquis, seeing the approaching
fate of the whole State, makes oflTer of the city
and district under his charge, and enters Ts*e
as a Fuo-yung, or attached State, in which he
might preserve the sacrifices to his ancestors.
Tao-she says that ^ Ee now began to be divided.'

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKm.

Par. 5. Hwah (Kang and Kuh have ^|)),
ace. to Too, belonged to Ch4ng; — in Suy Chow
XRk tH)* clep- Kwei-tih; but Maou and many
other recent critics think it was the name of a
small State near to Ch4ng. Tso-she says that
the duke wanted to have a meeting with the
earl of Ch4ng (Tsze-e), to consult if any thing
could be done for Ke, but that the earl pleaded

his own difficulties [arising from his brother
Tuh], and declined a meeting. In explanation
of the term ^^, Tso adds: — 'In all military
expeditions, where a halt is made for one night,
it is called 3^; where it is for two nights, it is

called ig ; and when for more than two nights,
it is called ^/

Fourth year.

IS.

m n.

MUO

m m MoM A A 1^ T.^M ^.z mM ^ ? h

IV. 1 In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's second

month, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Eeang, feasted
the marquis of Ts'e at Chuh-k*ew.

2 In the third month, [duke Yin's] eldest daughter, [who had

been married to the marquis] of Ke, died.

3 In summer, the marquis of Ts*e, the marquis of Ch^in, and

the earl of Ch'ing.met at Ch^uy.

4 The marquis of Ke made a grand leaving of his State.

Y«AE V.

DUKE CHWANG.

In the sixth month, on Yih-ch^ow, the marquis of Ts*e

interred [duke Yin's] eldest daughter of Ke.
It was autumn, the seventh month.
In winter, the duke and an officer of Ts*e hunted in Choh.

Par. 1. Chuh-k*ew, — see on II. v. 5. It ap-
pean from this that the duke's mother had
returned to Loo, after her meeting with her
brother in II. 4. Her now getting him to come
to Loo, and openly feasting him, shows how they
were becoming more and more shameless.

Par. 2. This is the lady whose marriage was
chronicled in I. ii. 5, 6. The death of daughters
of the House of Loo who had been married to
other princM was chronicled by the historio-
graphers ; and sometimes their burial also.

^so-she adds here; — 'In the 8d month of
this year, king Woo of Ts*oo, made new arrange-
ments for marshalling the army, and supplied
the soldiers with the hooked spear. He was
then going to inrade Suy; and, being about to
fast before the delivery of the new weapons, he
went into his palace, and told his wife, Man
of T*ftng [see the Chuen after n. xiiL 1] that his
heart felt all-agitated. "Your majesty's life
[lit., revennesl," said she, sighing, " is near an
end. After fulness comes that dissipation ;—
such is the way of Heayen. The former rulers
[in whose temple he was going to fast] must
know this ; and therefore, at the commencement
of this military undertaJung, when you were
about to issue your great commands, they have
thus agitated your majesty's heart. If the ex-
pedition take no damage, and your majesty die
on the march, it will be the nappiness of the
State." The king marched immediately after
this, and died under a mun tree. The chief
minister [see Ana. V. xyiii.]. Tow E'e, and the
Moh-gaou, K'euh Ch*ung, made a new path,
bridged oyer the Cha, and led their army close
to Say, the inhabitants of which were afraid,
and asked for terms of peace. The Moh-gaou,
as if by the king's command, entered the city,
and made a coyenant with the marquis of Suy,
asldng him also to come to a meeting on the
north of the Han, after which the army returned.
It was not till it had crossed the Han that the
kingf 8 death was made known, and the funeral
rites began.n

Par. 8. Ch^y,— see I. yiii. 1. The meeting
here had reference, probably, to Ke, which was
now near its end as an independent State. Hoo
Gan-kwoh and many other critics think Tuh,
or duke Le, is the earl of Ching here intended ;

but much more likely is the view that it was
Tsze-e [see the Chuen after p. 6 of n. xviii.].

The word ^B is used instead of ^^, probably

because the meeting wanted some of the usual
formalities.

Par, 4. Tso-she says : — * The marquis of Ko
was unable to submit to Ts*e, and gaye oyer
the State to his dd brother. In summer, he
took a grand leaye of it, to escape the oppression
of Ts*e.' The poor marquis was unable to cope
with his relentless enemy, and rather than
sacrifice the liyes of the people in a yaln strug-
gle, he gaye the State over to his brother, who
had already put himself under the jurisdiction
of Ts*e (III. 4). Too says that < to leaye and not
return is called a grand leaying.' The phrase is
here complimentary. Kung-yang, indeed, argues
that the style of the paragraph, concealing the
fact that T8*e now extinguished the State of Ke,
was designed to gloss oyer the wickedness of the
marquis of Ts*e in the act, because he thereby
reyenged the wrong done in B. C. 893 to one of
his -ancestors, who was boiled to death at the
court of Chow, haying been slandered by the
then lord of Ke I The marquis of Ts*e, therefore,
was now only discharging a duty of reyenge in
destroying the House of Ke ! Into such yagaries
do the critics fall, who will find * praise or cen-
sure' in the turn of eyery sentence in this
Classic.

Par. 5. The leaying his wife unburied shows
to what straits the prince of Ke had been re-
duced, when he went away. The marquis of
Ts*e, we may suppose, now performed the duty of
interment, with ill the honours due to the lady's
rank, partly in compliment to Loo, and partly
to conciliate the people.

Par. 7. Here, as in IL 4, Kung-yang has

^^ instead of j^. Both Kung and Kuh say

that by ^RK la intended the marquis of Ts*e

himself; but Too simply says the phrase^

1j^ ^S% * A mere officer,' adding that the nature

of the whole transaction, — ^the duke's crossing
his own borders and hunting in another State
with one of inferior rank,~i8 sufficiently ap-
parent

Fifth year.

ioi ^ MoW'.

A, A,

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK m.

^ tIc gB. ^ feu

V. 1 It was [the duke's] fifth year, the spring, the king's first
month.

2 In summer, [<Juke Hwan s] wife, the lady Eeang went to

the army of Ts*e.

3 In autumn, Le-lae of E paid a visit to our court.

4 In winter, the duke joined an officer of Ts'e, an oflicer of

Sun^, an officer of Ch^in, and an officer of Ts^ae, and
invaded Wei.

Par, 2. The army of Ts^e was probably in
Ke at this time. Wftn Keang now joined her
brother, in the sight of thousands. Wang Paou
says: — *The month of former meetings, as at
Choh and Chuh-k^ew, was mentioned, intimat-
ing that after some days the marquis and his
sister separated. Here the season is given,
intimating that they remained together for
months.'

Par. 3. E QKung-yang has i^) was a small

attached territory under the juriediction of
Sung, — ^in pres. dis. of T*ftng, dep. Yen-chow.
Its chief, as Tso says, had not received from the

king any symbol of dignity (^P ^ '^)> '^^

therefore he is mentioned by his name, — ^Le (Tso
has ^9)-lae. The chiefs of attached territoriei

are mentioned both by their names, and desig-
nations. Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks that the name
indicates that the territory is that of some bar-
barous tribe. Tung Chung-shoo (^t ^ ^ ;

early in the Han dyn.) says that when Uie ter-
ritory contained 80 square le, the chief wss
mentioned by his designation; when it had odIj
20 square le, simply by his name. All this ii
very doubtful.

Par. 4. The object of this expedition was the
restoration of Soh, or duke Hwuy ; — see U. XTi5.

Sia^th year.

%^mz m.^ m iu.3t i^Mmr^^^K

SS.;?^ ^ ^ ;& ^ «.

n ^ M.z ^ m.

2r»^ >^^ JUL -f JJ:

Year VII.

VI. 1

DUKE CHWAXG.

3
4

In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, Tsze-tuh, an officer of the king, [endeavoured to]
relieve [the capital of] Wei.

In summer, in the sixth month, Soh, marquis of Wei, en-
tered [the capital of] Wei.

In autumn, the duke arrived from the invasion of Wei.

There were the mm^-in sects.

In winter, an officer of Ts^e came to present [to Loo] the
spoils of Wei.

Par. 1. Kang and Kuh both read here

^^^ instead of J^. The king made an effort

to support Wei against the attempt to re-instate
Soh ; bat his ministers all declined the risk of
conmianding the expedition. Only Tsze-tuh in
the text, not even a * great oflScer/ would hazard
himself on the enterprize. Too, followed by
Ying-tah, and a host of others, consider that
Tsze-tuh was the officer's designation, while
Kung and Kuh have many critics, and among
them for once Maou K'e-iing, affirming that
it was his name. I think the former view is the
correct one.
Par. 2. As Soh had been dt facto marquis of

Wei, the y^ -^ 'SSt here, as descriptive of his

restoration, is peculiar. Comp. II. xi. 5, zv. 5 ;
€i id. The phrase seems to be condemnatory of
him, entering as an enemy into his capital.
Tso-she says: — *In summer, the marquis of
Wei entered ; drove Kung-tsze K*een-mow [see
the Chuen to II. xvi. 6] to Chow, and Ning Kwei
to Tsln; and put to death Seeh and Chih, the
sons of duke Hwan by the two ladies on the
right and left of the harem. After this he took
his place as marquis. The superior man will
say, " The action of the two sons of duke Hwan
in raising K'een-mow to the marquisate was ill-
considered. He who would be able to make
sure the seat to which he raises any one, must
measure the beginning and the end of his protege,
and then establish him as circumstances direct.
If he know the individual to have no root in
himself, he dismisses him from his plans. If he
know that his root will not produce branches, it is
vain to try to strengthen him. The Book of Poetry
says, **The root and the branches increase for
ft hundred generations (She III. i. 1. 2)."

Par. 4. See I. v. 6.

Par. 5. Kung and Kuh both read ^p here

for jSL, and Tso-she also has ^f in his Chuen,

so that Too suspects jS^ to be an error

of the text. It need not be so, however, for

jSL may signify either prisoners or precious

spoils generally. See an instance of the latter
application of it in the Preface to the Shoo, p.
14. Tso-she says that this gift of the spoils of
Wei was made at tlie request of W&n-keang.

[The Chuen adds here:— King Wftn of Ts*oo
was invading Shin and passed by T'ftng. K'e,
marquis of T*&ng, said, *' He is my sister's son ;*'
and thereupon detained and feasted him. Three
other sisters' sons, called Chuy, Tan, and Yang
requested leave to put the viscount [i. e., the soi-
disant king] to death, but the marquis refused
it. " It is certainly this man," said they, " who
will destroy the State of T'ftng. If we do not
take this early measure, hereafter you will
have to gnaw your navel; — will you then be
able to take any measures ? This is the time to
do what should be done.*' The marquis, how-
ever, said, " /// do this deed, no man will hereaf-

ter eat from my board [

* what I have

left;' f e., what remains to me for my own use,
after all the sacrificial offerings]." They replied,
"If you do not follow our advice, even the
altars will have no victims, and where will you
hereafter get food to put on your board ?" Still
the marquis would not listen to them ; and in the
year after he returned from invading Shin, the
viscount of Ts*oo attacked T^&ng. In the 16th
year of duke Chwany, he again attacked and ex-
tinguished it.]

Seventh year.

# ^m mm w^MtT^^

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK III.

VII.

«f. ^. ifco n n m r^ M^^.^.^ ^ ^ ±

i> u

# ^o M ^

T # #. 0.

In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, [duke Hwan's]
wife, the lady Eeang, had a meeting with the mar-
quis of Ts*e at Fang.

In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-maou, at night,
the regular stars were not visible. At midnight,
there was a fall of stars like rain.

In autumn, there were great floods, so that there was no
wheat nor other grain in the blade.

In winter, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Eeang, had a
meeting with the marquis of Ts*e in Kuh.

Par. 1. Fang, — ^see 1. ix. 6. As Fang was in
Loo, Tso-she says that this meeting was sought
by Ts'e. Of cotirse, when a meeting between the
brother and sister was in Ts'e, he would say
that Wftn Keang was the mover to it.

Par. 2. ^^ is read hient * to appear,' * to be
visible.' For the 1st J^ Kuh-leang has ^ ;
and for BB, in this othe^and passages, Kung-

yang has ^|^. K^ng Ying-tah says, < The term

" night " covers all the space from dusk to dawn,
but as we have here *^ midnight " specified, we
must understand the previous " night " of the
time before midnight, — the time after twilight.
Then the stars were not visible ;— it is not said
that they were not visible during all the night.

Kuh-leang reads ^^ for ^^, and defines ^^

as meaning the time between sundown and the
appearance of the stars. But during this time
of course the stars would not be visible, and
why should that regularly recurring fact be
mentioned in the text as a thing remarkable ? '

^y tB ^^ ^® <^^ ^ understand the stars
generally, — all 'constantly, regularly,* visible,
or that may be expected to be so. Maou Se-ho
would confine the phrase to the stars in the 28

constellations of the zodiac, and take the ^^
below of the other stars. But it is not neces-

sary to do so. Before midnight the sky was veiy
bright, as if a flush of sunlight were still upon it,
so that the stars were not visible as usual. As
Tso-she says, 'The night was bright.' After mid-
night came a grand shower of meteors. The

phrase .^S K^^O ^« '^® ^^^'^ '^^ ^ rain,'
seems plain enough. Tso, however, and Kuh-
leang take 'hfi "» fjlil ' And.' The former says :

—'The stars fell along with the rain ;' the lat-
ter, ' There fell stars, and it rained.' Kung-yang
says, without giving any authority, that, before
Confucius revised the text of the Ch*un Ts'ew

of Loo, this entry was— ^ M >f^ iR Mfc

/^ ifil ^S' ' ^^ riuned stars to within a foot
of the earth, when they reascended I'
Par.8. ^^^,'-*9^lL'\,h\eial At

this time the wheat was getting to be ripe,
while the rice, millet, &c., were only in the blade.
The floods washed all away; yet Tso-she says
'they did not hurt the good grain,' meaning
there was still time to sow the paddy and millet
again, and reap a crop before the winter. The
K'ang-he editors cast out of the text this re-
mark of Tso's; indicating thereby, as on other
occasions of the same suppression, their dissent
from it

Par. 4. Kuh belonged to Ts'e, — ^was in the
pres. dis. of Tung-o r^& jSpj"), dep. Ven-chow.

Eighth year.

^. A.

Ik J^

=f jE a*

n.^.

^ ^

TxAR vni.

DUKE CHWANG.

©mm AM ^M.^ nzst^m ^.tj rt^m.*

m.St i: ® ^ s » 0.^ ja « ra #1 effi WM m n

«l e m.tk ik PI* ^ + ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ft ti.eiS ^

m^^ BM m m ^oM.^^ t ^ s « ja e® u:^

^ 0.^ ^^A MM U.im Si rfij
^ ® J£ ijl^ m ^ ^.T ^1 ^ # 0.

^ K T ^ rfli %M n ^.^ ^ :&

•^ ti.>^ ^ ^ li A ^.0 J* 0 JD^

j^ E f .T <: z.± M. m.zM m

^.ZM ^.^ ^ t^ ^ 0 ^ ^.

VIIL 1

In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, [our] array halted at Lang, to wait for the
troops of Ch'in, and the troops of Ts'ae.

2 On Keah-woo, we exercised the soldiers in the use of their

weapons.

3 In summer, [our] army and the army of Ts*e besieged

Shing. Shing surrendered to the army of Ts*e.

4 In autumn, [ourj army returned.

5 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Kwei-we, Woo-che

of Ts*e murdered his ruler, Choo-urh.

Par. 2. Kang-yang reads jjj^ for V^, but
with the same meaning. Tso-she says that tha
^/j^ ^£, whaterer it was, took place in the an-
cestral temple, and was proper. Bnt it took place,
evidently, at Lang, while the troops were halting
for those of Tshie and Ch'in. As to the expres-
sion J/j^ ^£, it is a technical phrase, the exact
meaning of which it is difficult to determine.

Par. 1. Lang, — see L ix. 4 ; et al The duke
had probably maide an agreement with the princes
of Ch*in and Ts'ae to join in the attack on Shing ;
and as their troops had not arriyed at the time
agreed on, the army of Loo was obliged to wait
for them here at Lang. This is the natural
explanation of the par. Fan Ning, on Kuh-leang,
and Ho Hgw, on &ung-yang, suppose that the
halting of the troops at Lang was to meet a real
or pretended invasion of Loo by Ts'ae and Ch4n.

TOIiT.

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKIIL

In the Chow Le, XXIX. 25^43, we haye an
account of the hnntings at the fonr eeasons of
the year, and the military exercises practised in
connection with them, under the direction of the
minister of War. At mid-spring tlie men were
taught X^ jj^; at mid-summer, 4^ <^; at

mid-autumn, ^/^ ^£; and at mid-winter, y^

^. Biot there translates >(^^^yj^^

hy * au miUeu de Fautomne il enseigne l^art de faxrt
la guerrty ou amduirt Its soldaU en expeditioiL* But
J^ was not used anciently for * soldiers,' but
for weapons of war, especially pointed, offensiye
weapons, though buff-coats and shields may also
be admitted under the term. 1 think that
denotes the putting the weapons, o£Fen-

five and defensive, in order, and the methods
of attack. Some critics find fault with Tso's
saying that the yj£> JpC was in order here,
when the exercise was appropriate to mid-
autumn; but it was so appropriate only in times
of peace. Now Loo was engaged in war, and it
waa then appropriate, whenever it would be
advantageous.

Par. 8. Shing (Kung has J^)>~0ee L v. 3.
As no mention is made of Tshie and ChHn, their
troops probably had not come up at all. And
we do not know the circumstances sufficiently
to understand why Shing surrendered to Ts*e
alone, and not to the allied army of T8*e and
Loa That a slight was done to Loo, we under-
stand from the Chuen: — *Wlien Shing surren-
dered to the army of T8*e, Chung K*ing-foo
asked leave to attack that army. The duke
said, "No. It is I who am really not virtuous.
Of what crime is the array of Ts*e guilty ? The
crime is all from me. The Book of Hea says:—
'Kaou-yaou vigorously sowed abroad his vir-
tue, and it made the people submissive (But
see on the Shoo, II. ii. 10).' Let us meanwhile
give ourselves to the cultivation of our virtue,
and bide our time."* It would appear from
this narrative that duke Chwang was himself
with the army, though the style of all the
paragraphs makes us conclude that he was not
himself commanding.

Par. 4. The return of an army is not usually
chronicled in the Ch*un Ts'gw as it is here.
Tso-she observes that from the mention of it
here the superior man will commend duke
Chwang. It is not easy to see the point of the
remark, unless we take it as referring to the
duke's words in the preceding Chuen.

Par. 6. Choo-urh was the name of the marq uis
of Ts*e, — duke Seang. Woo-che was a son of E
Chung-nSen (|^ |l{t ^), an uncle of the
marquis. The marquis and he therefore were

first cousins. The Chuen on this par. is:—
* The marquis of Ts'e had sent Leen Ch^ing snd
Kwan Che-foo to keep guard at K*wei-k*ev.
It was the season of melons when they left the
capital, and he said, ^ When the melons sre in
season again, I will relieve you." They kept
gpiard for twelve months ; and no word coming
from the marquis, they requested to be relieved.
But their request was refused, and in conse-
quence they fell to plot rebellion.

' E Chung-neen, own brother to duke He, had
left a son, called Kung-sun Woo^he, who wm
a favourite with He, and had been placed by
him, so far as his robes and other distinctionfl
were concerned, on the same footing as a son of
his own. Duke Seang, however, had degraded
him. The two generals, jtherefore, associated
themselves with him to carry out their pUos.
There was a first cousin also of Leen Chlng in
the duke's harem, who had lost his favour, snd
her they employed as a spy upon his move-
ments, Woo-che having declared to her that, if
their enterprise were successful, he would msks
her his wife.

*In winter, in the 11th month, themarqnii
went to amuse himself at Koo-fun, and wu
hunting on Pei-k*ew, when a large boar msde
his appearance. One of the attendants stid,
"It is the Kung-tsze F*ftng-sftng [see the
Chuen on II. xvii. 3]." The marquis wu
enraged and said, " Does F'ftng-sftng dsre to
show himself." With this he shot at the
creature, which stood up on iu hind legs like
a man, and howled. The marquis was afnid,
and fell down in his carriage, injuring one of
his feet, and losing the shoe. Having returned
[to the palace where he was lodging], he re-
quired his footman Pe to bring the shoe, and
when it could not be found, scourged him, till
the blood flowed. Pe ran out of the room, and
met several assassins at the gate, who seized and
bound him. " Should I oppose you? " said Pe,
baring his body, and showing them his back, on
seeing which they believed him. He then request-
ed leave to go in before them, when he hid the
marquis, came out again, and fought with them
till he was killed in the gate. Shib-che Fim-joo
died fighting on the stairs, on which the assai-
sins entered the chamber, and killed Miog
Yang [who had taken the marquis' place] in
the bed. "This is not he," they soon criei
" It is not like him." They then discovered the
duke's foot, [where he was hiding] behind the
door, murdered him, and raised up Woo-che in
his place.

* Before this, when duke Seang came to the
marquisate, Paou Shuh-ya, seeing his inegn*
hiritiea, said, " llie prince is making the people
despise him; — ^there will soon be disorder;" and
he fled to Ken with He's son Seaou-pih. When
the disorder broke out, Kwan E-woo and Shaoa
Hwuh fled to Loo with Kew, another of He'i
sons.

' Before his elevation, Kung-sun Woo-che hid
behaved oppressively to Yung Lin.'

It will be seen from this narrative that Woo*
che was not the actual murderer of the marqnii
of T8*e, nor indeed the first mover to the taking
of him offl Still, as he was the one who vas to
profit by his death, the Ch*un Ts*ew chargei
the deed on him. The marquis deserved his fate.

fSi^R IX.

DUKE CHWANG.

Ninth year.

M%*^ A*mA Mf^2:*%^

f*.

T^a-,

± A

^
@

.En*

"^ 0.^ ^ ii.:^.^ T UM H:.-^ M.# i^ ^.:fe

i$iM *C W.rfff ^ *t ^ # J^
m.^ ZM ^O if es ^ flq 1^

[X. 1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the people of Ts^e

killed Woo-che.

2 The duke made a covenant with [some] great officers of

Ts'e at Ke.

3 In summer, the duke invaded Ts*e, intending to instate

Kew; [but] Seaou-pih [had already] entered Ts*e.

4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ting-yew, there was

the burial of duke Seang of Ts'e.

5 In the eighth month, on K&ng-shin, we fougbt with the

army of Ts'e at Kan-she, when our army received a
severe defeat.

6 In the ninth month, the people of Ts*e took Tsze-kew, and

put him to death.

7 In winter, we deepened the Shoo.

THE CH*UN TS KW, WITH THE TSO CHrKN.

BOOK ni.

Par. 1. I translate IfR ^ here hy *the
people of Ts'e/ after the analogy of I. iv. 6, 7, et
aL Tso-she tells us, howeyer, that the real slayer
of Woo-che was Yung Lhi, mentioned at the end
of the last Chuen. Woo-che had taken his place
M marquis of Ts^e ; hut only a month had elapsed,
and his title had not been acknowledged by the
other princes. He is therefore mentioned in
the text simply by his name.

Par. 2. Ee (Kung and Kuh hare fB) was in

Loo,— BO le to the east of the dis. city of Yih

(fl^)i dep* Yen-chow. On the death of Woo-

che, great officers were sent to Loo to arrange
about making Kew, who had taken refuge there
soon after the murder of duke Seang, marquis
in his room. This was the subject of the cove-
nant at Ke. Tso-she explains the fact of the
duke*s covenanting with them, a thing beneath
his dignity, by saying that there was at this time
no ruler in Ts*e.

Par. 8. It does not immediately appear why
the duke should invade Ts'e to instate Kew, see-
ing that Kew's elevation had been matter of
covenant betweexk him and representatives of
Ts'e. Opposition, probably, was anticipate!
from Seaou-pih, and the military force was to
provide against it. But the duke's movements
were not speedy enough to effect his object.

Tso-she, both in his text and Chuen, has -7*

ffff instead of j^, which would indicate that

Kew was the older of the two brothers. And
the evidence does preponderate in favour of
this view, though the opposite one has many
advocates of note. The K*ang-he editors spend
A whole page in reviewing the question. The
Chuen on VIII. 4 states that Seaou-pih had fled
to Keu, and here it is said: — *Duke Hwan had
been beforehand in entering Ts'e from Keu.'

Par. 4. It was now the ninth month since
the murder of the marquis. His burial had
been deferred in consequence of the troubles of
the State.

Par. 6. Kan-she was in Ts<e,— in the north
of pres. dis. of Poh-hing (|:$^), dep. Ts*ing-
chow. Notwithstanding that Seaou-pih had
anticipated his brother, and got possession of
Ts'e, the duke t>f Loo persevered in his efforts
in favour of Kew, and suffered this defeat

SaJH, —see on II jdii. 1. Tso-she says : — * At

this battle the duke lost his war-chariot, but
got into another, and proceeded homewards.
Tsin-tsze and Leang-tsze [who had been in the
chariot with him] took his flag, and separated
from him by a lower road [to deceive the enemy] ;
and the consequence was that they were both
taken.' Thus, the duke himself commanded in
this expedition, — a fact which the text is so
constructed as to conoeaL

Par. 6. It is here said that *the people of
Ts'e took Tsze-kew, and killed him,' but in
reality they were Loo hands which put him to
death. To require his death was cruel on the
part of Ts^e. To deliver him up, to kill him in
fact, was base in the extreme on the part of Loa
A foreigner loses all patience with Confucius
and the Ch'un Ts*ew, when he finds, the events
of history so misrepresented in it. The Chuen
says: — *Paou Shuh led an army to Loo, and
said to the duke, *' Tsze-kew is our prince's near
relative; we beg of you to take him off. Kwan
and Shaou are his enemies; we beg them to be
delivered to us, and our prince will feel satisfied."
On this we killed Tsze-kew in Sftng-tow, when
Shaou Hwuh died with him, while Kwan
Chung asked to be kept as a prisoner. Paou-
shuh received him from Loo, and set him free
when they had got to T^ang-fow. On their re-
turn to the capital, he informed the marquis of
all the circumstances, saying alsOf **Kwan £-
woo's talents for government are g^reater than
those of Kaou He [a minister and noble of Ts'e].
If you employ him as your chief minister and
helper, it will be well." The marquis followed
the advice.'

Par. 7. The Shoo was a river flowing fW)m
the north-east of Loo in a south-west direction

tiU it joined the Yuen (|^, after which their

united stream flowed on to the Sxe (fQ)« The

object in deepening it was to nmke it a better
defence against the attempts of Ts^ lie
critics are all severe against duke Chwang for
wasting his people's strength in this under-
taking. It may have been foolish and useless,
but it would be hard to extract any condemna-
tion of it from the text.

[The student who is familiar with the Ana-
lects and Mencius will now have recognized
two names well known to him ;— duke Hwan of
Ts*e, the flrst and in some respects the greatest of
the Ave pa or leaders of the princes, and Kwan
Chung, or Kwan E-woo, his chief minister.]

Tenth year.

'^M IE

Tkak X.

DUKE CHWANG.

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X. 1

2
3

In his tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the

duke defeated the army of Ts*e at Ch'ang-choh.
In the second month, the duke made an incursion into Sung.
In the third month, the people of Sung removed [tke State

of] Suh.
In summer, in the sixth month, an army of Ts^e and an

army of Sung halted at Lang. The duke defeated the

army of Sung at Shing-k*ew.
In autumn, in the ninth month, King defeated the army of

Ts*ae at Sin, and carried Heen-woo, marquis of Ts*ae,

back [to King].
In winter, in the tenth month, an army of Ts*e extinguished

T*an. The viscount of T*an fled to Keu.

THE CH'UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK ni

Par. 1. Cb'ang-choh was in Loo, but its posi-
tion has not been identified. Lo Fe (S| j^\),

says that of the dans of Shang removed by
king Ch'ing to Loo, one was called the Ch*ang-
choh, as having been located in Ch'ang-chob.
The Chuen here is: — *The army of Ts*e in-
Taded our Stcae, and the duke was about to
fight, when one Ts'aou Kwei requested to be
introduced to him. One of Kwei's fellow-
villagers said him, '^The fiesh-eaters [comp.
Ps. zxiL 29], are planning for the occasion; what
have you to do to intermeddle?" He replied,
" The flesh-eaters are poor creatures, and can-
DOt form any far-reaching plans." So he entered
and was introduced, when he asked the duke
what encouragement he had to fight. The duke
said, ** Clothes and food minister to my repose,
but I do not dare to monopolise them : — I make
it a point to share them with others." ''That,"
replied Kwei, " is but small kindness, and does
not reach to all. The people will not follow
you /or thcU." The duke said, '* In the victims,
the gems, and the silks, used in sacrifice, I do
not dare to go beyond the appointed rules: — ^I
make it a point to be sincere." *' That is but
small sincerity; it is not perfect: — the Spirits
will not bless you for that." The duke said
again, " In aU matters of legal process, whether
small or great, although I may not be able to
search them out thoroughly, I make it a point to
decide according to the real circumstances."
''That," answered Kwei, "bespeaks a leal-
heartedness: — ^you may venture one battle on
that. When you fight, I beg to be allowed to
attend you." The duke took him with him in
his chariot. The battle was fought in Ch'ang-
choh. The duke was about to order the drums
to beat an advance, when Kwei said, "Not yet;"
and after the men of Ts'e had advanced three
times with their drums beating, he said, " Now
is the time." The army of Ts'e received a
severe defeat ; but when the duke was about
to dash after them, Kwei again said, "Not
yet." He then got down, and examined the
tracks left by their chariot-wheels, remounted,
got on the front-bar, and looked after the
flying enemy. Alter this he said "Pursue;"
which the duke did. When the victoiy
had been secured, the duke asked Kwei the
reasons of what he had done. "In fighting,"
was the reply," all depends on the courageous
spirit. When the drums first beat, that excites
the spirit. A second advance occasions a dimi-
nution of the spirit; and with a third, it is ex-
hausted. With our spirit at the highest pitch we
fell on them with their spirit exhausted ; and so
we conquered them. But it is difficult to far
thom a great State; — I was afraid there might
be an ambuscade. I looked therefore at the
traces of their wheels, and found them lUl-con-
fused; I looked after their flags, and they were
drooping: — then Igave the order to pursue them."*
Par. 2. This is the first record in the text of

the military expedition called ^^, As the
word denotes ('^ -=■ ^ ^), it was a steal-
thy* incursion. Kung-yang says: fjjjfk y& Q

^^, ^m ^K 0 ^[^, 'an ill-ordered advance
is called t^'tn; one in good array is called /oA.'
Tw-he, better:-;^ Ig & 0 ifei tl

@C 0 ^C' ''"^ advance with bells snd
drums is called fah ; without them, <j*ui.' So fsi
as the text goes, this would appear to have been s
wanton attack on Sung. Maou supposes that
Sung may have been confederate with TsSs in
the previous month.

Par. 3. Suh, — see on I.L6; where it hss
been observed that Suh was a long way from

Sung. But the word 3R, ' to remove,' does not

signify that Sung continued to hold possession
of the old territory ; — it carried the people away
and all the valuables of the State into its own ter-
ritories. The affair would seem to be commemo-
rated in the name of Suh-ts'een (^fgJK), a dis. of
Seu-chow dep., in Keang-soo, which was within
the limits of Sung. We shall find ^S hereaf-
ter as a neuter verb, where the aigniScation ii

different.

Par. 4. Lang, — see VIII. 1. Shing-k'ew is re-
ferred to the dis. of Tsze-yang (j^ }jl^\ dep.

Yen-chow. If this identification be correct, then
the allied forces had moved from Lang; or per-
haps they had separated, and the army of Sang
gone north to Shing-k^ew. The Chuen says:—
'The annies of Ts'e and Sung were halting st
Lang, when Ten, a son of duke Hwan, said,
"The army of Sung is ill drawn up, and may
be defeated. If Sung be defeated, Ts'e will be
obliged to retire. I beg leave to attack tie
troops of Sung/* The duke refused, but he stole
out at the i u gate, and having covered kit
horses witii tigers* skins, fell upon the enemy.
The duke followed to support him, when they
inflicted a great defeat on the army of Sung at
Shing-k'ew; and the army of Ts'e withdrev
from Loo:

Par. 6. Here for the first time, Ts'oo^ a great
Power, appears on the stage of the Ch'nn Vuw,
though we have met with it already more than
once in the Chuen. King was the original
name of Ts'oo, and in the Ch'nn Ts'ew it is
thus named down to the 1st year of duke He.
The chiefs of Ts'oo were at fint viscounts, with

the surname Me (^£ ; the bleating of a sheepX

who traced their lineage up to the prsehistoric

times, pretending to be descended from Chnen-

heuh. The representative of the line in the

times of Wftn and Woo was Tuh-heung (S

1^); and his great-grandson, Heung-yih (m

)^), was invested by king Ching with the

lands of King Man (^^ i§^), or 'King of the
wild south,' and the title of viscount. His capital
was Tan-yang (4^ ^f^ referred to a pUce, 7
le south-east iVom the pres. dis. city of Kwei-
chow(^ j^), dep.E-ch'ang('|[^ g), Hoo-

pih. In B. C. 886, Heung-k'eu (^ ^) usoiped
the title of king, which was afterwards dropped
for a time, but permanently resumed by Heong
T'ung(|[^^), known asking Woo, in B.a703^

who also moved the capital to Ting (9J\ 10 i^

north of the pres. dep. city of King-chow (M

Tbab XI.

DUKE CHWANG.

M ). The Tiflconnt of Ts'oo at this first appear-
ance of the House in the text was king W&n
( "^ T), a SOD of Woo, by name Heung-tsze

Sin belonged to Ts^, and was in the borders of
pres. dis. of Joo-jang (|^ ^), dep. Joo-ning,

Ho-nan. Heen-woo (Kuh has j|^) was the

3^ ^fe of n. xrii. 6. The style of the par. is
unusual, the name of the State — King — ^being
mentioned, and no * viscount of King/ or * officer.'
Too finds in this an evidence of the still barbar-
ous condition of King or Ts'oo unacquainted
with the forms of the States of 'the Middle
country /

The Chuen says: — * The marquis Gae of Ts'ae
had married a daughter of the House of Ch4n,
and the marquis of Seih had married another.
When the latter kdy IJ^ j/]^ <Kwei of Seih.'

Kwei was the surname of Ch'inj on one occasion
was going baclc to Seih, she passed by Ts'ae,
and the marquis said, * She is my sister-in-law."
He detained her, therefore, and saw her, not

treating her as a guest should be treated. When

the marquis of Seih heard of it, he was enraged,

and sent a messenger to king Wftn of Ts'oo,

saying, * Attack me, and I will ask assistance

from Ts'ae, when you can attack it." The

viscount of Ts'oo did so; and in autumn, in the

9th month, Ts'oo defeated the army of Ts'ae at

Sin, and carried ofi* the marquis, Heen-woo.'

Par. 6. T'an was a small State, whose lords
were viscounts, within the circle of Ts'e. Its chief
town was 70 le to the south-east of the dis. city
of Leih-shing, dep. Tse-nan. This is the first
instance in the text of the ' extinction * of a State.
The term implies the destruction of its ruling
House, the abolition of its sacrifices, and the ab-
sorption of the people and territory by the pre-
vailing Power. The Chuen says: — 'Wlien the
marquis of Ts'e [i. e., the present marquis] fied
from the State [see the Chuen on Vlli. 5], and
was passing by T'an, the viscount showed him
no courtesy. When he entertMl it again, and
the other princes were all congratulating him,
the viscount did not make his appearance. lu
winter, therefore, an army of Ts'e extinguished
T'an, which had behaved so improperly. The
viscount fled to Keu. having formerly made a
covenant with the lord of it.'

^fm

Eleventh year.

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88
XI.

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOORm.

1 It was the [duke's] eleventh, year, the spring, the king's

first month.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Mow-yin, the duke de-

feated an army of Sung at Tsze.

3 In autumn, there were great floods in Sung.

4 In winter, a daughter of the king went to her home in Ts'e.

T'ang took the bUime on theroaelTee, aod th^
prospered grandly. KSeh and Chow threw the
bUune on others, and their ruin came swifUy.
MoreoTer when a State meets with calamity, il
is the mle for the prince to call himself an or-
phan. With langnage showing anxious fear,
and using the right name, Sung cannot be fv
from prosperitj." Afterwards it was known thst
the answer was in the words of duke Ckwtm^t
son Yu-yueh, and then Tsang Sun-tah said,
*' This man deserves to be ruler. He has a hesrt
of pity for the people." *

JPar. 4. See on L 3,4,7. Like his predecesMr,
duke Hwan of Ts*e had sought a royal bride;
and the arrangements for the marriage had, ii
before, been put under the management of the
marquis of Loo. Tso-she snys that < the marqnii
of Ts*e came to meet kit bride, Kung Ke,' when

Kung(^-»^^) is the honorary tide by whidi

the lady was known after her death.

(The Chuen adds here: — *In the action il
Shmg-k*ew, [in the 10th year] the duke with kit

arrow called Kin Puh-koo [^^ ^ftl "bjk might

be translated ** Steel Senrant-lady," but the lift
two characters are often written difiUy.] stiot
Nan-kung Chang-wan, after which the spesrmin
on the right, Chuen-sun, took him prisoner. He
was subsequently released at the request of the
people of Sung, but the duke of Sung ridiculed
him, saying, ** Formerly, I respected you; bat
since you have been the prisoner of Loo, I respect
you no more." This annoyed Ch'ang-wan.^

Par. 2. Tsze was in Loo, — ^in dep. of Ten-
chow ; difft. from the Tsze in 1. 8. The Chuen
says: — * Because of the action at Shing-k*ew,
Sung now made an incursion into our State.
The duke withstood the enemy; and pressing
on them before they were formed in order of
battle, he defeated them at Tsze.' Then follows
an explanation of various military terms: — *In
all military expeditions, when an action itjcrced
before Uie enemy's army is drawn up, the text
says,..." defeated such and such an army.'*
When both sides are drawn up, it is said,...
" fought," " a battle was fought." When there
has b^en a great overthrow, the style is,...** dis-
gracefully defeated." When any one of extra-
ordinary valour is taken , it is said, . . . ** vanquished
to and to" When the defeat is utter, it is
said, "took such and such an army." When
the army of the capital is defeated, it is said,
** The king's army was disgracefully defeated in
such and such a place." '

Par. 8. Comp. II. 1.5. The Chuen says: —
*In autumn, there were great floods in Sung, and
the duke sent a messenger with his condolences,
saying, "Heaven has sent down excessive rains,
to the injury of the millet for sacrifice. I feel
that I must condole with you." The answer
was, "I am as an orphan, and must confess my
want of reverence, for which Heaven has sent
down this plague. And moreover I have caused
you sorrow, and beg to acknowledge the conde-
scension of your message." Tsang W&n-chung
said, "Sung must be going to flourish. Yu and

Twelfth year.

-h *to:^ m A pg M H ^

^ ±^^ MM ^.

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m.n W gifc § Dl MM z.z^ Z.f^M ^^■\'

TlAB XII.

DUKE CHWANG.

j:.S a t a b # b5 t mM #.« e ^ w

XIL 1

2
3

In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, duke [Yin's] third daughter, [who had been
married to the marquis] of Ke, went [from Loo] to
Hwuy.

It was summer, the fourth month.

In autumn, in the eighth month, on Keah-woo, Wan of
Sung murdered his ruler TsSeh, and his great officer
K'ew-muh.

In winter, in the tenth month. Wan of Sung fled to Ch4n.

the dukes Tae, Woo, Senen, Moh, and Chwaog,
with an army of Ts'aoa, attadced the force fAol
was beneping Po/l They killed Nan-kung New
in the fight, and afterwards killed Tsze-yew in
the capita^ raising duke Hwan [the Yu-yueh
mentioned in two previous ChuenJ in his place.
Mftng-hwoh fled to Wei, and Nang-kung Wan to
Ch*in. Wan took his mother with him in a car-
riage [a barrow] which he himself pushed along,
accomplishing all the journey [more than 70
miles] in one day. The people of Sung requested
Wei to deliver up M&ng-hwoh to them; and
when there was an unwillingness to do so, Shih
K*e-t8ze said, < Refuse him not. Wickedness is
the same all under heaven. If we protect the
man who has done wickedly in Sung, of what
advantage will our protecting him be? To
gain a fellow and lose a State ; to favour wick-
edness and cast away friendship, is not wise
counsel." On this the people of Wei gave
Hwoh up. Sung also requested Kan-king Wan
from Ch*in, offering a bribe at the same time.
The people of Ch*in employed a woman to make
him drunk, and then bound him up in a rhino-
ceros' hide. By the time that he reached Sung,
his hands and feet appcHured through the hide.
The people of Sung made pickle both of him
and M&ng-hwoh.'

Thus Chang-wan paid the penalty of hit
guilt ; but as we learn this only from the Chuen,

and it is not said in the text ^1^ ^^ jH^ ^,

the critics have much to say on the condemna-
tion of the people of Sung, which the silence of
the text implies! Then it does not mention

the burial of duke Min (BS ^^)i whom Wan
murdered, and that is understood to indicate
Confucius' disapproval of him! It is surpris-
ing that the K'ang-he editors should not have
been able to emancipate themselves from the

Par. 1. The marriage of this lady, such as it
was, was entered in I. vii. 1 ; — see the note on
which par. We have seen in what circum-
stances the marquis of Ke finally abandoned
his State (IV. 4), leaving his wife-proper un-
buried. It would seem that the lady in the text
had then returned to Loo; but as the marquis'
brother had been admitted into Ts'e with the
city of Hwuy (III. 4), and there maintained the
sacrifices to his ancestors, she considered that
as her home, and now proceeded to it. Her
husband was probably by this time among the
departed chiefs, who had their shrines in the
ancestral temple. Her conduct, from a Chinese
point of view, was specially virtuous. The force

hereoa'went to her home.'

Par. 3. The Chuen says:— * Wan of Sung
murdered duke Min in Mung-tsih; and, meeting
K'ew-muh in the gate, he killed him with a slap
of his hand. He then met the chief minister,
Tuh, [see II. ii. 1] on the west of the eastern
palace, and also killed him. He raised Tsze-yew
to the dukedom, while all the sons of former
dukes fled to S§aon, except Yu-yueh [see the
Chuen on XI. 8], who fled to Pon, to besiege
whic^ Nan-kung New and Mftng-hwoh led a
force.'

Tlie Wan here is, of course, the Nan-kung
Chang-wan of the Chuen at the end of last

year, the Chang (to^) there being probably his

designation. K'ew-nmh was the name of the
officer who was killed, and some critics, thinking
it necessary to account for his being mentioned
merely by his name, say there was nothing
good about him worthy of commendation. The
par. is one in point to show the futility of look-
ing for praise or blame in such matters. The
murderer is here mentioned by his name, and so
also is the officer who died in attempting to
punish him for his deed.

Par. 4. The Chuen is:— *In the 10th month,
Shuh Ta-sin of Seaou, and the descendants of

bondage in which the early interpreters of the
Ch*un T8*ew were held.

TOL. T.

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

Thirteenth year.

bookul

m^^^

®^

^s^ # ^ 5fS ^.

In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the marquis
of Ts*e, an oflBicer of Sung, an officer of Ch*in, an of-
ficer of Ts'ae, and an officer of Choo, had a meeting at
Pih-h&ng.

In summer, in the sixth month, an army of Ts*e ex-
tinguished Suy.

It was autumn, the seventh month.

In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of
Ts'e, when they made a covenant at Ko.

XIIL 1

Par. 1. Pih-h&ng was m T8*e,— in the prei.
dis. of Tung-o, dept. Yen-chow. The meeting
here was called by the marquis of Ts'e, as 'I'so-
she says, *to settle the disorder of Sung.' But
it has a greater historical interest as the first of
the gatheiings of princes of States under the
presidency of one of their number, who was ac-
knowledged, or wished to be acknowledged, as a
sort of viceroy. Hwan of Ts'e was the first to
attain to this position, and his leadership dates,
according to many, from this year, B. C. 680,
though it could hardly be said to be generally
recognized till two years later. Whether he
had the king's commission to undertake the
pacification of Sung does not clearly appear.

Kuh-leang reads ^K k instead of ^w ^0^,

though he belieyes that the marquis is really

intended, and that the duke of Sung and the
lords of Ch4n, Ts*ae, and Choo were the other

^^, or 'men' present at the meeting, the call-
ing them 'men' and denuding them of their
titles being the device of Confucius to condemn
their whole proceeding! The K*ang-he editors,

niamtaining the received text of ^^ yet agree
with Kuhin interpreting all the other K^ of the
princes. 01 course, if the reading ^& be re-
tained, there can be no censure in the A , as
applied to the other princes, for Hwan was the
greatest sinner of them all ; and to interpret the
word asa«* people,' to indicate that the presiden-
cy of the States was now given by a kind of

* general consent ' to Hwan, which ii the viev
of Soo Ch*eh (fS0^D '^^^ many others, only
mystifies the whole subject. We must tako
^ as in the translation; — see LL5, H-xLl,
et al,; — as yet the other princes distrusted Ts%
and only sent officers to the conference.

Par. 2. Suy was a small State, within the
limits of Loo, and near to Shing (jfjjpi

whose chiefs had Uie surname of Kwei (jjiftl

as being descended from Shun. Its chief town
was SO /is to the north-west of the pres. dis. dtf
of Ning-yang, dep. Yen-chow. Tso-she ssyi
that *no officer had been sent from it to tbe
meeting at Pih-hftng, and in the summer, s
force from Ts*e extinguished it, and occupied it
with a body of men on guard.' As to the tiaoi-

lation of K^ here by 'army/ see on L liS.

Par. 8. SeeLvL8;e<aiL

Par. 4. Ko was in Ts^e, — ^in pres. dis. of
Tung-o, dept. Yen-chow. Tso-she says tbst

* this covenant was the first step to peace be-
tween Loo and Ts*e.' Kung-yang relatei s
story in connection with it, which has obtained
general currency and belief :—* When dnka
Chwang was afa<>ut to meet with Hwan, tlie
officer Ts'aou [the T8'im>u Kwei of the Cfaoen
on X. 1] advanced to him and said, ** Whst ii
your feeling, O marquis, in view of this mMtmgf*
Tlie duke said, ^ It were better for me to die
than to live." " In that case," said Ts*aou, "do
you prove yourself a match for the ruler, and I
wJi prove myself a match for his miniiter*

Y»AB XIV.

DUKE CHWANG.

**yeT7 well," replied the duke; and the
meeting was held. When the duke ascended
the altar, TB'aou followed him with his sword
in his hand. Kwan Chung advanced, and said,
** What does the marquis require ?** Ts^aou re-

Slied, *' Onr cities are OTerthrown, and our bor-
ers oppressed. Does jonr ruler not consider
it ?" " What then does he require ?** tlie other
repeated, and Ts^aou said, **We wish to ask
the restitution of the country on the north of
the Wftn." Kwan Chung looked at Hwan, and
■aid, " Does your lordship grant the request ?"

The marquis said, " Yes." Ts'aou then request-
ed a covenant, and duke Hwan descended ftrom

the altar, and made a covenant. When this
was done, Ts^aou threw away his sword, and
took his leave. A forced covenant like this
might have been disregnrded, but duke Hwan
did not break it. The officer Ts*aou might
have been regarded as his enemy, but duke
Hwan did not resent his conduct. The good

faith of duke Hwan began from this covenant
at Ko to be acknowledged throughout the king-
dom.'

[The Chuen adds here : — * The people of Sung
renounced the engagements at the meeting of
Pih-hftng.']

Fourteenth year.

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THE CH*UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKm.

m ^»T%^ mr- ^B bm a ^ h jr bs h.
iik ^ im ^ ^ z z m A m.^ %m ^ ^

^ m ^.^ ii.iftw ii ^ >^.ii^ ja ;(. «t A.

XIV. 1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, an army of

Ts*e, an army of Ch'in, and an army of Ts'aou, in-
vaded Sung.

2 In summer, the earl of Shen joined in the invasion of
Sung.

8 In autumn, in the seventh month, King entered [the
capital of] Ts^ae.

4 In winter, the earl of Shen had a meeting with the mar-
quis of Ts^e, the duke of Sung, the marqub of Wei,
and the earl of Ch4ng, at Keuen.

Par. 1. This inraBion waa in conaequence of

the fact mentioned in the last Chaen. Hoo

Oan-kwoh says that the K^ here indicates that

*the leaders were of inferior rank and the forces
few,* but the K*ang-he editors demur to such a
canon as applicable to all cases of the use of

^^. He adds that for 20 years the marquis

of Ts'e did not send out a * great officer ' in com-
mand of a military expedition, being occupied
with consolidating the power of the State for
the great object of his ambition; but this asser-
tion they show to-be false. No doubt, the K^

here indicates that the princes of the States
samed did not themselyes command the forces.
I translate the term by < army.'

Par. 2. The earl of Shen,— see on 1.8. Tso-
ahe simply says : — ^ In summer, the earl of Shen
joined tliem [the armies in the above par.],
receiyed the submission of Sung, and returned.'
The marquis of Ts'e, as Too says, had requested
the aid of the king to coerce Sung to the ac-
knowledgement of its engagements; and the
result was this mission of the earl of Shen. It
was an important more of the marquis to obtain
the royal sanction to his claim to be the leader
of the princes.

[The Chuen gives here a long narratiye about
the affkirs of ChHng:— ' Duke Le [see II. xy. 9]
of Ch'ing stole into the country from Leih; and
at Ta-ling, he captxired Foo Hea, who said, "If
you let me go, I will undertake to effect your
restoration." The duke, accordingly, made a
corenant with him, and forgave him. In the
•ixth month, on Keah-tsze, Hea killed the actual

eari [the text simply is ttj -7*, "a son of

Ching"] and his two sons, and restored duke
Le.

* Before this, two serpents, one inside and one
outside, had fought together in the southern
sate of the capital, till the inside one was killed.
It was six years after this when duke Le entered.
The duke [of Loo] heard of the circumstance,
and asked Shin Seu, saying, '* Has TSJCs rutora-
tion come /rom that supernatural appearance ?*'

The answer was, " When men are ftdl of fear,
their breath, as it were, blazes up, and brings sncfa
thhigs. Monsters and monstrous events take
their rise from men. If men afford no cause for
them, they do not arise of themselves. When
men abandon the constant course o/'vwfae, tbeo
monstrosities appear. Therefore it Is that thsie
are monsters and monstrous events."

'When duke Le had entered Ch^ng, he pot
Foo Hea to death, and sent a message to Tnen
Fan [see the Chuen, after I. v. 2. Fan had taken
a principal part in the establishing of T8»-e],
saying, " Foo Hea was divided In his allegianoe
to me, and for such a case Chow has its le^-
lar peioalty ; — ^he has suffered for his crime. To
all who restored me and had no wavering in
their allegiance, I promised that they should be
great officers of the ffrst dass; and now I wish
to consider the matter with you, unde. When
I fled from the State, you had no words to speak
for me in it; now that I have re-entered, joa
again have no thought about me : — Ifeddlspless-
ed at this." Yuen Fan replied, ** Your ancestor,
duke Hwan, gave command to my ancestor to
take charge df the stone-shrines in the ancestral
temple. While the altars of the land and gruo
had their lord [in the ruling earl], what gieater
treachery could there have been than to torn
one's thoughts to another out of the State? So
long as he presided over those altars, among all
the people of the State, who was there that wsi
not his subject? That a subject should not
have a double heart is the law of Heaven.
Tsze-e hdd the earldom for fourteen yeanr;-
did not those who took measures to call in
your lordship show a divided allegianoe? Of
the children of duke Chwang, wmr fiuher, there
are still 8 men; if they were all to profit ofllGes,
dignities, and other bribes, so as thereby to
accomplish their object, what would beooms of
your lordship? But I have heard your com-
mands." And forthwith he stran|^ea hiniseif.']

Par. 8. King,— see X. 5. The Chuen ssyi:—
*The marquis Qse [Heea-woo of X. 5] of Ttfub,
in revenge for the defeat at Sin, talked with the
risoount of Ts*oo admiringly about the laAg Kwei,
v(^eo/'tAesiar7iMeof Seih. The viscount went to

Tbab XV.

DUKE CHWANQ.

Sefli, And entered the city with the appliances
of a feast to entertain the marqoia, and took
the opportunity to extin^oiah the State. He
aho took the marquis's wife hack with him to
Ts*oo, where she bore to liim Too-gaou and on-
other ton, who was aJUrward* king Ching; but
gg Mm ftsM she nerer ■P^fce a word. The viscount
asking the reason of her silence, she replied,
**It has been my lot to serre two husbands.
Though I hare not been able to die, how should
I venture to speak ?" The viscount, considering
that the marquis of Ts*ae had been the occasion
of his extinguishing Seih, proceeded to invade
Ts'ae rto please the lady] ; and in autumn, in
the 8th month, Ts'oo entered tht coDiudofTt^wd.
The superior man may say that in tne case of the
marquis Gae of Ts^ae we have an illustration of
what is said in the Books of Shang [Shoo, IV.
TiL Ft. L 12] about the easy progress of widLcd-

ness, that it is *'like a fire blazing out in a plain,
which cannot be approached, l^ld still less can
be beaten out." '

Par. 4. Keuen was in Wei, — ^in the pres.
dep. of Tung-ch*ang (^ M ), Shan-lung, 20

& to the east of the dQr of Puh Chow (j^)ff|)f

Tso-she says that this meeting was held * because
of the submission of Sung.' From this time,
the position of the marquis of Ts'e may be said
to have been fVilly adknowledged by all tiie
States of what was the then * China proper.'
The presence of the earl of Sben, the king's re-
presentative, gave the royal sanction to his
claim to be the leader of the other princes, and
the lords of Sung, Wei, and Ching, who had
formerly resented his ambition and stood aloof
from him, now gave in their adhesion.

Fifteenth year.

-\r A KM ^

»^\

A %MM S

i^M

XV. 1

In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, the marquis of
Ts^e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch*in, the
marquis of Wei, and the earl of Cnlng, had a meet-
ing at Keuen.

2 In summer, [duke Hwan*s] wife, the lady KSang, went to
Ts^e.

8 In autumn, a body of men from Sung, one from Ts^e, and
one from Choo, invaded E.

4 A body of men from Ching made an inroad into Sung«

5 It was winter, the tenth month.

Far. 2. Here again the restless and unprin-
cipled Wftn KSang appears. What now tpol^
her to Ts'e w^do not luiow, but her going there
was contrary to rule. The daughter of one
State, married into another, might at certain
times revisit her parents ; but, after their death,
^ oould only send a minister to ask after the
welfare of her brothers and other rdatives.

Par. 8. For j^^ here Kung-yaog has j^.
It is the smne af ^||| in y.9, and iras afterwards

Par. 1. We have the same princes here, as
In the meeting at the same place a month or
two before, with the addition of the marquis of
Chin. Tso-she says that that now < for the first
time Ts<e was pa, or leader of the States,' which
is true in so far as the representative of the
kkig had returned to Chow, and without hit
presence, the other princes acknowledged the
authority of Hwan. The earl of Ch'ing here,
and at the previous meeting, wa^ , of course,
Toh, or duke Le.

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK m.

known aa 'little Choo (/|\ ^^: Tio-8he

■ays that 'the princes inyaded £ in the interest
of Sung.' Sung is entered before Ts'e, asl)eing
the principal party in the expedition, which
moreover was a small one. There is nothing in
tills circumstance inconsistent, as some think,
With the presidency of the marquis of Ts^e.

Par. 4. While Sung was engaged with the
expedition against £, Ch4ng took advantage of
the opportunity to make a raid upon it (Tso-she

••y- ^ ^ flp '^ tIc)- T-h of Ch-mg
owed his first elevation to the earldom to Sung,
and subsequently the position which he main-
tained in Leih ; but he had never been really on
good terms with duke Chwang; and now that
he was dead, and the ruling duke had his hands
full, he took the opportunity to make the inroad
in the text. His doing so was contrary to the
obligations under whidi both Sung and Ch*ing
stood to Ts<e.

Sixteenth year.

^ H ff <&-. W fi^ A.

tiimil

^ w w

flq ^ ife ^ ^.
:t.^M ilk %

»7

mf M ^ >R ^1 ^1

mn^M

XVI.

1 It was the [(Juke's] sixteenth year, the spring, the king's

first month.

2 In summer, a body of men from Sung, one from Ts'e,

and one from Wei, invaded Ch'ing.

3 In autumn, King invaded Ch'ing.

4 In winter, in the twelfth month, [the duke] had a meeting

with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung,, the mar-

Yeam XVI.

DUKE CHWANO.

quis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing,
the baron of Heu, the earl of Hwah, and the viscount
of T'&ng, when they made a covenant together in Yew.
K'ih, viscount of Choo, died.

literal rendering. The contracting parties were
numerous; they united in acknowledging the
presidency of the marquis of Ts'e, and under-
took with him to support the House of Chow.
Yew, where the meeting was held, was in Sung, —

in the pres. dis. of K*aou-shing (^§r j£)f ^^P-

Kwei-tih. Kung-jang reads ^V before 'w^, and
certainly we must understand that it was duke
Chwang himself who was present on the part of
Loo. Too, indeed, supposes that the absence of
any subject before v* indicates that the re*
presentative of Loo was some officer of inferior
rank (|g^ ^^)> while Hoo Oan-kwoh and
others, believing that the duke was present,
think that the ^j\ was purposely left out to

conceal the fact.

Up to this par., Wei has always taken pre-
cedence of Ch^in, where their marquises were
mentioned together, but here and subsequently
Ch*in is enumerated first. It is supposed thai
the marquis of Ts^ made this arrangement iu
honour of Shun, whose descendants held ChHn,
and to mark his sense of the importance of the
State as a bulwark, though small in itself,
against the encroachments of Ts*oo. Hwah
here is difft. from the small State of the same
name in III. 5. This was an earldom, whose de-
scendants had the Chow surname of Ke (gB)»

Par. 2 This expedition was * on account of
Sung/ — ^to punish Chdng for its inroad on Sung
in the previous autumn. Sung, as in the attack
on £, commanded in the expedition, and its
men are therefore mentioned before those of Ts*e.

Par. 3. T8*oo or King here takes another
step in advance, and comes more threateningly
near to the States of the 'Middle kingdom.'
ChHn, Ts'ae, Heu, and Ch4ng had all to bear
the brunt of its ambitious inroads; and fVom
this time Ching especially became the field of
contention between it and Ts'e with the other
Powers dominatuig in the north. The reason
for its present invasion of Ch4ng is given by
Tso-she: — ' When the earl of Ching entered the
State from Leih [see the Chuen after XIV. 2],
he was dilatory in announcing the thing to TsH>o,
in consequence of which Ts*oo this autumn in-
vaded ChHng, and penetrated as far as Leih : —
because of the earPs want of the proper courte-

[TheCliuen adds:— < The earl of Ch*ing set
himself to deal with those who had taken part
in the disturbances connected with the death of
Yung Kew [see the Chuen on II. xv. 4]. In the
9th month he put to death the Kung-tsze Oh
[tliere must be a mistake here either of the name

^B, or of j^ -^ for ^^ J&'j and cut off the

feet of K'eang-ts*oo [these men had been par-
tizaus of Chae Chung]. Kung-foo Ting-shuli

^"^^yC ^" ^® dan-name ; -JjS^, the designation ;
^p the hon. title] fled to Wei, but after 3 years

the earl restored him, saying, " Kung-shuh [bro-
ther of dnke Chwang, the Kung-shuh Twan of
the Chuen, I. i. 3. He was grandfather to this
Kung-foo Ting-sliuh] must not be left without
posterity in Ching. He made him enter the
city in the 10th month, saying that it was " a
good month," with reference to ten as the com-
pletion of the numerals. The superior man
may say that K'eang-ts*oo was not able to de-
fend his feet [a poor joke on his punishment;
meaning that he should have fled firom the
State].

Par. 4. This was no doubt an important
gathering, and might be called the inauguration
of the marquis of Ts^e's presidency. We have

here the phrase 1^ ^ * they covenanted to-
gether,' which has not occurred before ; and the
critics make great efforts to detennine its mean-
ing. Kung makes ita^ ^^^, * covenanted

with a common desire;' to which Kuh-leang
adds that the common object was * to honour
Chow.' Tso-she says that the meeting was
held with reference to the settlement of the

affairs of Ching and its submission (tt|t wr),

which makes Too define the phrase as«aJI^-B,^

* the submission of all who had had a different
mind,' ».e., had been unwilling to acknowledge
the authority of Ts'e. Wherie the meaning i^
thus undeiermiued, the safe plan is to keep to s

Its chief town was Fei (^?)9 20 le south of the
pres. dis. city of Yen-sze, dep. Ho-nan. Be-
tween g^ fi and |^& Yj^, Kong and Kuh

both have ^ ^j^.

Par. 6. This Kih was the name of E-foo,
lord of Choo, who appears in I.i. 2. At that time
Choo was only a State attached to Loo. Here
its chief appears as a viscount. The only rea-
sonable account of this is that given by Too Yu,
that the marquis of Ts*e had obtained from the
king a patent of nobUity for Choo. Kuh-leang
seems to think, absurdly enough, that the en-
nobling was f^m the pencil of Confucius I

[The Chuen here calls our attention to the af-
fairs of Tsin: — 'The king sent the duke of
Kwoh to confer on the earl of K*euh-yuh the
title of marquis of Tsin, — to maintain only
one army.'

'Before this, duke Woo of Tsin had attacked
£, and captured Kwei-choo [E was in Chow ;
and the city held by Kwei-choo, a great officer
of the court], whom, however, he let go on the
petition of Wei Kwoh. But for this service,
Kwoh got no acknowledgment, and he therefore
raised an insurrection, and said to the people of
Tsin, *^ Attack E with me, and take its territory.'
Accordingly he attacked it with an army of
Tsin, and killed Kwei-choo. Re-foo, duke of
Ciiow, fled to the State yKwoh, and it was not till
after the accession oi king Hwuy that ho was
restored.']

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK m.

Seventeenth year.

A^.-|-5

2
3

M.m m m m m ^ m r^ m m ^ n

A « ^. ^. ^. ^. eg m M.A ^. h.

XVII. 1 In the [duke's seventeenth year, in spring, the people

of Ts^e made Chen of Ch;inff prisoner.

In summer, the men of Ts'e in ouy were all slaughtered.

In autumn, Chen of Ch'ing made his escape from Ts'e
[to Loo].

In winter there were many deer.

yang has i!A, with the same meanhig. Too 7a
takes it in the sense of—* made a complete end of
themseWes,' attributing thdr slaughter to their
own carelessness. The translation inyerts the
order of the text, in order to bring out the his*
torical meaning.

Par. 8. The ^ implies, of course, that it
was to Loo that Chen came ; and this brought on
Loo the anger of Ts'e.

Par. 4. The ms was a species of deer;'-tee
Mencius I. Pt. Lit 1. It is described as a spe-
cies of the bih (,fBS)t hj which latter term ii
meant the axis deer. But the me is larger sod
of a dark greenish colour; it is fond of marsh/
places, and is said to shed its horns about ths
time of the winter solstice. I think it must be
our red deer, or a variety of it. These creatnrei
appeared in such numbers, as to be a plsgoa
So thinks Too; others think it is only the unwa-
alness of their appearing that is recorded.

Par. 1. This Chen (Kung has |g) was chief
minister to Tsze-e earl of Ch^ing, when Tub
succeeded in regaining the State ; — see the Chuen
after XIV. 2. He had consented to the murder
of Tsze-e by Foo HSa, and duke Le had
retained him in his office. It is not clear why
Ts'e seized him at this time. Tso-she says it
was because Ch4ng had not been to the court
of Ts'e. Kung-yang thinks it was because he
was a worthless, artful man. The ^C K
seems to indicate that for whateyer reason he
was seized, the act met with general approvaL

Par. 2. The extinction of Suy by Ts'e was
related in XIII. 2, where the Chuen adds that
Ts*e stationed men in guard over the territory.
A sufficient number of the people, it appears,
had been left to deal with the guards of Ts*e
in the way here described. The Chuen says:
— -'*The Suy clans of Yin, Ling, Kung-low,
and Seu-sny feasted the guards of Ts*e, made
them drunk, and killed them;— the men of
Ts*e were all slaughtered." For fljj^ Kung-

Eighteenth year.

Yeai XVIII.

DUKE CHWANG.

A BpiJBftI

^,*;.*-tfc.4^ B

K T a i 1 SI.

'I'.® SB Q ®.F

e -a tt A IE «.

,_ ... Hf; S 3E,*
Ti^.B = I 1«

» «.* # J5S,+

« ii a «a i;& A

i ffi T- i ?f.«.

w ^ fi «.i w
g ® A.« i «

In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's

third month, the sun was eclipsed.
In summer, the duke pursued the Jung to the west of

the Tse.
In autumn there were yik.
It was winter, the tenth month.

Par. I. The ecliiue which is here intended
took piftce OD April eth, B. C. 676, on the daj
Jin-ttZQ C-^ ■^), the lit of the 6th month.
There ia in the text therefore an errnr of one
moDth, even if we rappoae anolher intercalnry.
It will be obaerred that the record is imperfect,
the day of the eclipse not being ^ven.

[The Chuen relate* here:— 'This spring, the
duke of Kwuli and tbe marquis of Tsin appear-
* It tite king's conrt. Tlie king fensied lliem,
ith new, sweet, spirits, and
„ „. . ..1 them to encourage their
feativitj. To each of them ha gave Ave pain
of jade ornaments and three horses; — which was
contrary to propriety. When the king beatowa
bi> faToars on the princci, as their titles and
rank arc different, kd also should his ofFeringi
be. Be does not take the offerings of one, and,
M it were, lend them to another.'

' The duke of Kwoh the marquii of Tsin, and
the earl of Ch'ing, sent duke Chwang of Yuen
to meet the king's bride in Ch'in, who cftme ac-
cordiagly to the c«pltaL She became queen
Hwoy."]

Par. 8. Tso aayi that the coming from the
pnraait of the Jung is not mentioned and is in
fact concealed; but surely it i* implii^ in that
mimiit of them. The Jung,— jeel.li.l. The
Tse,— sec the Shoo, ni. Bk. I, Ft. i. 20.

Far. 8. I cannot tell what the yi'A was or
U;— see the She, II. v.V. 8. The Shwoh-wSn
deflnes it aa ^ ^ ■& short fox,' but that is
merely another name for the citature. Too Yu
gi*M the same name, and adds:— 'It apurta out
tand on men from its month,' The Pun-ts'snu
calls it 'the archer,' The K'tinf(-he diet, quotes
anolher account of it, that it is like n turtle. )ia>
three fi»t, ia produced in the enulhem Yiieh,
and iaalao called 'the shadow' shooter,' because,
being in the water and a man being on the shore,

it can kilt him by darling at hk thadov. The
same account adds that, ace. to some, it spurts
sand on people, which penetrates their skin, and
produces such an irritation, that it becomes quite
a plague. I'hcse statements lead ua to think o(
some kind of tij, produced from the water,
and inflicting a painful bite. It was peculiar to
the country south of Loo, and its appearing
there ia great numbers this autumn made the
thing be recorded.

This perhaps is the proper explanation of the
par.; but many critics consider that some kind
of locust is intended, and that instead of ^%
we should read—tome say Wp, some say mj
This view is ingeniously supported by Wan^
Taou. A third Tiew, that Chen of Ch'ing, who
had taken refuge in Loo from T«'e, (XVIL3),
is intended, as a cheat and deceirer, [gm being
intended to suggest l£}, must be at once re-

[To the last par. the Chuen appends : — ' Bcfora
this, king Woo of Ts'oo had conquered B'euen,
and entrusted the government of it to Tow Min,
who held it and rebelled. The king beBicgol
K'euen, took it, and put Min to death, removing
alto the people to Na-ch'oo, where he put them
under the charge of Yen Gaou. When king
Wttn succeeded to Woo, he invaded Shin along
with the peiiple of Pa, when he so frightened
the army of Pa, that the people revolted from
Ts'oo. attacked Na-cli'oo, took it, and advanced
to attack the gate of the capital. Yen Gona
made his escspe from them by swimming across
the Ynng. but the viscount of Ts'oo put him to
death. His kindred in consequence rni^^ed an
insurreclion ; and this winter, the people of I'a
took advantage of their n
T,W)

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

Nineteenth year.

BOOK lU.

T n

W 5R ^ 3c T Is

R^ o JuLo

=^.a© H i^ # J^ i^ © ^ :2.-lfc

^ m.w.©

f-^

XIX. 1

i^.^ jR a ^
n z z.z m

JSl ^

>N»

)^ ip ^ij ZM m m.=^

It was the [duke's] nineteenth year, the spring, the king's
first month.

2 It was summer, the fourth month.

3 In autumn, Keeh, a son of duke [Hwan], was escorting to

Keuen a daughter to accompany to the harem the wife
of an officer of Ch'in, when he took occasion to make a
covenant with themarquis of Ts'e and the dukeof Sung.

4 [Duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang went to Keu.

5 In winter, a bod}^ of men from Ts'e, a body from Sung,

and one from Ch'in, invaded our western borders.

Parr. 1, 2. See I. vi. 7; et aL [After par. 1,
the last Chiien it continued: — *In spring, the
viscount of Ts^oo met them, and sustnined a
great defeat at Tsin ; and on his return to the
dtif, Yuh-k*euen [the porter of the gate] refused
to admit him. On this he proceeded to attack
Hwang, and defeated its army at Tseoh-ling. As

he was returning, he fell ill at Tseaou, and died
in summer, on Kang-shin, in the 6th month.
Yuh-k'euen buried him in Seih-shih after which
he killed himself, and was buried in T'eeh-
hwang.

^Beifore this, Yuh-k*euen had addressed a vehe-
ment remonstrance to the viscount, and when

Tkar XX.

DUKE CIIWANG.

the Tiflcoant would not follow it, he proceeded
to threaten him with a weapon, for fear of-
which the other adopted his adyice. Yuh-
k'euen said, " I haye frightened my ruler with a
weapon ; no crime could be greater." He then
cut off his own feet. The people of Tsoo made
him their grand porter, and styled him T'ae-pih,
making the office also hereditary to his descend-
ants. The superior man will say that Yuh-
k^uen loved his prince. He remonstrated with
him till he led himself to a seyere punishment;
and after that punishment, he still did not forget
to urge on his prince to what was good.']

name used for escorting a young lady.' There
is much difference of opinion about the par.
Who the lady was, and who Hhe man of Chin,'
was, are questions greatly agitated. My own
view in the translation is that defended by the
K'ang-he editors, and I will give their note on
the passage: — * Rung and Kuh both think that
the young lady was a daughter of the House of
Loo, who was being escorted to the harem of
the wife of the marquis of Chin. Hoo is of
opinion that '*the man of Chin" was not the
marquis, but some one of inferior rank. Ching
£, howeyer, thinks that some great House of
Keuen was marrying a daughter to an officer of
Chin, and that Keeh is here escorting a daughter
of his own by a concubine to go and accompany
her to her harem. Now, according to K'ung
Ying-tah, ladies intended for such a duty were
escorted to the State from which the wife pro-
per was to be married, that they might follow
ber from thence; and the words of the text,

^P SR, "to Keuen" seem to determine in

favour of Ching's interpretation. Ying-tah, in-
deed, to meet the view of Kung and Kuh, says
that Keuen belonged to Wei; that Chin was
marrying a lady of the House of Wei; that
Keeh was escorting his charge to Wei; and
that when he got to Keuen, he halted with her,
and made a covenant, as related. But if the

case had been thus, we should have read

JP, ' when he came to Keuen,' and not -y*

^R. Tliat phrase shows that all the escorting

was t() Keuen.'

With regard to the action of Keeh's leaving or
dcla} ing the object of his journey, and making
a covenant with Ts^c and Sung, of course he liad
no authority for it from duke Chwang. Greaf
officers, however, had a discretionary power in
such matters. If they could do good service to
their State by taking occasion from the circum-
stances in which they found themselves to
undertake a political office, they might do so:—
but at their own risk.

Par. 4. Wfin Kcang was a Messalina. Tlie
stories told in the "History of the States" of
this and a subsequent visit to Keu are very
mthy.

[1 he Chuen has here a narrative about trou-
bles at court : — *■ Before this, a lady Yaou had
been a favourite with king Chwang, and bore
him a son, called Tsze-t'uy, who also was a
favourite, and had for his tutor Wei Kwoh.
When king Hwuy succeeded to the throne, he
took the garden of Wei Kwoh to make a park for
himself. As the mansion of Peen Pih was near
to the royal palace, he also appropriated it; and
he ^took their flekls as wtU from Tsze-kin,
Chuh Kwei, and Chen-foo, keeping back more-
ooer the allowances of his cook.' Because of
these things, Wei Kwoh, Peen lib, Shih Suh [the
cook], Chen-foo, Tsze-kin, and Chuh Kwei
raised an insurrection, and allied themselves
with the Soo clan.'

* In autumn, the five great officers raised the
standard of Tsze-t'uy to supersede the king;
but they were unsuccessful, and fled to Wun,
while the chief of the Soo clan fled to Wei with
Tsze-t*uy. Then an army of Wei and one of
Yen attacked Chow, and in winter placed Tsce-
t*uy on the throne.']

Par. 5. The reasons for this confederation
against Loo were, probably, its reception of
Chen of Tsing, when he fled from Ts'e, (XVII.
3), and something connected with the proceed-
ings of Keeh, in the autumn of this year.

Twentieth year.

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100
XX. 1

THE CH*UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKIE

2
3

In the [duke's] twentieth year, in spring, in the king's
second month, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang,
went to Keu.

In summer, there was a great disaster from fire in Ts^e.

It was autumn, the seventh month.

In winter, a body of men from Ts*e smote the Jung.

Far. 1. See on the- 4th par. of laat year.

[The Chuen here resumes the narratiTe in«
trodttced after par. 4 of last year : — * This spring,
the earl of Ch^ing attempted to harmonize the
royal House, but without success; but he seized
Chung-foo of Yen. In summer, he brought the
king back with him, who took up his residence
in Leih, In autumn, the king and the earl
entered into Woo, IVom which they surprised
Ch4ng-chow, brought away the valuable articles
ftom it, and returned to Leih, In winter, king
Ckwang*s son T*uy feasted the five great officers,
when all the royal music and pantomimic dances
were performed. The earl of Ch4ng heard of it,
andsaidtoShuhofKwoh,''ThisIhaveheard,that
when sorrow or joy is unseasonable, calamity is
sure to come. Now king Chwanfa son T*uy is
singing and dancing as if he were never tired ;
—it is being joyous over calamity. When the
minister of Crime executes the penalty of death,
the ruler does not have his table fully spread ; —
how much less would he dare to be joyous over
calamity I What calamity could be greater

than to take violent possession of the king*!
throne? When one, in a time of cslaiiiity,
forgets to be sorrowful, sorrow is sure to come
to him. Why should we not restore the king?"
The duke of Kwoh said, *'It is what I desin
to d>."]
Par. 2. See II.ziv.4. Kung-yang, indeed,

says that -^ ^^"""/c ^^> 'great emaciation;*
i, e., there was a gr^at plague affecting people*i
health in Ts'e. But this meaning of SfS c"''
not be applied to the other passages in the Clas-
sic where the term occurs.

P«.4. Kuh-iatng h« -|^ in«te«! of Jjj.
The two characters might easily be confounded;
but the received reading is to be followed. Loo
bad been troubled with these Jung two yesn
before; — the attack on them now by Ts^e was
probably intended to conciliate Loo. The mar-
quis of Ts*e had certainly been rather remin
in his position of pa. He ought not to have
allowed Ch4ng to take the lead in supporting
king Hwuy against the rebels in Chow.

Twenty-first year.

^•^ mm

+ A

S 3E -t

* n

DUKE CHWANG.

101

XXI.

2
3
4

It was the [duke's] twenty-first year, the spring, the

king's first month.
In summer, in the fifth month, on Sin-yew, Tuh, earl of

Ch*ing, died.
In autumn, in the seventh month, on Mow-seuh, [duke

Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, died.
In winter, in the twelfth month, there was the burial of

duke Le of Ch*ing.

Par. 2. Continuing the Chuen after the Ist
par. of last year, Tso-she says: — '*In the diM$
2l8t year, accordingly, in spring, they [the earl
of Ching and Shuh of Kwob] pledged each
other at Me ; and in summer, they together at-
tacked the royal city. The earl entered, along
with the king, at Uie south gate, and Shuh of
Kwoh entered at the northern, when they killed
Tsze-fuy and the five great officers. The earl
of Ch*ing feasted the king in the apartment on
the west of the gateway with the representa-
tions of the penal code. There was a complete
sernce of music, and the king gave him what
had formerly been granted to duke Woo, — ^all
the territoxy eastward from Hoo-laou. The
earl of Yuen said, « The earl of Ch'ing is fol-
lowing the bad example which he condemned in
Texe-tS^, He also will meet with calamity.**

In the 5th month, duke Le of Ch^ing died.'

On Tuh who here passes off the stage, Chang
Heah (^^ ; a writer of the 18th cent) says

^Tuh was only the son of duke Chwang by
a concubine, yet after his father's death he
snatched the earldom from Hwuh; and tho'
driren out for a time by Chae Chung, he enter-
ed again into L^, and in the end made him-
self master of the State. Thufl it is that we
have no statement of Hwuh, We, and E's hold-

ing the earldom, because they could not keep
it, and the different style about Tuh is under-
stood to indicate that, first and last, he was able
to maintain himself. Here then was a man, a
usurper and a fratricide, and the Ch*un Ts^ew
calls him ruler from his beginning to his end,
and records moreoyer, howeyer, how he died in
his dignity : — ^it is in this way that it shows how
mean men are permitted to get their wills, re-
bellious yillains come to a good end, the royal
laws haye no course, and the world is thrown
all into confusion I '

Par. 8. The reader is not sorry to haye done
with Wftn-keang.

[The last Chuen is here completed: — *The
king made a progress of sunrey of the fief of
Kwoh, when the duke made a palace for him in
Pung. The king granted to Kwoh the territory
of Ts'ew-ts'euen. When the earl of ChHng
feasted the king, the king had giyen him a
queen's large girdle with the mirror in it The
duke of Kwoh now begged for something, and
the king gaye him a drinking cup. This was
the first occasion of the hatred which the earl
of Ch'ing [duke Wftn, son of Tuh] cherished
against the king. In winter, the king returned
from Kwoh.]

Par. 4. Something had occurred to maktt
the burial be delayed beyond the regular time.

Twenty-second year.

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102

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK III

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XXII. 1

2
3

4
5

In his twenty-second year, in spring, in the king's first

month, [the duke] pardoned [all] inadvertent offences

however great.
On Kwei-ch*ow we buried our duchess, Wan Eeang.
The people of Ch'in put to death Yu-k'ow, son of their

marquis.
It was summer, the fifth month.
In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ping-shin, the

duke made a covenant with Kaou He of Ts'e in Fang.
In winter, the duke went to Ts'e, and presented the

marriage-offerings of silk.

Par. 1. In the Shoo, n. i. U, we read that it
was a rule with Shan, ^r aS ^fr ^(^, 'that
inadvertent offenoea, and those cauaed by mis-
fortune, were to be pardoned,' and how far he
carried it, we learn from >L 12, ^ jjg ^A'
'Yon pardon inadvertent offenoea, bowever
great.* Ch waag, therefore, appears here to have

done nothing more than was sanctioned by tlw
example of Shnn. I do not know why tte
critics should find such fault with him si tbey
do. Kuh-lSang followed by KSa Kwei, think
the grace was done at this time, as some stooe-
ment for the wickedness of Win K£ang, the
duke's mother, who was about to be buiiol!
For ^? Kung has ^s.

Ykak XXII.

DUKE CHWANG.

103

Par. 2. ^ >J\ ^, - we Ana. XVI. xiT.

AccoidiDg to the rule laid down there ^^ /J\

jB", was the style for the wife of the prince of
a State nsed by the people in speaking of her
to the people of other SUtes. ^ takes the

place of ^[, as the entry here is in the annals

of Loo it^lf. The marquis being styled duke
after death, I hare styled his wife duchess.
Keang, we know, was her surname, as being of
the House of Ts*e; Wftn was the honorary title
given to her on account of her beauty and ac-
complishments, no account being taken of her
extraordinary wickedness.

Par. 8. For 1^ Rung and Kuh read |^.

The real killer of Yu-k*ow was his father,—
'duke Seuen,' the reason for the deed being
unknown. It is supposed that the statement in
the text is according to the form in which the
announcement was made to Loo, — to conceal
the nature of the affair.

The Chuen says :— * In spring, the people of
Ch'in killed the marquis's eldest son, Yu-k*ow,
on which the Kung-tsze Uwan and Chuen-sun
fled to Ts'e, and the latter thence to Loo. The
marquis of Ts'e wanted to make King-chung
[the desifirnation of the Kung-tsze Hwan] one
of his liigh ministers, but he declined, saying,
* Your subject is here an exile. I am fortunate
if I obtain your forgiveness, and enjoy the
advantafire of your indulgent government. That
yciu pardon my want of practice in the lessons
of instruction, and hold me guiltless of crime,
and remove me from a life of toil : — this is your
lordsliip's kindness. What I obtain is much, —
should I dare to disgrace a high position, and so
accelerate the slanders of other officers ? Let
me die if I do not decline Ute honour you propose.
The ode say^ [iLis ude is not in the 8hej,

* From that distant chariot,
Tliey call me with the bow ?
]>o 1 not winh to go?
But I am afraid of my friends.**'

The marquis then made him superintendent
of all the departments of labour. One day he
was entertaining the marquis at his house, who
became joyous over the spirits, and said, **Let
us continue it with lights.** But he refused,
■aying, "I divined about the day; but I have
not divined about the night ; — I dare not do it.**

*The superior man will say, **ln drinking
there sliould be the complete observance of the
rules; but not to carry it on to excess was
righteousness. Completely to observe the rules
with his prince, and then not to allow him to ga
to excess, was truly virtuous."

'At an earlier time, the great officer E consult-
ed the tortoise-shell about giving his daughter
in marriage to King-chung. His wife sought
the meaning of the indication, and said. " It is
fortunate. The oracle is

'The male and female phoenix fly
together,
Singing harmoniously with gem-like
sounds.**

The posterity of this scion of the Kwei f sur-
name of the House of Ch4n] will be nourished
among the Keang [surname of the House of

Ts*e]. In five generations they will be prosper-
ous, and the highest ministers in Ts'e ; in eight,
there will be none to compare with them for
greatness.**

* Duke Le of Ch'in was the son of a daughter
of the House of Ts'ae. In consequence, the
people of Ts'ae put to death Woo-foo [the same
who is called T*o of Ch'in. See 11. vi.4, and
note], and raised him to the marquisate. He
begat King-chung, during whose boyhood there
came one of the historiographers of Chow to see
the marquis of Ch'in, having with him the Chow
Yih. The marquis made him consult it bj' the
milfoil on the future of the boy, when he found

the diagram Kwan [==]> and then by the

change of manipulation, the diagram P'ei [s=].

"Here,** he said, " is the deliverance;**—* We be-
hold the light of the State. This is auspicioui
for one to be the king's guest. [See the Yih on
the 4th line, counting from the bottom, of the
diagram Kwan].* Shall this boy in his genera-
tion possess the State of Ch*in ? or if he do not
possess this State, does it mean that he shall
possess another ? Or is the thing foretold not
of his own person, but of his descendants ? The
light is far off, and its brightness appears reflect-
ed from something else. K'wftn [Z Z] represents

the earth ; Sun [H^], the top part of the diagram

Kwan], wind ; K'een [ ^1, heaven ; Sun becom-
ing K'een over earth [as in the diagram P*ei],
represents mountains. Thus the boy has all the
treasures of mountains, and is shone on by the
light of heaven : — he will dwell above the earth.
Hence it is said, *' We behold the light of the
State. This is auspicious for him to be the
king*8 guest.** A king's guest fills the royal
courtyard with the display of all the productions
of his Slate, and the offerings of gems and silks,
— all excellent things of heaven and earth ; hence
it is said — * It is auspicious for him to be the
king's guest.*

* *' But there is still that word — * behold,' and
therefore I say the thing perhaps is to be here-
after. And the wind moves and appears upon
the earth ; — therefore I say it is to be perhaps
in another State. If it be in another State, it
must be in that of the Keang ; — for the Keang
are the descendants of the Grand-mountain
[Yaou's chief minister]. But the mountains
stand up as it were the mates of heaven, lliere
cannot be two things equally great; as Ch*in de-
cays, this boy will flourish."

•When ChMn received its flrst great blow
[B. C. 583], Ch4n Hwan [the representative of
the Kung-tsze Hwan in the 5th generation] had
begun to be great in Ts'e. When it flnally
perished [B. C. 477], the officer ChUng was
directing the government of that State.'

[The descendants of the Kung-tsze Hwan

became the T'een family (QQ P^)> which

gradually encroached on the authority of the
House of Keang, and ended by superseding it in
the possession of the State of Ts*e. The farrago
of tne Chuen is intended to show how all this
was prognosticated beforehand. . I call it a
farrfigoy for it is no plainer in the original nor in
the Manchu version, than it is in my translation.]
Par. 4. In an entry like this, giving merely
the season and a month of it, the month ought

104

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK lU.

to be the first of the season. Such is the rule
observed throughout the Ch'un Ts^ew, excepting
in this passage. Many of the critics hold that

y is a mistake for DU ; but I prefer to think,

with Sun Fuh and others, that the par. is imper-
fect, there remaining only the commencement of
it, and that characters contiuning the account
of some event have been lost. It is difficult to
believe that some have held that Confucius
purposely made the summer commence with
the 6th month, to indicate his indignation at
the marriage, which began to be gone about
this year, of duke Chwang to the daughter of
the man who murdered his father! Yet this is
the view propounded by Ho Hew. And the
K*ang-he editors think it worthy of being pre-
serve, and call special attention to it!

Par. 6. Fang,— see I. ix. 6. There were rea-
sons for this covenant on both sides; and though
Ts*e had attacked Loo in the end of the duke's
19th year, it had since then smitten the Jung
to propitiate Loo. Kung-yang thinks that the
* covenanter ' on the part of Loo was * an inferior

person (|]^ >S^^* ^^^ ^^ must understand

j^ before ]J^. Chaou K*wang (j

down a correct rule;— H. §§,

)lay«
@ ft'

^3 4n ^& "toi* ' ^^ ^ accounts of covenants^
where the agent of Loo is not specified, the
duke is meant.'

Par. 6. The presenting of silks was the fourth
step in treaties of marriage, on the part of the

intending husband;— it was called )|ra^|([- Bui

when the prince of a State was a party concern-
ed, these gifts were to be sent by a great officer.
For the marquis himself to go to Ts'e with them
was * contrary to rule,' which he violated in
another respect,— arranging for his marriage so
soon after his mother's death. There must
have been reasons for his urgency which we do
not know. The common belief is that this
marriage had been arranged for by Wftn Keang
immediately after the young lady's birth, about
20 years before this, and that before her death
she had insisted on Chwang's fulfilling the
engagement immediately, without reference to
that event, he having already delayed so long,
unwilling to marry the daughter of his father's
murderer. But he had not continued single all
that time, — as we learn from the events of his
32d year. The marriage he now proceeded to
enter into was an evil one for him. The lady
was hardly better than her aunt, his mother,
had been.

Twenty-third year.

w n.

fsAB xxm.

DUKE CHWANG.

105

^♦"T* K ii 4® _

•<! T" i wR 0i<I

^oM i^ "& -^ iS$^

Sff # it 5J p.ffl ^ W.Sto:::

KXIII.

In his twenty-third year, in spring, the duke arrived
from Ts*e.

2 Shuh of Ghae came to Loo with friendly inquiries*

3 In summer, the duke went to Ts^e to see [the service

at] the altar to the Spirits of the land.

4 The duke arrived from Ts'e.

5 An officer of King came to Loo with friendly inquiries.

6 The duke and the marquis of Ts^e met at Kuh.

7 Shuh of Seaou paid a court visit to the duke.

8 In autumn, the duke painted red the pillars of [duke]

Hwan's temple.

9 In winter, in the eleventh month, Yih-koo, earl of

Ts'aou died.
10 In the twelfth month, on Keah-yin, the duke had a
meeting with the marquis of Ts*e, when they made
a covenant at Hoo.

Par. 1,4. See IL ii. 9. Chang Heah obseryes

lere, that the practice, intimated in the ^S, of

Jinottncing the return to the capital in the an-
estral temple was after the example of the ear-
iest 0OTereign8 of the Shoo, and refers to Il.i.lO
f that Book, where it is related that Shun, on
eturning after the close of his tours of inspec-
ion, *went to the temple of the CultiTated
ncestor, and offered a sacrifice.'
Far. 2. By Chae Shuh we are to understand
ither the earl of Chae, or one of his brothers.
[e, or his father, is called * duke of Chae,' in II.
iii. 6, as being one of the king's three principal
linisten. If the earl himself be here intended,

B is most likely, the -Jj^ is his designation.

Vom the form of the par., difft. from II. viii. 2,
nd others, we conclude that this visit was
nauthorized, and undertaken for some private
ad, — ^waa, as the phrase is, * contrary to rule.'
Par. 3. This act of the duke was of the same
ind as that of Yin in going to see the fishermen
t T*ang; — ^I.v. 1. There was something re-
larkable about the sacrifice in Ts*e which

^tracted risitors. Woo Ch4ng says :— *The SJiay

ix) vas ao ordinary thing,— the sacrifice

fered by princes to the Spirits of the land

ithin their States; other princes did not go to

itneas it But it was a custom in Ts'e to take

- /

TOL. ▼.

the opportunity of this sacrifice to assemble ita
armies, and make a boastful display of their
majesty and numbers, assembling others to wit-
ness it. It was this which afforded a pretext
to the duke for going at this time to Ts^e. The
Chuen has: — *When the duke was taking this
step, which was contrary to rule, Ts^aou Kwei
remonstrated with him, saying, "Do not go.
The rules of ceremony are all designed for the
right adjustment of the people. Hence there
are meetings of the princes [at the royal court], to
inculcate the duties severally incumbent on the
high and low, and to lay down the amount of
contributions which are to be severally made.
There are court visits, to rectify the true position
of the different ranks of nobility, and to ar-
range the order of the ^oung and the old.
There are punitive expeditions, to punish the
disobedient. The princes have their services on
the king's behalf, and the king has his tours of
inspection among the princes ; — when those meet-
ings and visits are observed on a grand scale.
Excepting on such occasions, a prince does not
move from his own State. Hie ruler's move-
ments must be written down. If there be written
concerning you what was not according to the
laws, how will your descendants look at it?" '

[The Chuen adds here the following, about
the affairs of Tsin: — *In Tsin, the circle of
families descended from Hwan and Chwang
f Hwan is the Hwan-shuh, or " Grand Success,"

106

THE CH^UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKm.

of the Cbuea appended to the 2d year of Hwan,
where earl Chwang i» also mentioned] began to
prees on dnke Heen, [the marquii at thii time],
who was distressed by them. Sse Wei said to
him, *'Iiet us do away with the officer Foo^
[Some take ^> s -7- as meaning— "Let us
do away with the wealthy among them "] and
then all the other descendants of the two princes
may be dealt with." The duke asked him to
attempt the thing, when Wei consolted with all
the others, calumniated Foo to them, and then
took him off.']

Far. 5. With this commenced Ts*oo's inter-
eourses of courtesy with Loo, and indeed with
any part of China proper.

Far. 6. Kuh,— see VILi. This was but a
hurried meeting; but it serres to show how
anxious duke Chwang was to get his marriage
treaty carried through.

Far. 7. Shuh of Seaou is the same as Shuh
Ta-sin of Seaou, mentioned in the Chuen on
XII. 4. Up to that time he had merely been a

great officer of Sung, holding the dtj of SSson;

but because of the services he then rendered in

the troubles of the State, duke Hwan erected

Seaou into a Foo-yung or attached teniUxji d

which this Shuh and his descendants were the

lords. Here we find him paying a visit to the

duke of Loa The par. Is not in the usnil foin,

m^ ;^ ^ ^ because the Tirit was psid It

Ki^, and not at the court of Loo. The ci^ d
Seaou was in the pres. dept. of Seu-chov

C^^), 10 & north from the dia.cityofSeioB.

Far. 8. According to rule, the pillars vera
required to be of a very dark colour, needy
black. The painting them red, it is undentood^
was to dazzle the young wife who would sooo be
appealing in the temple, and to propitiate the
spirit of Hwan, when the daughter of hie mio*-
derer should be presented as the wifie of hie nnt

Far. 10. Hoo was in Ch'ing,— in the nortli-

west of the pres. dietrict of Tuen-woo (^ j^
dep. Hwae-kHng. It is supposed the meettni
had reference to the impending maniage.

Twenty-fourth year.

m^fiz^t^vximMm

^^7k.%n.>^^2^

A ^.

TBisxziy.

DUKE CHWAKO.

107

# W « ± ft H t.fl.4*» Mnm^MzmwB.

* ± -1^ ^.* ic Jl # .i. H K.

XXIV. 1

In the duke's twenty-fourth year, in spring, in the
king's third month, he carved the rafters of [duke]
Hwan's temple.

2 There was the burial of duke Chwang of Ts^aou.

3 In summer, the duke went to Ts^e to meet^his bride.

4 In autumn, the duke arrived from Ts'e.

5 In the eighth month, his wife, the lady KSang, entered

[the capital!

6 On JMow-yin, tne great officers belonging to the ducal

House, and their wives, had an interview with her,
and presented offerings of silks.

7 There were great floods.

8 In winter, the Jung made an inroad into Ts^aou, when

Ee of Ts^aou fled to Ch4n, and Ch4h returned to
Ts^aou.

9 The duke of Kwoh—

Par. 1. Thli act waa of the aame nature aa
the painting the pillars in par. 8 of last year.
Tto-she taji: — ^'This was another act contrary
to mle. Tn-ran [the deeignation of KSng ( f^'
a great officer, the maater of the Workmen.

^^ H m^' @ S^^' ^ ^^'^ remonstrated,
laying, ^ Tour subject has heaz4 that economical
moderation is the reTerenoe of Tirtne, and that
eztrayaganoe is one of the greatest of wicked-
nesses. Our former ruler possessed that reverent
▼irtue, and you are cu t^ vers carrying him on
to that great wickedness; — ^is not this what
should not be?" ' Kuh-leang tells us that the
rale for the rafters of the temple of a son of
Heaven was that they should be hewn, and
rubbed smooth, and then polished bright with a
fine stone, whilie in that of the prince of a State
the rafters were only hewn, and rubbed smooth,
and in that of a grrat officer they were simply
hewn.

Parr. 8, 4. The duke went himself, ace. to
the ancient custom, to meet his bride^ and then
on his return, announced his arriral in the ances-
tral temple, which was also according to rule.

Par. 6. On this par. Kaou K^-l&ig says :•—
*As the duke met the lady Keang in person, he
ought to have entered with her on tiie same
day. As to the reason of their entering on dif-
ferent days, Kung-yang (as expounded by Too

Yu) thinks that as Mttng Jin [the duke*s earlier
mistress of the harem], was in the palace, Keang
was unwilling to enter, and must have made
the duke agree to remove Mftng Jin, while she
herself came leisurely on. And so also it was
that, when she entered the capital on the day
Ting-ch^ow, she did not immediately present her-
self in the ancestral temple; but it was the next
day, Mow-yin, when she repaired thither, and
the ceremony of giving audience to the wives of
the great officers who were related to the duke
by consanguinity, waa gone tlirough.' Hero
surely is an example where the rule about the

meaning of y^, mentioned on L ii. 2, cannot be

applied. Where was the hostility here on the
part of the 'enterer,' or the * unwillingness to
receive ' on the part of the * entered ?' Tet Kuh-
leang wmild make it out that the term indicates
a kind of horror in the temple at the entrance of
the daughter of the man who had murdered
duke HwanI

^»-^ ^m''^f^:k^Z

^@, *the wives of great officers of the same

surname as the duke.' Many of them would
have received other dan-names, but they were

Ul Ke. (J|i). i? ^ Jl ^ 0 H.

'The first interview, when introductory presents

were used, was called ^B .' The ^k^ used pro-

108

THE CH'UN T5«EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOEm

perly of gifts df sUkfe, tnay lilso comprehend other
offerings. — swch as gems. The interriew spoken
of took place in the ancestral temple, on the new
wife's first appearance there, nearly equivalent
to ont celebration of a marriage in a chnich.
The great officers were there officiallj, and at
Buoh a time their wives accompanied them. In
the Compendious style of the narrative of the
paragraph, the student may think that only the

wives are spoken of, but we must take *^ ^|b

at in apposition with ^^ ^|3, and not under

its regimen. This appears clearly from the
Chuen : — ^ In autumn, when Oae Keang arrived,
the duke made the wives of the great officers,
at their first interview, offer silks and gems ; —
which was contrary to rule. Yu-sun said, " The
offerings of males are, the greatest of them, gems

And silks, and the lesser, birds and animals
[that ^ sometimes— gj^, see the gg gj

1^ ^ ^ /V]*— ^® different things iUus-
trating their rank. But the offerings of women,
are only nuts, dates, and pieces of dried flesh, —
to show their respect. Now males and females
use the same offerings ; — there is no distinction
between them. But the distinction between
males and females is a grand law of the State,
and that it should be confounded by the duchess
surely is what should not be." '

[The Chuen continues here the narrative after
par. 8 of last year about the affairs of Tsin: —
* Sze Wei of Tsin again took counsel with all the
ether scions of the ruling House, and got them to
put to death the two sons of the Yew family.
He announced the fact to the marquis, saying
''Things are in progress. It will not take more
IhAn two years to relieve you of all trouble." ']

Par. 7. See on II. 1, 5.

Pm*. 8. Ke here is said by Too Yu to have
been "^ jj^ -^, *the heir-son of Ts'aou.'

He must therefore have succeeded to his hitlier
in the end of the last year (see XXIII. 9), sod
he is here mentioned without any title becaue
of his weakness and incompetency to *■ hold hia
own.' Too also says that Ch*ih was duke He,
who follows, in the list of lords of Ts^n, after
duke Chwang. But the Historical Beoordi uj

that He*s name was E (^^)i and make no men-
tion of any Ch *ih. We have not the inf omntion
necessary fully to elucidate the pangnph.

Kung-yatig reads-;^ ^ ^ W IR^

joining on the two characters of the next par^
and understanding the whole thus: — ^Therevu
a duke of Kwoh whose name was ChHh. He
had lost his own territory, and now finding
Ts'aou without a lord, he entered and took pot"
session of it !
Par. 9. This paragraph is plainly incomple^

unless we suppose that ^^V should be tV, and

then the meaning would be 'Kwoh perished.'

Ck>mpare ^1 "1^, in V. xix. 7.

The latter way of dealing with the psr. ia
adopted by many, and in support of it apaaaage
is quoted by Maou from the writings of the
philosopher Kwan, the marquis of Ts'e's prime
minister [This is a mistake. The passage ia m
Lew Heang's 3^ j^, ^ ^] :— * Duke Hwin
of Ts'e went to Kwoh, and asked an old man hov
the State had come to ruin. The reply waa.
'* It was because our lord loved the good and
hated the evil." ^According to your worda,*
said the duke '*he was a worthy prince. Hov
could he come to ruin?" The old man answered,
*'He loved the good, but he was unable to
employ them. He hated the bad, but he vaa
unable to put them away. Therefore it was the
State perished."

Possibly, we ought to read ]|Bl|^ ; baterafl
then, it ia not known where tins Kwoh was.

Tweniy-fifth year.

T n^.

^k^

n.^m

DUKS CHWANQ.

109

m z.^ 3i ^ # * ;*c.

T ^ jE ffl ^ :£.5l5 n
.:^ >g tt * i«: I^,+

0 JIT

XXV. 1 In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, the marquis

of Ch'in sent Joo Shuh to Loo with friendly inquiries.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Kwei-ch*ow, Soh,

marquis of Wei, died.

3 In the sixth month, on Sin-we, the first day of the moon,

the sun was eclipsed, when we beat drums, and ofier-
ed victims at the altar of the land.

4 The duke's eldest daughter went to her home in Ke.

5 In autumn, there were great floods, when we beat drums,

and offered victims at the altar of the land, and at
the [city] gates.

6 In winter, duke [Hwan's] son Yew went to ChHn.

Par. 1. A^iB read as ^h'^ Joo, the clan-name of

a family ofChln, connected with the ruling hooBe.

-jS^ is the indiTidnal's designation. Tso-she

lays that now * first was a contract of fHendship
made with Ch^in ;' meaning first since the in-
rasion of the western borders of Loo by Ch*in in
the doke's 19th year. He adds that the designa^
tion of the messenger is used and not the name,
to express commendation of his mission; but
such a canon for Uie use of names, fte., is with-
out foundation. And so is the rule insisted on
by Kuh-leang, that the designation shows that
Joo's ofiicial appointment in Ch'in had been
confirmed by the king.

Par. 2. 8oh;--seeII.XTL5;m.Ti2.

Par. 8. This eclipse took place in the mora-
ing of the 18th May^ B. C. 668. With regard
to the ceremonies which are mentioned, the
Chuen says they were * extraordinary,' adding:
— 'Only on the first day of the moon in the 1st
month \ue^ of summer J, when no encroachment
of the Yin influence [on the months of the
year] had yet begnn,on occasion of an eclipse of the
sun, did they present oflferings of silk at the altars
of the land, and beat drums in the court.' The

Chuen, (m tiie 17th year of duke Ch'aou (^}}

par. 2, says that 'the king did not hare his table
spread so liberally as usual, and made drums be
beaten at the altars of the land ; and that princes
of States presented ofFerings of silk at the altars,
ind had drums beaten in their courts.' Now in
the text the drums are beaten at the altars,— one
irregular thing; and victims are offered instead
of sUks; — another. As to Tso-she's statement
that the things he mentions were done only on
the 1st month of suamiery when tfa»

energies of nature were aU predominant, it may
be doubted whether the 4|| in the teutenee

f^ jE ^ ^ JBB *• correctly taken by Too
Yn (whom I have followed) in the sense of
' only.' The same observances took place, pro-
bably, at all eclipses. That in the Shoo, £u.iv.
4, in connection with which we have them, was
in the 9th month of Hea.

Par. 4. On the 1st par. of the 27th year, Too
observes that 'the eldest Ke' here was duke
Chwang's daughter. She must have been so,
for any daughter of his father would, long ere
this time, have been married away. Maaiy cri-
tics dwell on the fact that nothing has been said
here about the meeting of the ladr, aa hi the
marriage of duke Tin's daughter 1. ii. 5. Thii
point is unimportant. The husband wm not
t|p marquis of Ke, but his son.

Par. 5. The calamity of 'great floods' hlia
been mentioned several times ; but this is the)
flrst mention of special deprecatory serviced oh
such an occasion. Perhaps the t^egulaT oet^
monies were now flrst departed Arom. The
Chuen says: — 'The observances hete were also
extraordinary. On all occasions of calamities
from the hand of Heaven, there were offeringfs
of silks, and not of victims. And drums were

not beaten, excepting on the presage^ of calami-
ties by the sun and moon.' "[too defines P^ aa

PI P^, 'the dty gates,' which is doubtlesa
correct. But the Chuen says nothing about the
drumming and sacrifioinf at them. KuA^«
yang says it was improper; but I do not know
of any authority for his saying so.

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

[The Chtten, continuing the namtiTe of the
affairs of Tain, appended to par. 6 of last year,
■ays :— * Sie Wei of Tsingot all the oiktr sdons of
the ruling House to put to death all tlie branches
of the Tew family, after which he walled Tseu
for them to reside in. In winter, the marquis

BOOKm.

of Tsln besieged Tseu, and slew all the sou of
the former marquises.^

Par. 6. This Tew was an own brother of
duke Chwang,— a man of - virtue and ability.
His visit here to Ch4n was to return the
'friendly inquiries' from that State in the
spring.

Twenty-sixtk year.

.+ n

XXVI. 1 In his twenty-sixth year, in spring, the duke invaded

the Jung.

2 In summer, the duke arrived from the invasion of the

Jung.

3 Ts^aou put to death one of its great officers.

4 In autumn, the duke joined an officer of Sung and an

officer of Ts^e in invading Seu.

5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ewei-hae, the first

day of the moon the sun was eclipsed.

Parr. 1,2,4. The 1st and 4th paragraphs are
probably both desc^ptive of operations against
the Jung. Accepting the position of the Jung
which most troubled Loo as given correctly jn
the note on L iL 1, they were within the limin
of the ancient Seu-chow of Tu,— see the Shoo
ni.L Pt.i. 28 ; and though the SUte t>f Seu in
the time of the Ch*un Ts'ew was not so exten-
sive as tiie old Seu-chow, the Jung, we may con-
dude^ found sympathy and support from it.
We know that the Jung of Seu were a thorn in
the State of Loo from its commencement j~-see
the Shoo^ y.z3dz.l. Dukes Tin and Hwan

kept on good terms with them (L iL 1,4 : n.

iL 8) ; but hostile relations prerailed in the time

of Chwang [XVIH. 2). Ts^ attacked the Jung

on behalf of Loo in his 2(Hh year; but we find

tiiem here still unsubdued. That the marquis

of Loo should join officers of Sung and Ts^e in

the expedition against Seu seems to show that

Loo was principally interested in it

The lords of the State of Seu were Tiscoooti,
whose chidf town was 80 le north firom the pRt.

Sxe-chow (M j^) in Oan-hwuy. They pro-
fessed the same ancestry as the State of IVia
(1^), and were of course Tings (jS).

fToparr. 1,2. TheChuenmiends:— ^Intprinfff
Sze Wei of Tain became grand minister of Worki,
and in summer, he enkayed the walls of Kesag, lo
as to secide a greater &pth for the palaoe.^

Par. 8. Tso-she says nothing on this ptf-
We do not know who the officer put to deith
was, nor what was the offimce charged 9gvs^
him ; and the par. should be left in this obscnri^t
like the 8th of the 24th year, also reUtiag to
the affairs of Ts*aou.

[To par. 4, the Chuen appends: — ^*In antnpii,
a body of men from Kwoh made an incvnion
into Tsin, ; and in winter, another bo4y did the
same.*]

Par. 5. This eclipse took place m the awn-
ing of the 8d. Hot., B. C. 667.

Ykam XXYII.

DUKE CHWANO.

Twenty-seventh year.

Ill

iti

3f5 ^ ffi

M ^M U

Jnf.

1^ « ifc . g iS B5 ^ ^ *n ^ fl ^ ^ ai j® » ^. H .

gifc.-b

"f-m^vi- MM ZM m.B mmm mM
m m mM ^ ^ ^ ± ^ b ^ m.P m

XXVIL 1

In his twent^^-seventh: year, in spring, the duke had a
meeting with his eldest daughter, [married to the
heir] of Ke, in T^aou.

In summer, in the sixth month, the duke had a meet-
ing with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the
marquis of Ch*in, and the earl of Ching, when they
made a covenant together in Yew.

In autumn, duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ch4n to
the burial of Yuen Chung.

In winter, the duke*s eldest daughter — she of Ee— came
[to Loo].

E4ng of iLeu came to meet the duke's third daughter
as his bride.

118

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK m.

6 The earl of Ke appeared at our court.

7 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in

Shing-puh.

visit WM due onoe a ^ear while the parentg wen
aliye. The Chuen gives also the followmg can-
on:— ^<When the daughter of the prince of s
State comes back to visit her parents, only tbe

word ^P is used; when she returns divorced,

the phme 5|5 ^ is employed. When the
wife of a prince goes to visit her psients H ii
said — mj JjJ-, "she goes to such and racha
State;** when she goes back divorced, it is laid

Par. 1. T*aou is said by Too Tu to have been
in Loo; and the K^ang-he edition gives its site
as 50 /!e to the south of the dty of Fuh Chow

( j^ JJ4 ), dep. Ts'aou-chow. But Keang Yung

C^. ^) observes that ^e lay east from Loo,

and that Puh Chow is in what was the western
part of the State, so that it Is not likely the lady
would bave^crossed Loo to meet her father.

He therefore concludes that |^k is the same as

ijAj^, mentioned in the Chuen under par. 4 of
the 7th year of duke Ch*aou, and to be referred
to the pres. dis. of Sze-hwuy, dep. Yen-chow.
This, no doubt, Is the better identification.

Tso-she condemns the meeting, saying: —
* There was no proper occasion for it. The son
of Heaven » supposed to make no tour oi inspec-
tion unless it be for the publication of righteous-
ness; the prince of a State to make no move-
ment unless it be on the people's business; and
a minister not to go beyond the boundaries
of the State unless by his ruler's commmand.*
Possibly, however, there may have been circum-
stances which justified it. Ch*oh (Jrh-k^ang
(1^. ^ J^; of the Ming dyn., 1st part of

17th cent.), for instance, supposes that the pride
and jealousy of the duke's young Ts*e wife may
have rendered a preliminary meeting necessary,
before this daughter of the duke could pay the
visit of du^ mentioned in par. 4.

Par. 2. Comp. XVI. 4. The place of meeting
here is the same, and we have also the phrase

^ B9 ) in both para. Tso-she says the covenant

was made *on occasion of the submission of
Ch4n and Ch*ing.* Too, in explanation, of the
Chuen, refers to the troubles of Ch'in in
Chwang's 22d year, wlien Ts^e received King-
chung who had fled from it, and to the fact. of
the earl of Ch4ng having made a treaty with
Ts'oo in tbe 25th year, so that the loyal affection
of the two States to Ts^ might be doubted, but
a good understanding was now come to.

Par. 8. Yuen is the dan-name, and Chung
the designation, which is here given, because,
after the death of a minister, the rule was to
mention him by it, and not his name. The
Chueu says that the journey of Yew was
' contrary to rule,* and adds that Yuen-chung
was an old friend of Ke Yew. But the
journey, aco. to the Chuen on par. 1, was
only * contrary to rule,' if it was made with-
out the prince's authority. Chang Heah, Woo
Qhlpgi and Wang K*ih-hwan, all advocate
tiie view that Ke Yew had obtained that sanction ;
and the K'ang-he editors further add that, if he

had not done so, the character 4m would not

have been used of his journey.

Par. 4. Tlie Chuen says this visit was ^

Sl, ^a return to salute her parents.* Such a

""OT J^K'

[There is here a narrative about the afisin of
Tsm: — *The marquis of Tsin was going to
invade Kwoh, but See Wei said to him, ''Do
not do so now. The duke of Kwoh is arrogant
If he on an occasion has got a victory over si,
he will be sure to cast off and neglect his ovd
people. If when he has lost their sympathy, we
then attack him, though he may wish to mike
head against us, who will co-operate with him?
Now the cultivation of propriety and music, tod
the promotion of kindness and affection, sre tbe
ineans by whidi a spirit of fighting is prodnoei

When the people are brought to be courteoiu m

all their affairs, to delight in harmony, to lore

their relatives, and to grieve on the loss of them,

then they can be employed to fight Kwoh

does not nourish those conditions, and, freqnsst-

ly engaging in hostilities, its people will coos

to a condition of famine.** *]

Par. 5. Here K*ing, a great dBoer of Ken,
comes himself to meet a daughter of the diikSi
whom he had sought in marriage. A grest
ofiloer of Loo, of the surname Ke, would hare
been the agent of the duke in all the prdimiflsij
arrangements. That this has not been mention-
ed does not indicate that there was anything
irregular or improper in the transaction.

Par. 6. In IL ii. 5 the lord of Ke has the title
of marquis. As he has here only the title of
earl. Too Yu concludes that his rank most hsve
been reduced by the king; — ^which king is sol
known. It may have been Hwan, Chwang, He,
or Hwuy.

[The Chuen adds here:— * The Kng aent
Leaou, eari of Shaou, to convey to the msrqnii
of Ts*e his appointment of him to thepresidaqi
oj the States, and to ask him to attack Wd, be-
cause the marquis of it had raised Tsze-t*iij to
the throne (See the 8d Chuen appended to

xrx. 4).*]

Par. 7. Shing-puh was in Wei,— in the pwe.
dis. of Ts^aou, dep. Ts*aou-chow« It was netr
to the borders of the Stat€ of Ts'aou. Too ssji
this meeting was preliminary to the punishment
of Wd, with which the king had charged tbe
marquis oi Ts'e. See the last Chuen.

Year XXVUI.

DUKE CHWANG.

Twenty-eighth year.

113

^ ^. KMoT % K A

ie 3t AH

PI ^ m.f!!.:5t ^ i^ ^ W >P.^C1\^ M i^ :* ii

^ jS j^ ^ ;i f ii m.±M :&mmm.i^^

^ ;^ m ft *^ f m,m ^

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at ^ *^ ^.iCi\# ^h tt ^.

0 Jg W ± 3« :^ ^ 3« X

<VHIo

:m ^ ^

0i.

^ ::!

TOL ▼.

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK m.

S5 & ^ ± 1 ^ -fe MM.T mm.T^m^mA

XXVIII. 1

3
4

5
6
7

In the [duke'sl twenty-eighth year, in spring, in the
king s third month, on Keah-yin, an army of Ts'e
invaded Wei, The men of Wei and the men of
Ts^e fought a battle, when the men of Wei re-
ceived a disgraceful defeat.

In summer, in the fourth month, on Ting-we, So,
viscount of Choo, died.

In autumn, King invaded Ch4ng.

The duke joined an officer of Ts'e and an officer of
Sung in relieving Ch'ing.

In winter we enclosed Mei.

There was a great want of wheat and rice.

Tsang-sun Shin represented the case to Ts*e, [and ob-
tained leave] to buy grain there.

Par. 1. ^ j^''*^ ^° II.zm. 1. Tra-she
•ays here: — *Id spring, the marquis of Ts'e in-
Taded Wei ; defeated the army of Wei in battle;
declared the command he had received from
the king ; took bribes and returned.' It appears
from this Account that the marquis of Ts'e him-
self took part, if we ought not to say commanded,
in the invasion and defeat of Wei; and hence
arises a difficulty in accounting for the first

Wp^L' Too Yu thinks that the announcement

of the affair to Loo was so constructed as to
make it appear that only an officer was in
charge of the army, and so the shame of accept-
ing bribes might be averted from the marquis.
Whatever be thought of this view, it proceeds

meaning *an officer of Ts'e,' and does not sanction
the idea that the marquis is here purposely
called *a man,' or *an officer,' to signify the
•age's disapprobation of his conduct. But we
need not depart from the usual application of

^^. The marquis accompanied the army, but
he did not command it. This is the view of
Maou. Woo Ch4ng thought that the mpquis
remained in Shing-puh, expecting that a small
demonstration would be enough to coerce Wei
into submission, whereas the army of Wei rashly
provoked a battle. This account of the matter

derives confirmation from the '^^^^ preceding

jpft ^^ in the second part of the par.

J The Chuen here resumes its account of the
airs of Tsin :— *Duke Heen of Tsin married a
daughter of the House of Kea, who had no
child. Afterwards he committed incest with
his father's concubine Ts^e Kenng, by whom he
had a daughter who became wife of chike Muh of
Ts'in, and a son Shin-sftng, whom he, after his
faUi&'s death, acknowledged as his heir. Subse-
quently he married two ladies from among the
Jung, the one of whom, called Hoo Ke of the

great Jung, bore Ch^ng-urh, and the other, who
was of the small Jung, bore £-woo. Wbea Tiin
invaded the Le Jung, their chief, a baron^ gave
him to wife his daughter, Le Ke, who bore t ion
caUed He Ts'e, while her younger sister bore him
Ch^oh-tsze. Le Ke became the favourite with the
duke, and wished to get her son declared hii
successor. In order to this, she bribed two offi-
cers, who were favourites with him, — Leang-woo,
of the outer court, and another, Woo from Tnng-
kwan, and got tiiem to speak to tlie marquis to
this ^ect : — " K'euh-yuh contains your lordship'i
ancestral temple; P*oo and Urh-k*euh are your
boundary cities. They should not be without
their lords residing in them. If your ancestral
city be without its lord, the people will not feel
awe; if the others be without Uieir lords, that
will lead the Jung to form encroaching projecti.
When they do so, the people will despise the
government as bdng remiss; — ^to the harm of
the State. If the heir-apparent be put in charge
of K*euh-yuhf and Ch'ung-urh and £-woo he
put in charge, the one of P*oo, and the other of
Urh-k<euh, this will both awe the people and ke^
the Jung in fear, and display, moreover, jour
lordship's efibctive rule." She made them both
say fVirther, "The wide territory of the Teih will
in this way be a sort of capital of Tsin. Is it not
right thus to extend the coimtry of the State?"

' The marquis was pleased with these suggest-
ions, and in the summer he sent his eldest sod
to reside in K*$uh-yuh, Ch'nng-urh to reside is
the city of P*oo, and E-woo in K'euh. Thus all
his other sons were sent away to the borderii
and only the sons of Le Ke and her sister were
left in Keang. The end was that tlie two Woo
and Le Ke slandered the others, and got He-ts^
appointed heir to the State. The people of
Tsin called the two Woo the pair of ploaghen-l

Par. 2. This So had been viooount of Choo
for 12 years. He was succeeded by his toOi
Keu-ch*oo (]9[ ^S\

XitJA XXIX.

DUKE CHWANG.

115

Parr. 8,4. King,— see on X. 5. In par. 4,
after ^ \ Kung-yang ^^ ^ ^ \'
The Chaen has: — 'Tsze-vuen, chief-minister of
Ts^oo, wished to seduce the widow of king Wftn,
and made a hall by the side of her palace, where
he set on foot e&ibitions of dancers. When
the lady heard them, she wept, and said, **Our
deceased lord by means of these dances practised
preparations for war. But now the niinister
makes no use of them against our enemies, but
exhibits them by the side of me, waiting solitary
for my death; — ^is not this strange?" One of
her attendants repeated these words to Tsze-
yuen, who said, ** She does not forget the duty of
surprising our enemies, while I on the contrary
have forgotten it."

'In autumn, with 600 chariots, he invaded
Ch*ing, and entered ito {errAory by the barrier-gate
of Keeh-teeh. He himself, with Tow Yu-keang,
Tow Woo, and K&ng-che Puh-pe, led the way with
streamers flying; while Tow Pan, Wang-sun Yew,
and Wang-sun He, brought up the rear. All the
chariots entered by the Shun gate, and advanced
to the market place on the high way. The port-
cullis gate, leading to the city, however, was open,
and people were coming out who spoke the
dialect of Ts*oo. Tsze-yuen said, **Ah, there
are men in Ch4ngl" When the princes came
to relieve it, the army of TsHx) retreated in the
night; and when the people of Ch4ng were
about to flee to T*ung-k*ew, their spies brought
word that there were birds about the tents of
Ts*oo, so th^ stopped their flight.'

Par. 5. Mei was a town of Loo of no great
size, — in the west of pres. Tung-p4ng Chow,
dept. T*ae-gan. Kung and Kuh both read

^^. Tso-she says: ' Mei was not a city ( |[|{).

All towns having an ancestral temple, with the

8pirit-tablets of former rulers, were called cities

(^^J); those without such a temple were called

towns (S). Walling a town is called cAiiA(^S);

wslling a city is called thing (^|£V According to

this account, it is not said that Mei was now
built, but only that it was enclosed, though not
with the strong wall which would have served
for the defence of a city.

[Tso-she's account of Too and YiA, cities and
towns, is not very clear. Unless the capital of
a State were changed, how could there be ances-
tral temples, with tablets of the former rulers,
anywhere but in it ? Maou observes that the
cUms springing fh>m the descendants of the
princes would of course have a tablet of the
prince to whom they traced their origin in their
ancestral temple; and the principal city held by

them might be called a too. From the Chuen
on I. i. 8, it appears that the too were of three
degrees. The ground of distinction between
cities and towns in England is not in all cases
clearly ascertained. There is an interesting
coincidence between Tso's statement that an an-
cestral temple constituted a city in China and
the view that it is the cathedral of a bishop
which constitutes one in England.]

Par. 6. Ying-tah says on this: — *The wheat
was ripe in the summer, and the labours with
the rice were completed in autumn; but this
entry is made under winter, because then there
was fully discovered the insufficiency of the
harvest in the other seasons.*

Par. 7. Tsang-sun Shin is better known by
his designation and hon. title, — ^Tsang Wftn-

chung (,'Kr iH^}- H^ belonged to a dis-
tinguished and loyal family in Loo. We have
his great grandfather, Tsang He-pih, in the
Chuen on I. v. 1 ; and his grandfather, Tsang
Gae-pih, in that on n.ii.4. Gae-pih appears
again in the Chuen on III. xi. 8, by his surname
and name, — ^Tsang-sun Tah. In that Chuen the
name Tsang W&n-chung occurs, but the text
must be corrupt. In Chwang's 6th year, Wftn-
chung was but a young boy.

Kung and Kuh both take 4^ as — i£, * to

nra

ask leave,' but I prefer to take it as in the trans-
lation. Shin's proceeding, Tso-she says, was
according to rule. But many critics condemn
it, as if he had gone privately, unauthorized.
There is a detailed account, however, in the

B ^' § ^' Jt» ^'^ *' ^^^^ Wto-chung
recommends the measure to duke Chwang, and
obtains leave to go to Ts*e. He took with him
valuable offerings to duke Hwan to support his
request, who, with the magnanimity proper to
him, returned tliem, while he allowed grain to
be sold to Loo.

Kung and Kuh say that there ought to have
been no necessity, on one year's dearth, to apply
for help to a neighbouring State; and that the
prince who had not stores accumulated, sufficient
for three years at least, was sure to lose his
State. That there was not sufficient provision
in the State itself for the emergency shows how
inefficient the government of Chwang had been.
Where there is no commerce with foreign na-
tions, a kingdom can only provide for the
occurrence of bad years by the accumulated
superabundance of good ones; but such super-
abundance requires not only benignant skies,
but a good government and a well-ordered, in-
dustrious, people as well. It must be long since
China had a supply of one year's provisions
accumulated in its granaries.

}^mM-

Twenty-ninth year.

116

THE CH*UN TS»EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKHL

XXIX

Pm.I. Maou aajri, 5^ juj ^ -g^ ^ p,q

'the term ^Sh denotes the repairing of the old.'

Tliis aeems to be the correct interpretation.
Ho Hew says that the repairing of an old thing

is called ^Sti if additions be made to the old,
the character ^^ is used; when a thing is
made for the 1st time, we say ^E. Others, how-

ever, will hare it that in this case the old stables
were remored, and entirely new ones erected.

Tuen
we are

In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, in spring he repaired
his stables.

In summer, a body of men from Ch'ing made an in-
cursion into Heu.

In autumn, there was [a plague of] fei insects.

In winter, [duke Yin's] third daughter — she of Ke—
died.

We walled Choo and Fang.

creatures was not recorded unless they tmomted
to a plague.' The canon is probably applicable
here, but the appearance of unusual things is
also found, where the idea of their being i

plague is inadmissible. But what the fl^ were

is much disputed. Lew Heang, Ho Hew, and
others, think they were a kind of bug, produced
in Tueh, and extraordinary in Loo. More likely
is the opinion of others that they^t was a kind of

locust, that called the ^ ^^, — the Bg

of the She; known also as the 4^ ^ a*

Lew Ch'ang (^ ^ ; A. D. 1019—1077) ab-

surdly identifies theyet with a monster mentioned

in the [2] ;^ ||^,— 'like an ox, with a white

head, one eye, and a dragon's tail,' &c.

Par. 4. ;^ jB, — see L viL 1: HLml.

There was no State of Ke (^) now; but the

lady for her worthiness retains her title.
Far. 6. Choo was 30 /e to the south-west of

the pres. dis. city of Choo-shing (^ jjfj^ dep.

Ts^ng-chow. Fang has occurred sereral timea.
The Chuen says the walling of these waa sea-
sonable, and adds :— ' With regard to all labours
in building, when the first stars of the Dragoa
[see on the Shoo, I. 5] appeared [the Uth
month of Chow], the labours of husbandly were
finished, and the people were warned to prepare
for these others. When the Ho (Fire) star
appeared (after the preTious ones), the materiala
were all ready for use. When Mercury culmi-
nated at dusk, the work should be going oo.
By the solstice, all should be finished.'

[The Chuen adds:— *P*e of Fan rebelled
against the king.']

E,g, ChHng Twan-heoh (jg J^

^y Kuh-leang says that by 2^
to understand ^P ^S, the duke's stables.'
The special import of ^t is not known. We
might translate it 4ong;' and Wang Paou (^
AsiS) aptly compares with it the 4ong treasury
(^r \tS:\* mentioned Aua. XI. xilL 1. As to

the character of the transaction, Tso-she ob-
serves that *it was unseasonable. The horses
were let out of their stables at the vernal equi-
nox, when the day and night were of equal
length, and brought back at the autumnal.'
The season of Chow's spring, or Hea's winter,
therefore was not the time to repair the stables.
Par. 2. The Chuen here gives definitions of
terms : — ' An expedition with bells and drums

was called 4^^ (an attack or invasion); one

without them, ^^ (a stealthy incursion); one

made quickly and with a small force, ^S (a
surprise).'

Par. 8. Tso-she says that these /et constitut-
ed * a plague] — and that the appearance of such

Jmam XXX.

DUKE CHWANG.

Thirtieth year.

117

^ ^f^ iim^Ammi

AM.

=fm^

.J Oj =^.2 K « « ® S* W.g @ « H W i* #.g

iK 3$ a m.m.ii f- m-x m ^ m m.m ^m m

1 It was the [duke's] thirtieth year, the spring, the king's

first month.

2 In summer, [our] troops halted at Ch^ing.

3 In autumn, in the seventh month, a body of men from

Ts^e.reduced Chang.

4 In the eighth month, on Ewei-hae, we buried [duke

Yin's] third daughter, — her of Ke.

5 In the ninth month, on Kfing-woo, the first day of the

moon, the sun was eclipsed, when we beat drums
and offered victims at the altar of the land.

6 In winter, the duke and the marquis of Ts'e met on the

Loo side of the Tse.

7 An officer of Ts^e invaded the hill Jung.

[The Chuen inaertB after par. l:*-*!!! spring,
the king commanded the duke of Kwoh to poniBh
P*e of Fan; and in sommer, in the 4th month,
on Ping-shin, the duke entered Fan, seized
Chnng-p^e, and carried him to the capitaL*]

Par. 2. Ch*ing,— seeILTL2. Tso-she's text

has no 6jfi hefore ^^; hat the want does not

affect the meaning. By ^j^ we are to under-
stand a small hody of troops under the command
of a great officer. Maou obserres that the ^jfi,

spoken of Loo, is equivalent to the ^^, so often
used in speaking of the troops of other States.

The troops in the text had probably been
despatched from the capital, in consequence of
Ts*e'8 threatening Chang (in next par.);^ — to
defend Chang, as Kuh-leang says, or to be
prepared for any troubles on the borders of Loo.
They stopped, however, at Ch*ing through fear
of T8*e.

[The Chuen continues here the narrative
about the affairs of Tsoo from XJtVlU.4:—
* Yuen, son of king Woo of TbHh), on his return
from the invasion of Ch4ng, took up his residence
in the king's palace. Tow Yih-sze remonstrated
with him, and afterwards seized him and put
him in hand-cuffs.

118

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK ni.

' In autumn, Tow Pan, duke of Shin Taa the
Tiscount of Ts*oo had usurped the title of king,
here one of his officers is stjled duke], put
Tsze-yuen to death. Tow T'oo-woo-t'oo be-
came chief minister, and emptied his house
of everything to alleviate the difficulties of the
State.*]

Far. 8. Chang was a small State, whose chief
town was 60 le east of the city of Tung-pHng
Chow, dep. T*ae-gan. Its chiefs were Keangs, and

it is said to have been a Foo-ynng of Ke (^rR)*

But it seems to have been too distant from that

State to be attached to it. jj^ (hJSang), used

actively, signifies to reduce. It indicates that
little or no resistance was made ; — Chang surren-
dered on the appearance of the enemy, and
thenceforth was part of Ts'e.

Par. 4. Loo sent a great officer to superintend
this service.

Par. 5. This eclipse took place on the 21st

August, B. C. 663. As to the observances em-
ployed, see on XXV. 4.

Par. 6. The river Tse (see the Shoo, in.i. Pt.
i. 20, 27 : Pt. ii. 10) served as part of the bouDdary
line between Ts'e and Loo, and so we have

TdjLy^ and @^V* the Ts*e side and the Loo

side of the Tse. The hurried meeting here is
said by Tso-she, to have been to consult about
the Hill Jung, who had reduced the State of
Ten to great distress.

Par. 7. The Hill Jung, or northern Jong,
had their seat in the pres. dep. of Yung-p^

(^ ^)> Chih-le, m the north-east of that

province. There is a most graphic aoooant of

this expedition in the TljBB J^i Z^ |* '

|B| j but I fear it is mostly fabulous. It prooeedi

on the supposition that the marquis of Ti'e him-
self conducted his troops, attended by Kvan
Chimg. Kung and Kuh also both think that
he did so, but Uieir view proceeds on a faUe

interpretation of the phrase 7K ^. See the

note by the K'ang-he editors m Lc,

Thirty-first year.

^M\

m m M n.\iX T ^.ra m j® 3« ^ ;^ - 0.

XXXI. 1

2
3
4

5
6

In his thirty first year, in spring, [the duke] built a

tower in Lang.
In summer, in the fourth month, the earl of Seeh died,
rrhe duke] built a tower in S@eh.
In the sixth month, the marquis of Ts'e came and

presented [to the duke some of the] prisoners and

spoils of the Jung.
In autumn, [the duke] built a tower in Ts'in.
In winter, there fell no rain.

Parr. 1, 8, 6. ThU might be caUed • year of
tower building. Theaeyarionsentrietihowhow
tlie duke wa* carrying liis pencliant in this re-
spect to extravagance. Lang, — aee I. ix. 4 ; e( oil
SSeh wai in tbe loath-east of the pret. dis. of
T'tng, dep. Ten-cliow. Tttn was a little way

•ontli of the prei. dis. iAXf of Fan {Mi^ ^

Ta'aou-chow.

Par. 2. 8eel.xi.l. There we hsTe the' ih>-
qnia * of Seeh, and here only the eari. It ■*
■apposed that the rank of marquis had bees
reduced, as in the case of Ke, XXVn.6. Too

ykar xxxn.

DUKE CHWANG.

119

Yd thinks that the name of the earl is not given,
hecanse Loo had never covenanted with him.
Many of the canons for the style, however,
delivered in this way, are questionable. Tu

Kaou {^jSj[ Js^ ; Tuen dyn.) says here that the

omission of the name and of the day of death is
simply a defect of the text.

Par. 4. ^ here — "f^ in VI. 5. ;^ sug-
gests the idea of spoils rather than of prisoners of
war, hut I suppose they should both be included

here. j|ft is used of offerings by an inferior to

a superior, and, as used here, must intimate
that the whole thing was a piece of vainglory
and display on the part of the marquis of Ts'e.

The idea of a march past Loo, of the returning
with all the spoils displayed, which many of the
critics have adopted fh)m Kung-yang, is properly
rejected by the K*ang*he editors. The Chuen
says : — * This affair was contrary to rule. When
a prince has gained successes over any of the wild
tribes, he presents the spoils to the king, who
employs them to terrify other tribes. Spoils
taken by one State from another are not so
presented ; and the princes do not send of their
spoils to one another.'

Far. 6. This entry is made as of an unusual
thing. Some of the critics say that as there
were no crops on the ground, the want of rain
could do no harm. It would, however, occasion
much suffering.

Thirty-second year.

AS^L ^l_^ ^f^

It m

^ ii»^ >&fm^z ^M ^M mm

m -t.BM tr 3E IN- ^ f* B.T M i^.
ffM ^ m.^M BM X m ^.T It t«

p mXi l^.ffii ft ^ ^,ZM i ^.T g.
^ « M f^ mMMMB i* ft * #

i^ "T* W

^n^z.

yi^ rW ^>^

120

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

^ A 4^.^ A

jjL ^ a m.^.

^ ^.# it: ^.

g ja 5? !^.a

BOOKm.

XXXII.

2
3
4

In the [duke's] thirty-second year, in spring, he walled

Seaou-kuh.
In summer, the duke of Sung and the marquis of Ts^e

met in Leang-k'ew.
In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ewei-sze, duke

[Hwan's] son, Ya, died.
In the eighth month, on Ewei-hae, the duke died in

the State-chamber.
In winter, in the tenth month, on Ke-we, the [dukes]

son. Pan, died.
Duke [Hwan's] son, K*ing-foo, went to Ts*e.
The Teih invaded Hing.

Par. 1. Tso-Bhe says that Hhis walling of
Seaou-kuh was on behalf of Kwan Chnng:' and
Too Tu adds, in explanation, that duke Chwang,
moTed by the virtue of Hwan of Ts^e, to gratify
him walled the city which he had assigned to
Kwan Chung, his adviser and minister. If this
be correct, then Seaou-kuh was, as Too says,
in Ts'e, the same as the Kuh in VII. 4, XXIII. 6.
It occurs often hereafter, and always by the name
of Kuh ; and in a Chuen appended to X. zi. 9, it
is said that duke Hwan walled it, and placed
Kwan Chung in it But that city is called
Kuh, and never Seaou-kuh. Fan Ning, there-
fore, has many followers, when he says that
this was a town of Loo; and they urge that if
Tso-she's opinion were correct, the text would

have 1W> before the name of the place. From

the text alone we certainly conclude that Seaou-
kuh belonged to Loo.

Far. 2. Leang-k*ew was m Ts<e, dOie to tiie
east of the present dis. city of Shing-woo, dep.
Ts'aou-chow. Tso-ahe lays that *the marquis
of Ts'e, with a view to punish Ts*oo for its
invasion of Ch*ing [in the duke's 28th year],
called a meeting of the princes, and that the
duke of Sung requested an interview with him
before any of the others, in consequence of
which they met here in Leang-k'ew.' Too adds
that the marquis was so pleased with this zeal,
that he made the duke appear b^ore himself
in the account of their meeting I

[The Chuen adds here a strange narrative: —
*In autumn, in the 7th month, there was the
descent of a Spirit in Sin fSin belonged to
Kwoh]. King Hwuy asked ko, the historio-
grapher of the Interior, the reason of it, and he

replied, <'When a State is about to flooroh,
intelligent Spirits descend in it, to survey iti
virtue. When it is going to perish. Spirits sin
descend in it, to behold its wickedness. Thiu
there have been instances of States floariflhing
fh)m Spirits appearing, and also of States periih-
ing; cases in point might be adduced from the
dynasties of Tu, Hea, Shang and Chow." The
king then asked what should be done in Uie
case of this Spirit, and Ko replied, "Freseut to
it its own proper offerings, which are tboie
proper to the day on which it came." The long
acted accordingly, and the historiographer veDt
to Kwoh, and presented the offerings. There hs
heard that the duke of Kwoh had beenxeqneitiflC
the favour of enlarged territanf from the fipiriti
and on his return, he said, ** Kwoh is sure to
perish. The duke is oppressive, and listeoe to
Spirita."

The Spirit stayed in Sin six months, when the
duke of Kwoh caused the prayer-master Ting, the
superintendent of the ancestral temple K^eu, and
the historiographer Tin, to sacrifice to it, and the
Spirit promised to give him territory. The his-
toriographer Tin said, '* Ah I Kwoh will perish.
I have heard that, when a State is aboat to
flourish, its rvier receives his lessons from the
people ; and when it is about to perish, he
receives his lessons from Spirits. The Sprits
are intelligent, correct, and ImpartiaL Their
course is regulated by the feelings of men. t^
slendemess of Kwoh's virtue extends to many
things ; — how can any increase of territoiy he
obtained?"]

Far. 3. " Ta died."— He was in fact m^^de^
ed, or done to death, and the statement m (he

ybak xxxn.

DUKE CHWANG.

121

text is fashioned to conceal the deed perpetrated.
The Chuen relates: — *At an early time, the
duke built a tower near the residence of the
Cliang family, from which he got a sight of
Ming Jin [Le., * the eldest Jin.' Jin was the
surname of the Changs], and followed her; but
she shut the door against him. He then said
he would make her his wife, when she consented
to his desires, cutting at the same time her arm,
and with the blood making a covenant with him.
She afterwards bore a son to the duke, who was
called Ptfn.

* On occasion of a sacrifice for rain, the duke
was discoursing on the subject at the residence
of the Leang family, while his daughter was
looking on at what was taking place. The chief
groom Loh was outside the wall, and attempted
to made sport with her, which incensed her
brother Pan, so that he ordered Loh to be
scourged. When the duke heard of it, he said,
I* You should have had him put to death. He
is not a man to be scourged. Loh is possessed
of great strength, and can throw the cover oj a

earriagt plie meaning of jg here is much

disputed] over the south gate.**

* When the duke was ill, he consulted his
half-brother Shuh-ya about who should be his
successor, and Ya said, *K4ng-foo [Ya's own
full brother] has ability." The duke also asked
his Jfdl brother Ke-yew, who replied that he
would support Pan to the death. «A little
ago," said the duke, ** Ya mentioned the ability
of K4ng-foo." On this Ch*ing Ke [Ch*ing was
the hon. title of Ke-yew] sent a messenger with
the duke's order to command He-shuh [Shuh-ya.
He was his hon. title] to wait in the family of
the officer K'een-woo, where he made K*een Ke
present poison to him, with the message, ** Drink
it, and your posterity shall be prescrv^ in the
8tate. If you do not drink it, you shall die, and
your posterity shall be made no account of."
He drank the poison, returned as far as K*wei-
ts*euen, and died. His son was made the first
of the Shuh-sun family.'

The critics for the most part justify Ke-yew
for taking ofiT Shuh-ya in the manner described
in the Chuen. Yew was the full brother of
duke Chwang, and faithful, having the interests
of the State at heart. K*ing-foo and Shuh-ya
were half-brothers of Chwang, themselves full
brothers; and King-foo's ambitious and crafty
disposition was well known. He was carrying
on a criminal intrigue with Gae Keang, and
his aim was to become marquis himself. From
what occurred at the duke's death-bed, it ap-
peared to Ke-yew that Ya was confederate with
his brother, and he therefore took him off, as
the best way to weaken K4ng-foo, and secure
tlie succession of Pan. Shih Keae ( JK^ 'ft »
A.D. 1005 — 1067) discourses on the subject in
the following way :—* Affection between bro-
thers, and righteousness between ruler and
subject :--neitber of these things can be dis-
pensed with. But if a paramount sway be
allowed to the affection, it may happen that
the righteousness cannot be maintained; and
if it be allowed to the righteousness, it may
happen that the affection cannot have its course.
When such cases occur, it requires sagely wis-
dom and virtue to deal in them aright. When
king Woo died, his brothers Kwan and Ts^ae led

on Woo-kttng to rebel. If the 'duke of Chow
had regarded merely his affection for his bro-
thers, the kingdom must have been ruined, and
the young king imperilled. He would not
sacrifice the kingdom to his own individual
feelings, nor allow his private affection to over-
rule the righteousness due from him as a subject
to his sovereign ; and so, in the strength of great
righteousness, he punished his brothers with
death. In the case be/ore us, Shuh-ya wanted to
raise K*ing-foo to the lordship of Loo. If Ke-
yew had regarded merely his affection for his
brothers, K'ing-foo must have become marquis,
and Loo would have been thrown into confusion.
Yew would not allow his private feelings to
prevent the discharge of his public duty, nor
exchange for the life of one man the benefit of
the whole State ; and so, in the stern dischnrge
of gretLt public righteousness, he poisoned Ya.
After ages can surely examine the nature of his
deed. When the duke of Chow cut off his
brothers Kwan and Ts'ae, he proclaimed their
guilt. When Ke-yew poisoned Shuh-ya, he
concealed the deed. The crime of the duke of
Chow's two brothers was displayed ; the crime
of He-shuh was still hidden, and could not be
known. And hence it is that it appears in the
text as if he had died a natural death.'

Par. 4. j^ Sa is explained by Kung, Kuh,

and others, as^^'TP^ ^£» 'the right chamber.'
See the note in the Shoo, on V. xxii. 1 0. The last
or innermost of the gates of the king's palace,
or of the palace of the prince of a State, was
called ^^ p^ , and inside it were the apart*

ments called u*in (^). That character
means 'to sleep,' but the tsHn were not bed-
rooms, in our sense of the term. They did not
form part of the harem. There were three of

them, — the Kaou (j^) or *High' u*in, the

Loo Win, and the SSaou (/J>) or * Small' ts'in.
The Loo was the State chamber, where the
king or prince gave audience to his ministers,
and sometimes feasted his guests ; and here it
was proper he should die, open to the visits of
his ministers, and with none of his wives or
female attendants about him. The Chuen saya
that *on the duke's death, his son Pan succeeded
to him, and stopped in the house of the officer
Chang [As appears from the previous Chuen, the
house of his mother's family.]'

Par. 5. Here we have another concealment
of the truth, for the new marquis was murdered,
without any of the mitigating circumstancea
which have been urged to justify the deed of
Ke-yew in putting Sliuh-ya to death. The
Chuen says:— *Kung-chung [K-ing-foo*. Kung
is the hun. title, and Chung the designation]
employed the chief groom Loh to murder the
young marquis Pan in the house of the Chang
family. Ch*ing Ke then fied to Chin, and
another son of Chwang^ known as duke Min, was
raised to the marquisate.' With regard to the

language of the paragraph, -^ JJO simply

means * the son Pan.' Pan had, indeed, succeed-
ed to his father, but Chwang was still unburied.
The year, moreover, had not closed, and a new
rule had not been publicly inaugurated. The

VOL. r.

122

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKm.

new manqtoif, theref oie, is not acknowledged as
•uch. His rule was abortive. He is not caUed
'& or j^f and Ills death is described by S[

instead of ^.Instead ot^^ Kung and

Ktth read ZiTfC' ^^ Zi^fC ^<^ i° ^® ^^^^
month, not the 10th.

Par. 6. King-foo had murdered Pan, and
aimed to become marqids himself. Something,
howeyer, was in the way of his immediately ac-
compUsbinghis object, and here he goes to Ts^,
probably to represent the things which had oc-
curred m Loo in the manner most faTourable to

himself, and to pave the way for his Airther
projects. Ifaou thinks that 'kj is a euphem-

ism for ^K ; but there is no necessity for that
▼lew. JBut who had secured the succession of
duke Min ? The last two clauses of the last

ca.u« «e ;^ ^ Ijt g|, i: g| ^. I

hare translated the condnding one pavi?^;
but the KHmg-he editors carry (m J^ ^ to

II as its subject. I do not see how Ching E%

himself compelled to flee the State, could effect
the acknowledgment of Min. ProbaUj K4iig-
f oo saw that if, after murdering one of dhwtng^i
sons, he proceeded at once to set &e other t-
side, public feeling would be too strong for him;
and he therefore co-operated with other offioen
in the designation of Min, then only 8 jesn
old ^ — ^meaning to deal with him ere long.

Par. 7. Hing was a marquisate hdd by de-
scendants of the duke of Chow. Its chief tows

was at first in the pres. dis. of Hing-fae, (ffl|

Jt), dep. Shun-tih, Chih-le ; but, in two yeui

uter this time, at a place 12 2e to the soutb«veit
of the pres. dep. city of Tung-ch'ang, Shaa-
tung. Teih is the general name for tiie viU
tribes of the north. This is the first mentian of
them in the Ch*un Ts'ew.

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First year.

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124

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK IV.

/*f^ >& ^ ^ ll|:g ^ ^.;g ^ ifc.#.^ n ^ <e.

I. 1 It was [the duke's] first year, the spring, the kings first

month.
2 A body of men from Ts^e [went to] relieve Hing.
8 In summer, in the sixth month, on Sin-yew, we buried our

ruler, duke Chwang.

4 In autumn, the duke made a covenant with the marquis of

Ts'e at Loh-koo.

5 The officer Ke came back to Loo.

6 In winter, Chung-sun of Ts'e came [to Loo].

TiTLB OF THB BooK.— ^ ^, *Duke Min.'
This WM a son of duke Chwang, by a half-sister
of the duchess Gae Keangj one of the ladies, who
accompanied her from Ts'e to the harem of Loo
in Chwang's 24th year, and who is generally
mentioned as 8hah Keang (J^ ^). He
could only be, therefore, about 8 years old at his
father's death. Called to the marquisate in
consequence of the murder of his brother Pan,
his own brief rule was closed in ns hapless a
manner by a similar end. His name was K*e-fong

^WL /J^* ^^ appears in the Historical Records
as ( bS ), because the emperor King {Wt '^) of

the Han dynasty was also named K'c (JBJ^)>
and another K*e could not appear in a work then
published. The honorary title Min denotes —
' Victim of calamity in the State (^^ ^ j^

m 0 w

Min's rule embraced the years B. C. 660, 659.
His 1st year sjnichronized with the 16th of

of king Hwuy (^)i the 25th of Hwan (j^
of Ts'e ; the 16th of Heen (j[^) of Tsin ; the
8th of E (^) of Wei; the 14th of Muh (^)
of Ts*ae; the 12th of Wan (^) of Ching; the
1st of Fan, duke Ch<aou (^ ^ ^) of
Ts'aou ; the 82d of Seuen (^) of Ch*in ; the
12th of Hwuy (j^) of Ee; the 21st of Hwan

(|a) of Sung ; the 8d of Ch*ing ( J^) of Tilni

and the 11th of Ch*ing (J|]^) of Ts*oo.

Par.l. SeeonI.i.l;III.i.l. Tso-she says that

the par. does not conclude with gQ '^i ^

cause the State was in confusion.

' Par. 2. The Chuen has here:—* The Teih hid

invaded Hing. Kwan King-chung [^ v>*

Kwan E-woo*s hon. title] said to the marquis of
Ts*e, '* The Teih and Jung are wolves, to whom
no indulgence should be given : within the Stitei
of the Great land, all are nearly related, and
none should be abandoned; luxurious repose ii
a poison, which should not be cherished. The
ode says, *Did we not long to return? But wie
were afraid of what was written in the tableti
[The She, Part II. L VIII.] ;' meaning that the
States should compassionate one another in
calamities they were exposed to. I beg yon to
succour Hing, in accordance with what is oom-
manded in the tablets." On this a force wenifWun

Ts'e to succour Hing.' ^ ^ indicates that

the marquis of Ts*e did not go to Hiog himself,
nor send a great officer. It would have been
better if he had done so. See on V.i. 2.

Par. 8. This interment took place Iste, 'be-
cause,' says Tso-she, *of the troubles and
confusion in the State.'

Parr. 4, 5. The Chuen says:— * The dnke
covenanted with the marquis of Ts*e at Loh-koo,
and besought him to restore Ke-yew [who had

Taut I.

DUK£ MU¥.

125

fled to Ch*in. See the Chuen on III. zxzii. 6].
The marquis consented, and sent to call Yew
from ChHn, the duke halting at Lang to wait
for liim.' On p. 6 Tso says that the simple
style Ke-tsze, TAe Ke' or *the oflicer Ke/
indicates commendation.

The child-marquis must hare had the meet-
ing with the marquis of Ts*e arranged for him,
and the question has been much discussed
among the critics as to who suggested to him to
request the return of Ke-yew. After all they have
said, I think it may have proceeded from the
boy himself. The ^J ffl ^ gives a pretty
account of his holding the marquis by the skirt,
and asking him to bring Ke-yew back to save
him f^om K'ing-foo. Koo-loh was in Ts'e, — in
pres. dis. of Ping-yin (2p ^), dep. T*ae-gEn.

Par. 6. Chung-sun was an ofiBicer of Ts'e,— a
grandson of Chung, himself a son of duke Seang

or duke He (# ^. |f ^ ^ # ^ ;$:
Jj^). The two characters are here used as an-
other dan-name. His hame was Tteaou Cf^),
The Chuen says: — *In winter, Chung -sun Tseaou
of Ts*e came to investigate the difficulties of our
condition, and is here mentioned by his clan-
name, in commendation. On his return he said,
*' If K*ing-foo be not removed, the troubles of
Loo will not have an end." '* But how shall he
be removed ?** asked the duke. ** Exciting troub-
les without ceasing," replied Tseaou, "he will
destroy himself. You can wait for the issue."
The duke said, ** May we now take Loo to our-
selves?" Tseaou answered, VNo. Loo still
holds fast to the rules of Chow, and these are
a sure foundation for a State. I have heard
the saying, that when a State is about to perish
its root must first be destroyed, and then the
destruction of the branches and leaves will fol-
low. While Loo does not abandon the rules of
Chow, it will not be possible to move it. Let
it be the object of your grace to quiet the
troubles of Loo, and be friendly to it. To be
friendly with States that observe the rules of
propriety ; to help those that have in them the
elements of solidity and strength ; to complete
the separation of those that are divided and
disaffected; and to overthrow those that are full
of disorder and confusion: — these are the me-
thods by which a prince with the functions of
president among the States proceeds."'

(The Chuen here returns to the affairs of
TTsin : — * The marquis of Tsin formed two armies
[See the Chuen after IILxvi.6) taking the
command of the Ist one himself, while his eldest
man Shin-s&ng commanded the other. Chaou
Suh drove the marquis's chariot, and Peih Wan
^at the spearman on his right. With these

forces they extinguished the States of Kftng,

Hoh, and Wei (^; see on the title of the

She, I. ix.) and on the return of the expedi-
tion the marquis walled K<euh-yuh for his son,
gave Kftng to Chaou Suh, and Wei to Peih
Wan, constituting them great officers of Tsin.
Sze Wei said to himself, " The marquis's eldest son
will not get possession of the State. He has
been separately established in a capital city
[See the Chuen appended to III. xxvili. 1],
and had the dignity of a high ^minister [as
leader of the 2d army]. His greatness has al-
ready culminated ; — how should he become mar-
quis in aditlon to this? He had better make
his escape to some other State, and not allow
the charge of guilt to fall upon him. Might he
not be satisfied to play the part of T'ae-pih of
Woo [See on Ana. VIU. 1] ? He wiU still have

an excellent fame :— how much better than to

stay and let calamity come on him! Moreover,

the proverb says, 'If one's heart have no flaw,

what need he regret having no family?' If

Heaven mean to confer dignity on our eldest

prince, shall there be no Tsin for him ? "

'The diviner Yen said, *'The descendants of

Peih Wan are sure to become great j£(m-10,

000) is the completion of numbers, and Wei (|ffi

elofty) is a grand name. That his rewards

should commence with this Wei is a proof that

Heaven is opening up his way. With reference

to the son of Heaven we speak of 'the millioni

of the people;' with reference to the prince of a

State, of 'the myriads.' Since, in the case of

Peih Wan, the grand name, t.e., 9H, is followed

by the complete number, it is plain that the

multitudes will belong to his posterity **

' At an earlier period, Peih Wait had divined

by the milfoil About his becoming an officer of

Tsin, and obtained the diagram Chun (==),

and afterwards, by the manipulation, Pe

(==). Sin Leaou interpreted it to be lucky.

"Chun," said he, "indicates Firmness, and

Pe indicates Entering; what could be more
fortunate? — ^he must become numerous and

prosperous. Moreover, the symbol Chin (-™ ;
the lower part of Chun) becomes that for the
earth t^) ; the lower half of Pe.) Carriages
and horses follow one another; he has feet
to stand on; an elder brother's lot; the pro-
tection of a mother; and is the attraction of the
multitudes. These six indications [arising from
the change of the lowest line in the diagram
Chun] will not change. United, they indicate
his firmness ; in their repose, they indicate his
majesty : — the divination is that of a duke or a
marquis. Himself the descendant of a duke
[Peih Wan was descended from one of the lords
of Peih; but of the early history of that princi-
pality we know nothing], his posterity shaU
return to the original dignity."']

126

THB CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHTJEN.

Second year.

BOOK IV.

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128

THE CBXTS TS-EW, WITH THE TSO CHTEN.

BOOK IV.

*i — ^.

II. I

5
6

7
8

JS ra M ^ ^MM m

In the [dokes] second year, in spring, in the king's first
month, a force from Ts'e removed [the people of] Yang.

In summer, in the fifth month, on Yih-yew, [the duke] of-
fered the fortunate te sacrifice on [placing the tablet of]
duke Chwang |in the ancestral temple].

In autumn, in the eighth month, on Sin-ch^ow, the duke
died.

In the ninth month, [duke Chwang's] wife, the lady Eeang,
withdrew to Choo.

Duke [Hwan's] son, K4ng-foo, fled to Eeu.

In winter, the officer E^u of Ts^e came and made a cove-
nant.

In the twelfth month, the Teih entered [the capital of] WeL

Ch4ng threw away its army.

•errioe on tlieMS occariont was cmUed jg[. ii^

alflo ^^ the latter tenn haWng reference to the
sacrinS offered to all the Spirit-occapaots of
the temple, the former to the €ii9criMuatm of
the order of kindred according to which the
new tablet received its place. j& is emplojed

of other sacrificial occasions, but they are not
to be thought of here. But 25 months at ktst
must have elapsed from the death before the
new tablet could be placed in tlie temple, snd
duke Chwang had now been dead onlj 22
months ; — the service was performed before the
proper time. As Tso-she says, it was too eadj

Par. 1. Tang was a marquisate, held bgr
some branch d the Honse of Chow. It is re-
ferred to th^ pret. dis. of £-shwny (jK^ y^T)

dep. E-chow. jS>— MellLLS; z.8. It is sap-
posed that Ts'e remoyed the people to the pres.
dis. of Tih-too (^ ^X near the seat of its

own power. Whether duke Hwan altogether
extinguished the House of Yang, or permitted it
to continue its sacrifices in its new site as an
attached territory, we cannot tell.
[Tlie Chuen has here: — ' In spring, the duke

of Kwoh defeated the Dog Jung at the bend of
the Wei. Chow Che-k*eaou said, *< Success be-
stowed where there is no virtue is theprtludt to

calamity. Calamities will soon come." On
this he fied to Tsin.']

Par. 2. The meaning of jjj£ here is determin-
ed by the ^^ which precedes it, though that

term is used improperly. When the period of
mourning for a king or the prince of a State was
completed, — a period nominally of 8 years, but
actually only of 25 months,— then his Spirit-
tablet was solemnly placed in the ancestral tem-
ple, the tablet of one of his ancestors being
removed, according to a certain prescribed order,
to make room for it, and there it would remain
till, in process of time, it was in turn pushed out
by the tablet of some later king or prince : — see
the Doctrine of the Mean, xix. 4. The whole

Par. 3. Again we have a case of bsse mu^
der spoken of as if it had been a natural death.
The Chuen says :— ♦Before this, the duke's totor
had violently taken away some fields belonfpog
to Pub K*e, the duke not forbidding him. In
the autiunn, at this time, Kung-chung [te,
K'ing-foo] employed Pub K'e to murder ths
duke at the Woo side-gate of the palace.*

Par. 4. Comp. III. i. 2. The difference be-
tween the two parr, is, that here the Isdy'i

surname (^fe ^^) is given, while there it Lb mP'
pressed. But we cannot account fur the differ-
ence, and must accept the entries as they ctiM

from the historiographers. Rea, Fuh ( W » jp)'
and other critics, say that Gae Reang has btf

TjUr II.

DUKE MIN.

129

flumame given to her because she was not so
wicked as Wftn Keang I The reason of her with-
drawal from Loo is plain. King-foo had now
procured the death of two of Chwang's sons,
and had only increased the general odium with
which he was regarded. Gae Keang and he were
living criminally together. She had probably
been privy to the deaths of Pan and duke Min.
8be was obliged to withdraw from the storm of
popular indignation. The reason of her going
to Choo was, perhaps, to make friends with Ke-
ygw, who had also taken refuge in that State.

Here, a. in other pUces, Kung-yang has ^

J| instead of ^

'Par. 5. K4ng-foo also was obliged to flee the
State. The Chueu says : — * Ch4ng-ke, immedi"
aie^ <w tkB tbik^s diath^ had gone to Choo,
taking with him duke Chwang's remaininn son,
who was afterwards duke Hcj and when Kung-
chung fled to Keu, he returned to the State,
and raised this son to the marquisate. He
interwords sent bribei to Keu, and requested the
delivery of Kung-chung. The people of Keu
were sending him back; but when he got to
Meih, he sent duke HwatCs son, Yu, to beg /or
his life. The request was refused, and Yu went
back, weeping loudly as he went. When Kung-
chung heard hinL, he said, ** It is the voice of
He-sze fthe name of the Kung-tsze Yu],'* and
hanged himself.

*I>uke Min was the son of Shuh Keang, a
lister of Gae Keang, on which account the peo-
ple of Ts*e had promoted his appointment to be
marquis. Kung-chung had been carrying on a
criminal intrigue with Gae Keang, who wished
him to get the State, and she had, with that view,
been privy to the death of Min. She had there-
fore withdrawn to Choo, but an officer of Ts'e
took her, put her to death in E, and carried her
body back with him. Duke He requested that
it might be given to him, and then buried her.'

[Here follow in the Chuen some particulars
■boat Ke-yew :— * Just before the birth of Ching-
ke, duke Hwan made the father of Ts'oo-k'ew,
master of the divihers, consult the tortoise-shell,
irhich he did, saying, " It will be a boy, whose
name shall be ciUled Yew. His place will be at
^e right of the duke, between the two altars of
the land. He shall be a help to the ducal House ;
and when the family of Ke shall perish, Loo
will not flourish." He also consulted the milfoil
iboat the child, and obtained the diagram Ta-

jrew ( :^^; =), and then K'een (^; =).

*^He shall come back,** said he, **to the same
distinction as his father. They shall reverence
him at if he were in their ruler's place." When
tibe hoy was bom, there was a flgure on his hand,

—that of the character Yew (^^)i and he was

named accordingly 1*]

Par. 6. Kaou is mentioned without name or

designation, but with a simple -7- after the

dan-name, as in the case of Ke-tsze, 1. 5. The
object of his coming to Loo was to help in the
le-establjshment of order, and that he. might be
able to report about the character of the new
marqais. With him he made the covenant,— on
behalf of Ts'e.

Par. 7. The ruin which the Teih dealt on
Wei is related in the Chuen :^' In the 12th

month, the Teih invaded Wei, the marquis of
whichy duke £, was noted for his fondness for
storks. So fond was he of the creatures, that
some of them were carried about in great offi-
cers' carriages. When the time for fighting
came, and the people received their buff -coats,
they all said, " Employ the storks. The storks
truly have their revenues and dignities; — how
should we be able to fight ?" The duke gave his
semicircle of jade to Shih K'e, and an arrow to
Ning Chwang, and appointed them to guard the
city, saying, ** With these emblems of authority
aid the State, doing whatever you shall deem
most advantageous." To his wife he gave his
embroidered robe, saying to her, '^ Listen to these.
two officers." Jae then mounted his war-chariot,
K'eu K*ung being charioteer, and Tsze-pih the
spearman on the right. Hwang £ led the way
in front with one body of men, and K*ung Ying-
ts^ brought up the rear. A battle was fought
with the Teih near the marsh of Yung, when
the army of Wei was shamefully defeated, and
the State itself might be said to be extinguished.
The marquis would not leave his flag, which
made the defeat the greater. The Teih
made prisoners of the Ustoriographers Hwa
Lung-hwah and Le K*ung, and were carrying
them with them in pursuit of the fugitives, when
they said, Tworking on the superstition of *the
Teili], "We are the grand historiographers.
The sacrifices of the State are really in our man-
agement ; and if we do not go before you, the eity
cannot be taken." On this they were allowed
to go before the pursuers ; and when they reached
the wall, they said to the officers who had been
left to gjnard the city, ** You must not remain
here." That same night, Shih and Ning left the
city with the people; and the Teih entered it,
and then pursued, inflicting another defeat on
the fugitives at the Ho.

* Before this, when duke Hwuy [Sob of II.xvi.
5, et al"] succeeded to Wei, he was young, and
the people of Ts*e required Ch*aou-pih to form
a connection with Seuen Keang [See the Chuen,
on II. xvi. 5. Seuen Keang was Sob's mother,
and Ch'aou-pih was a half brother] ; and when
he refused, they compelled him to do it From
this union there sprang Ts'e-tsze, Shin who was
afterwards duke Tae, Hwuy who W€U afterwards
duke Wftn, the wife of Hwan of Sung, and the
wife of Muh of Heu [See on the She, I. iv. X.].
Hwuy had gone to Ts*c, before the invasion of the
Teih, because of the many troubles of Wei ; and
after their two defeats, duke Hwan of Sung met
the fugitives at the Ho, and carried them over
the river at night.

*• All that remained of the people of Wei, men
and women, only amounted to 780 men; and
when to these were added the people of Kung
and T^ftng, the number was only 5,000. Shin, or
duke Tae, was raised to S's place, and lived in
a hut in TsHmu, [another town of Wei]; On

this occasion the wife of Muh of Heu made the
Tsae Ch'e [^ ^. The She, Liv. ode X.].
^e marquis of Ts*e sent his eldest son, Woo-

k<wei, with 300 chariots and 3,000 mailed men, to
guard Ts'aou. He also sent to the duke a team
of 4 horses; 5 suits of sacrificial robes; oxen,
sheep, nigs, fowls, and dogs, in all 300; and
materials fur doors. He also sent to his wife a
great officer's carriage ornamented with seal-
skin, and 30 pieces of fine embroidered silk.*

VOL V.

130

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK IV.

The text gays that *the Teih entered Wei;'
and the critics are divided on tlie amount of
meaning; in the term ' entered.* Fan Ning thinks
it is equivalent to * extinguished.' Sun Keoh
thinks that, as we afterwaH find Wei mentioned
in the Ch*un Ts'ew, the Teih could not have
taken possession of the territory. The Chuen
shows that the entry of the Teih into the State,
and their capture of its capital, were not follow-
ed by the extinction of the State. See what has

been said about y^ on I. ii. 2.

Par. 8. The Chuen says on this par. : — * * The
earl of Ch'ing hated Kaou K'ih, and sent him
with an arm^ to the borders of the Ho, where
he remained stationed for a long time, without
being recalled. The troops dispersed, and re-
turned to their homes. K^aou K*ih himself fled
to Ch4n ; and the i)eople of Cliing, with reference

to the affair, made the Ts'ing Jin (llie She, I.
Tii. ode v.).' K<aou K4h was an officer of
Ch4ng, covetous and disrespectful to his ruler,
who wanted to get rid of him, and took the
method described in the Chuen to do so.

iMl j^j^i ' abandoned its army * i, e., sent it away

to the borders, and then took no more thought
about it.

[Here follow four narratives in the Chuen : —
1 St. * The marquis of Tsin proposed sending
his eldest son Shin-sftng to invade the Kaou-loh
tribe of the eastern hills [in Shan-se], when Le
K*ih remonstrated, saying, ** It is the business
of the eldest son to bear the vessels of millet
for the great sacrifices, and for those at the
altars of the land and the grain, and nlso to in-
spect the provisions cooked for the ruler every
morning and evening. On this account he is
styled the 'great son.' When the ruler goes
abroad, he guards the capital; and if another
be appointed to guard it, he attends upon Am
father. When he attends upon him, he is called
* Soother of the host ;' when he stays behind on
guard, he is called 'Inspector of the State:' —
this is the ancient rule. But to lead the army
and determine its movements and plans, issuing
all commands to the troops: — this is what the
ruler and his chief minister have to provide for;
it is not the business of the eldest son. The
conduct of an army all depends on the definite
commands which are given. If the son receive
the commands of another, it is injurious to his
majesty; if he determines himself the com-
mands, he is unfilial. For this reason the ruler's
proper son and heir ought not to have the com-
mand of the army. The ruler fails to employ the
right man in devolving the command on him ;
and if, as commander, he lose the majesty which
belongs to him, how can he afterwards be em-
ployed? Tour servant, moreover, has heard
that the Kaou-lohs will fight. Leave, I pray you,
your son alone, and do not send hinu** llie duke
said, '* I have many sons, and I do not yet know
whom I shall appoint my successor." And on
this Kih withdrew, without making any reply.
When he saw the duke's eldest son, the prince
asked him whether he was to be disowned, and
K4h replied, '*Let the people know how you
can preside over them; and teach them their
duties in the army. Be only afraid of not re-
verently attending to these two things; — why
should you be disowned? As a son, moreover,

you have to fear lest you should not be filial ;
you have not to fear lest you should not be sp-
pointed to the succession. Cultivate yourBelf,
and do not be finding fault with othen; lo
shall you escape calamity."

* When his eldest son took the oommsDd of
the army, the duke gave him a robe of two
colours, and his golden semicircle to hangathii
girdle. Hoo Tuh was his charioteer, and Seen
Yew the spearman on his right. Leang Ya-tize-
yang was charioteer to Han E [who led the
2d host^, and Seen Tan-muh was the spesrmaa
on his nght. The great officer Yang-sheh acted
as adjutant.

' S^n Yew said, " It is only on this expeditioo
that he lias worn this parti-coloured n^ aod
carried this important symbol. Let him exert
himself, and admit nothing evil in his own half
of his person. With his present power, he
ought to keep calamity far away. Giving him-
self no occasion for it, what has he to fear?'
Hoo Tuh, however, sighed and said, ^'Thetimo
is the proof of the thing ; the garment ia the
distinction of Uie person ; the symbol ia the
manifestation of the feeling. Were there a real
interest in the expedition, the order for it would
have come earlier; the robe for his person would
have been of one colour ; and the proper feding
would have given the proper symbol for the
girdle. This parti-coloured robe showa a wish
to remoTe his person ; tliis golden semidide
for the girdle shows the abandonment of kindly
feeling. The robe thus indicating a wiah for
the removal of the person ; the time abnttaig
the prince up from success ; the garment thin;
the winter killing; the metal cold; and the
sy/nbol the imperfect circle: — what is there ia
these things to be trusted to ? Although the
prince may Avish to do his utmost, can the Teih
be utterly destroyed ? "

' Leang Yu-tsze-yang said, ' The cofmmaiider
of an army receives his commands in the aa-
cestral temple, and the sacrificial flesh at the
altar of the land. He should wear the ordinaiy
dress also; and since the prince cannot do »,
but has this parti -coloured robe, the natnre of
the duke^B command may be hence underatood.
Than that the prince should die for being nnfili-
al, it is better that he should make his escape."
Han £ said, "The parti-coloured coat is
strange and uncommon; the gold semicircle
shows a wish that he should not retan;-
though he do return, of what good will it be?
llie duke has his mind made up." Seen Tan-
muh said, " Even a madman would have hii
doubts excited by this dress. The dnke'a ooo-
niand was, 'Destroy utterly the enemy, and
then return;' but can the enemy be utterly
destroyed ? Even if we should make so end of
the enemy, there are calumniators in the court;-
we had better abandon the expedition snd go
away." tioo Tuh alsc wished to go ; but the gr^
officer Yang-sheh said, " This is wrong. £f ^
prince disobey his father's command, he will be
unfilial ; if he abandon the business entmated to
him, he will be unfaithful. Although he knovt
the cold feeling ofhisjaiher^ he must notcbooR
to do evil. Rather let him die m obedSactT

*Wlien the prince was about to fight. H(0
Tuh remonstrated with him, saying, **Do m^
do so. Sin Pih gave counsel to duke Hwan d
Chow rSee the 2d Chuen, after il.xviii.8] «y;
ing, ' The favourite of the harem made eqtfl

teab n.

DUKE MIN.

131

to the queen; the favourites of the court made
equal to the ministers of the government; the
■on of a ooncabine made equal to the legitimate
son; and another great city made as lart^ as the
capital: — ^these are the foundation of disorder."
But the duke of Chow would not listen to liim,
and so came to his unfortunate end. The root
of disorder is already formed in Tsin. Can
your succession to the State be made sure ? Be
filial, and seek the repose of the people; — ^lay
your plans for this. It will be better than
endangering your person, and accelerating the
ia^uteUion to you of guilt."'

2d. * When Ching Fung [the mother of duke
He. Fung was her surname, and Ch'ing her.
hon. title] heard the oracles concerning Ch'ing-
ke, she honoured him [See the Chuen introduced
after par. 5] and sought his guidance, entrusting

also her son to him. This was the reason why
Ke secured the succession of duke He.'

8d. *In the 1st year of He, duke Hwan of
Ts^e removed the capital of Hing to £<^, and in
his second established Wei in Ts*oo-k*ew. Tlie
people of Hing moved to their new seat as if
they were going home, and the State of Wei
forgot its ruin.'

4th. * Duke Wftn of Wei, in garments of coarse
linen and a cap of coarse silk, laboured to
improve his resources ; encouraged agriculture ;
promoted trade; treated the mechanics kindlr;
reverently sought the moral instruction of the
people; stimulated them to learn; imposed no-
thing but what was right ; and employed the able.
The consequence was that while his leather
carriages in his first year were only 30, in his
last year they amounted to 800.']

ir*mfi'AiwmM

BOOK V. DUKE HE.

First year.

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A^ ^o^a-,

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TsAm I.

DUKE HE.

133

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I. 1

It was the [duke's} first year, the spring, the king's first

month.
An army of Ts^e, an army of Sung, and an army of Ts'aou

halted at Neeh-pih, [in proceeding] to the rescue of Hinff.
In summer, in the sixth month, Hing removed [its capital]

to E-e.
The army of Ts*e, the army of Sung, and the army of Ts^aou

walled [the new capital of] Hins.
In autumn, in the seventh montn, on Mow-shin, duke

rChwan^*s] wife, the lady Keang, died at E, an officer of

Ts^e takmg her [body] back with him.
A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch*ing.
In the eighth month, the duke had a meeting with the

marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the earl of Ch4ng,

the earl of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo, in Ch^ng.
In the ninth month, the duke defeated an army of Choo

at Yen.
In winter, in the tenth month, on Jin-woo, duke [Hwan's]

son Yew led an army and defeated an army of Eeu at

Le, taking Neu of E!eu.
In the twelfth month, on Ting-sze, the coffin of duke

[Chwang's] wife arrived from Ts*e.

Tmx or tbb Book.— j||[l ^, 'Duke He.'
mother of dake He wu Ch'ing Fung, men-
tioned in the 2d namtire of the Chuen appended
to Min's last year, and a concubine of duke
Chwadg. His name was Shin (^). His rule

lastad 88 years, B. C. 658—620. His honorary
title, He, denotes 'Careful and Cautious (>J\

His 1st year qmchroniced with the ISth of
king Hwuy; the 27th of Hwan of Ts'e; the
18th of HSen of Tsin; the 1st of Hwuy, duke
Wia(3J^^j|||),ofWei;the i6thofMuh

of Ts<ae ; the 14th of Wftn of Ch'ing ; the 8d of
Ch'aou of Ts'aou; the 84th of Seuen of Chains
the 14th ot Hwuy of Ke; the 28d of Hwan of
Sung; the Ist of Jin-haou, duke Muh (JB ^

^'^h ^ l^'io; ftod the 18th of ChHng of
Ts*oo.
Par. 1. See on I.i.l;m.Ll;IV.i.l. Tso^

indeed, says needlessly, that the chamcters gp

j^ are not found, 'because the duke was out
of the State. He went out and re-entered, bat
there Is no record of it ;— to oonoeal the wicked*
ness of the State; which was according to rule.*

134

THE CH*UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V,

Par. 2. The ^^ after "& is the reading of

Kung and Kah. Tso-she has W iH* evident-

\y a mistake. Neeh-pih was a place in King,
north-east from the pres. dis. city of Leaou-

shing (^ ^), dep. Tung-ch*ang. The Teib
bad again invaded Hing, which applied to Ts*e
for help, and accordingly we have the armies of
Ts'e and other States here proceeding to its re-
lief. The phrases Wf ^jfi, &c., imply that,

while the relieving forces were considerable,
they were under the command of great officers,
and not of the princes of the States themselves.
The critics are much divided in their opinion
on the allies* halting in their march to relieve
Hing, most of them condemning it as improper
in the urgency of the case. We do not know
the circumstances sufficiently, however, to judge
whether it was a prudent measure merely, or
an artful one, — to make their help more prized
by Hing when given at last.

Fte. 8. E-e (Kung, ^ ^S^^"*^ o° m*
is here used intransitively. The

zxxlLT.

removal is spoken of as if it had been King's
own act. . The Chuen says: — * The princes were
proceeding to relieve Hing, when the people
dispersed, and fled to the edited armies, which
then went on and drove out the Teih. They
collected all the furniture and other articles of
the people, and brought them away, without the
soldiers appropriating anything to themselves.
In summer, Hing removed to £-e.*

Par. 4. The Chuen says :-^* The princes
walled the city for Hing, thus relieving it in its
distress. It was the rule for the president of
the princes to relieve the distressed, to distribute
to the necessitous in times of cahunity, and to
pumsh offending States.*

Kaou K'ang (^S B9; Sung Dyn.) observes:

— * The moa^fuu of Tt^e was dilatory at flrst in
relieving Hmg; — that was his fault. Finally
he did succour it; — that was his merit. The
•age does not conceal his fault on the ground
of his merit, nor does he conceal his merit be-
cause of his fault; — this is royal law.*

Par. 5. The latter part of the Chuen on IV.
ii. 5 has anticipated this par. The marquis of
Ts'e, in his capacity of leader of the States,
determined to execute justice on Gae Keang,
notwithstanding his near relation to her, con-
sidering her too bad to be allowed to live. He
therefore had her brought from Choo, whether
she had fled from Loo, to £, somewhere inTs*e,
and there put her to death, or obliged her to
strangle herself. The officer, who superintended
the deed, took her body back to Ts^e; — so we

must understand |^ ^. Kuh-lgang, and,

alter him, Hoo Gan-kwoh, take the characters
as— 'sent her back to Loo;' — contrary to their
general usage, and specially to par. 10. The
marquis of Ts'e did not hesitate to execute his
own sister, whose wickedness was so atrocious ;
but the CUssic conceals the nature of her death.
Par. 6. Here for the 1st time we meet

with the name ^, instead of which ^1 has

hitherto been used. The same tree was called
either Ts*oo or King, and the same usage obtain-

ed with the name of the State, though, as Too
seems to intimate, the name Ts'oo was aboat
this time publicly assumed. Tso-she says that
Ts^oo attacked Ch4ng, * because of its adhereooe
to the alliance with Ts'e,* arid that the meeting
at Ch*ing was followed by a covenant at Loh
Cli&\ with a view to the relief of Ch'ing. [The
Loh here in the Chuen may be, as Too says, sn-
other name for Ch'ing(j^ ), or it may be that the

princes, after their conference at Ch'ing, moved
a little way off to another place, called Loh, and

there covenanted.] Ch^ng (JtT h> Knng-ysog)

was in Ch4ng, somewhere in the pres. Ohio
Chow, dep. K'ae-fung, Ho-nan.

Par. 8. Ten (Kung-yang, j|H) was in Loo^-

in pres. dis. of Pe, dep. Yen-chow. We do sot
know what grounds of quarrel there were il
this time between Loo and Choo ; and s< doke
He and an officer of Choo had been in good
fellowship at the meeting in Ch^ing the moDtb
before, this makes the entry the more strsoge.
Tso-she says the defeat was inflicted on 'Ae
guards of Heu-k'ew, who were about to return.'
Too Tu explidns this by supposing that Uea-
k'ew was in Choo, and that Choo had stationed
troops there, after sending Gae Keang to her
death in Ts^e, intending that they should make
an incursion into Loo. On finding, howerer,
that Ts*e gave up the body of Gae Keang to
Loo, and that the two States continued on good
terms, Choo was afraid, and was proceeding to
withdraw its troops, when duke He, having
become aware of their original object, attacked
and defeated them. A fatal objection to thi«
explanation is, that Heu-k*ew must be ssngned
to Loo, according to the analogy of all the
passages in which the duke of Loo ii laid to
have defeated the forces of another power in
any place. The most likely account of the
collision which I have met with, is one saggetted
by Wang Taou, — that when Ke-yew fled with
the prince Shin to Choo, on the murder of dnl»
Biin, they had made great promises to Choo, if
that court would help them to regain Loo; and
that Choo now, claiming the merit of their re-
storation and Shin's elevation to the marqniiatt^
had sent a force to seize and keep possenioo of
Heu-k*ew, to enforce his demand that the
promises should be noade good. He caught only
loss, however, by his greed.
Par. 9. Le(Kung,^;Kuh,j^}bsloiiged

to Loo. The Chuen says: — * In winter, an offloer
of Keu came seeking for bribes, but duke Hwm**
son. Tew, defeated his troops at Le, and took
Neu, the younger brother of the viscount of Ken.
Tso-she adds that Neu was not a high mioifter
[intending thus to account, by one of ^
canons, for the mention of the individaalitfflp|7
by ^ his name], and that the whole par. ii ^
commendation of Ke-yew for the capture of
Neu. After this, the Chuen resumes, *^
duke for this gave Ke-yew the fields on the
north of the Wftn, and Pe.'

The Chuen on IV. ii.5 teUs us how Ke-^*
bribed Keu to deliver up K*ing-foo. Not
satisfied with what he had then received, ths
viscount had sent his troops to require fnrifaer
payment. Both Choo and Keu, we may mmmub^

Year II.

DUKE HE.

135

were presuming that the new rule would be too
weak to resist their demands.

most naturally leads to the conclusion

that^Neu was'captured aliye; which is inconsist-
ent with a version of the transaction given by
Kuh-leang: — that Ke-yew proposed to Neu that
they two should decide the contest by boxing,
and let their troops look on, and that then, when
he found he was getting the worst, he disposed
of his antagonist with a dagger which he carried
about his person.

Par. 10. The want of ^fe here before ^

if evidently a simple error of the text. It is

astonishing what nonsense even the K^ang-he
editors write, on the supposition that * Confucius
could not express his condemnation so well as
by leaving out her surname in this place.* Tso-
she observes that the superior man may say that
* the people of Ts*e dealt too severely with Gae
Keang in putting her to death ; for that a woman
follows — has her obediences to be rendered to —
the determinate male relatives.* His meaning
seems to be that, as she had married from Ts^e
into Loo, it belonged to Loo to deal with her ;
she was no longer amenable to Ts'e. Comp. II.
xviii. 2.

Second year.

^.m.T © © rnMMM i^.

A-t Kit gE© £-£,¥.

i5 M ^ w ^ m^m mM f^^M. m^ m m.
m mM m a zm mM.n b.^ z

136

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITU THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

IL 1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first

month, we [aided in the] walling of Ts'oo-k*ew.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Sin-sze, we buried our

duchess, Gae Eeang.

3 An army of Yu and an army of Tsin extinguished Hea-

yang.

4 In autumn, in the ninth month, the marquis of Ts^e, the

duke of Sung, an officer of Keang, and an officer of

Hwang, made a covenant in Kwan.
6 In winter, in the tenth month, there was no rain.
6 A body of men from Ts*oo made an incursion into Ch*ing.

Par. 1. Ts^oo-k^ew waa the new capital of
Wei. The abandonment of the old capital [See
on I. ii. 9], and the subsequent deatmction of it
by the Teih, have been described in the Chuen oh
IV. ii. 7, where also it is stated how the shat-
tered remnant of the State collected again in
Ts^aou. The marquis of Ts^e, however, decided
that Ts'oo-k*ew [diflt. from another place of the
aame name, also m Wei, mentioned in I. Tii. 71
—60 le east of the pres. dis. city of Hwain

(j^^), dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le, — would be a bet-
ter site for a capital, and arranged with the
other princes to raise its walls. The Chuen
says: — *In spring, the princes walled Ts'oo-
k'ew, and established Wei there.' Tso thmks
that no mention is made in the text of any
previous meeting of the princes for this purpose,
because Loo was late in arriving I
In par. 2 of the previous year, it is stated

that the armies of the States 'walled Hing (^|fi

Jfj^y the reason being that the marquis and

people of Hing had already taken up their
quarters in E-e, as the head-city of their re-
vived State. Here it is not said that the armies

'walled Wei (4£^m )>' because the marquis and

nle were still at Ts^aou, and would remove
i*oo-k*ew only when it was ready for their
reception.
Par. 2. SeeIII.xxii.2. ,

Par. d. Fur the Ist time the States of Yu
and Tsin appear in the text of the Ch'un Ts'ew :
— the former on the eve of its extinction ; the
latter soon to develope into one of the greatest
Powers of the period. Yu was held by the

descendants of Chung-jrung (iljl ^||), seoond

•on of king T'ae, grandfather of king W&n,
with the title of duke. Its capital was 45 le

east of the pres. dis. city of Pbig-luh (^ ^),

Keae Chow (^ Ml ), Shan-se. Tsin was a mar-

quisate, held by tlie descendants of Shuh-yu (^

J^). a sou of king Woo. Its capital at this time

waa at Keang, which has left its name in the

pres. Keang Chow (j|^) of Shan-se. Its position

allowed Tsin great opportunity for enlarging its
territory, and this was the main cause of the great
progress which it made. Hea-yang (Kung and

Kuh, ^ ^) was the seoond city of the State

of Kwoh, in the north-east of the prea. dis. of
PHng-luh (2p^), dep. P4ng-yang. The pos-
session of Hea-yang was all important to Kwoh,
the State to which it belonged, and indeed to Vo
also. Tsin by acquiring H&i-yang could go oa
without difficulty to annex both the States.

The Chuen says:— *Seun Seih of Tsin re-
quested leave yhmt the marquis to take his tesm
of Keuh hemes and his peih oi Ch*uy-keih jsde,
and with them borrow a way from Yu to monk
through it and attack Kwoh [Yu was od the
south of TsiH, and Kwoh again on the soatb of
Yu]. " They are the things I hold most preci-
ous,** said the marquis. Seih replied, "Bat if
you get a way through Yu, it is but like plscing
them in a treasury outside the State for a ttrnt."
** There is Kung Che-k*e in Yu," objected the
duke. " Kung Che-k'e,** returned the other, ''ii
a weak man, and incapable of remonstrtting
yigorously. And, moreoTer, from his yoath op
he has always been with the duke of Yu, who U
so familiar with him, that though he should re-
monstrate, the duke will not listen to him."
The narquis accordingly sent Seun Seih to bor-
row a way through Yu, with this messsge:—
''Formerly, K'e [a small State), against right «id
reason, entered your State from Teen-liog, and
attacked the three gates of Ming. It suffered
for its doing; — all through your Grace. Nov
Kwoh, against right and reason, has been keeping
guards about the travellers* lodges, to mtke
incursions ftom them into my sonUiem borden,
and I venture to beg a right of way from 70a to
ask an account of its offence.** The duke of Vu
granted the request, and eyen asked to talte the
lead in invading Kwoh. Kung Che-k*e rerooo'
strated with him, but in vain; and he raised bit
army for the enterprise.

'In summer, Le K'ih and Seun Seih brooght
on the army^df Tsin, made a junction with that
of Yu, andinyaded Kwoh, when they eztingaifh-
ed Hea-yang.

*The army of Yu is mentioned first, becsnie
of the bribes which the duke accepted.'

To speak of 'extinguishing Hea-yang,* which
was not a State, sounds strange; but Koh-leang
accounts for the language on the ground of the
importance of the pUce. Maou K'e-ling even
says that Hea-yang is here another name for
Yu. —See Mencius, V. Pt. i. IX. 2.

Par. 4. Keang was a small State, held by
Yings (jB\— in pres. Ho-nan. Its exact place
is pot determined, — some placing it in di«. of

Tkae 1X1.

DUKE HE.

137

ChSng-yangcTF D|f)i dep. Joo-ning; and some

in dig. of Seih ij^), KwMig-chow C^ ^).

Hwang was also a small State, held by Tings,
in the same Kwang-chow. Both Keang and
Hwang acknowledge the saperiority ofTs^oo;
their now transferring their allegiance to Ts'e
ia indicative of the approaching straggle be-
tween those two great States. Tso says this
meeting was held to reodTe the submission of

K^ng and Hwang. Kwan (Knng, *€* }S}

was in Sung,— 10 le south-east from dis. city of
Ts*aou, dep. Ts*aou-chow.

[The Chnen adds here:— 1st. *Teaou of Ts<e,
chief of the eunuchs, for the 1st time let out the

coR/efi^/iafecf expedition of duke Hwan in To-yu.'
2d. 'The duke of Kwoh defeated the Jung
at Sang-t'een. The diviner Ten of Ts'in said,
**Kwoh is sure to perish. The duke is not
afraid, though he has lost Hea-yang, but goea
on to acquire more military fame; — Heaven ia

taking away his insight, and increasing hia

disease. He is sure to take his difficulties with

Tsin easily, and show no kindness to his people.

He will not have five more harvests.']

Par. 5. See III. xxzi. 6.

Par. 6. The Chuen says that, at this time,
'Tow Chang carried off prisoner T*an Pih of
Chlng.'

Third year.

III.

m zM m.m nM ^ m m.^ t ^m.:^ b.

z ^.^ n-^^BM ±z m%^^m.
^.& m.n mM s^ i #. a ^.n.^^ r^

1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first

month^ it aid not rain.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, it did not rain.

3 A body of men from Sen took Shoo.

4 In the sixth month, it rained.

5 In autumn, the marquis of Ts^e, the duke of Sung, an

officer of Keang, and an officer of Hwang, had a meet-
ing at Yang-kuh.

6 In winter, duke [Hwan's] son. Yew, went to Ts'e to make

a covenant.

7 A body of men from Ts*oo invaded Ch4ng.

VOL V.

138

THE CU'UN TS*£W, WITH THE T80 CHUEN.

BOOK Y.

Parr. 1, 2, 4. The Chuen nyt:— *In ipring
it did not rain, but in summer, in the 6th month,
it did. From the 10th month oftkt prevums year
to the end of the 6th month of thu, there had
ftfcn no rams but ae it is not said *' there was a
drought," it had not amounted to a calamity.'
The mention of its raining in the 6th month is
dwelt on by the critics. They contrast the
three— I might say four— entries here about rain,
with yi.ii.i, where seven months' want of rain
is summed up in one par., saying that the rarious
entries here, and especially the last one, show
how duke He must hare sympathized with Uie
•ulTering of the people.

Par. 8. Sen, — see HI. zrri 4. 8boo was a

small State;— in pres. dis. of Leu-kSang(|9
^), dep. Leu-chow, Gan-hwuy. It is not

ca^ to determine the force of f^ 'took,'

which has occurred once before in HI. iz. 6, with
rather a difPt. application. Kung-yang thinks

that y^ indicates the ease with which the

capture was made, and Too that it indicates that
only a small force was employed against Shoo.

Some think that ]^ is here«-j||^ 'extin-
guished;' but the meaning is not so intense as
that. The K*ang-he editors approye the view

of Le Leen (3S> ^^ \ ^^^ of the Yuen dyn.),

which is reasonable; — that Shoo belonged to the
party of Ts^oo, and that Sen now took, and held
it for a time, in the interest of Ts*e, to facilitate
the progress of the contemplated expedition to
the south.

Par. 6. Tso says this meeting was * to plan
about the inrasion of Ts^oo.' See on p. 4 of last

year. The K^ang-he editmv agree with Tso'i
account of the object of the meeting, thoo^
Kung and Kuh do not mention it. They say
that the expedition against Ts<oo bad been deter-
mined on in the meeting at Ching (jffl)f in
He's let year, and that the subsequent meeting
at Kwan, and this at Tang-kub, were hdd
specially to secure the adherence of the powerful
Sung, and of the distant Keang and Hwang.
Tang-kuh was in Ts<e, SO k north-east tram the
pres. dis. city of same name, dep. Yen-chow.
Par. 6. Kuh has ^ before ]^. Bothhs

and Kung read 1^ for |gj[. |ffl[— j^t'togo
to and take part in.' The covenant here wis
a sequel of the meeting at Yang-knh (Tto says:

Loo had not been represented at the meeting;
but the duke here, at the request of Ts*e, sends
Ke-yew to take part in the oovenant.

Par. 7. The Chuen says:—' On this oocisioii,
the earl of Ch4ng wanted to make peaee with
Tb*oo, but K'ung Shuh objected, saying, ''TTs
is now actively engaged on our behalf. It wiO
not be an auspicious movement to cast away iti
kindness." '

[The Chuen adds: — 'The marquis of Ts'esiid
Ke of Ts'ae [one of his ladies] were in a host
on a lake in the park, when she made it rock.
The marquis was afraid, changed colonr, snd
forbade her; but she persisted. The marqoii
was angry, and sent her back to Ts^ae^ without
absolutely putting her away. They mairisd
her away there, however, to anotkerJ] ^

Fourth year.

i^i}^.t

Tbab IV.

DUKE HE.

139

A. A. A.

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140

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE T80 CHUEN.

BOOK?.

IV. 1

In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the
duke joined the marquis of Ts*e, the duke of Sung, the
marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch*ing,
the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts^aou, in an incur-
sion into Ts'ae. [The people of] Ts'ae dispersed, when
the [allies] proceeded to invade Ts^oo, and halted at Hing.

In summer. Sin -chin, baron of Heu, died.

K'euh Hwan of Ts^oo came to make a covenant in [the
camp of] the armies. The covenant was made at Shaou-
ling.

The army of Ts^e made Yuen T'aou-t'oo of ChHn prisoner.

In autumn, [the duke], with an officer of Eeang and an
officer of Hwang, invaded Ch'in.

In the eighth month, the duke arrived from the invasion
,of Ts'oo.

Tnere was the burial of duke Muh of Heu.

In winter, in the twelfth month, Eung-sun Tsze led a force,
and joined an officer of Ts*e, an officer of Sung, an offi-
cer of Wei, an officer of Ch4ng, an officer of Heu, and
an officer of Ts'aou, in ^n incursion into Ch4n.

2
3

4
5

7
8

Par. 1. The Chnen says: — 'In this year, in
apring, the marquis of T8% with the forces of
mcmy of the princes, made an incursion into
Ts*ae, and, when the marquis and people dispersed
andJUdy proceeded to invade Ts*oo. The yiscount
of Ts^oo sent a messenger to the allied army to
say to the marquis, *' Your lordship's place is by
the northern sea, and mine is by the southern ;
so remote are our boundaries that our cattle and
horses, in the heat of their excitement, cannot
affect one another. Without my haying any
idea of it, your lordship has come to my country.
What is the reason of your doing so f " Kwan
Chung replied, '*Duke K^ang of Shaou de-
livered the charge to T'ae-kung, the first lord
of our Ts'e, saying, 'Do you undertake to
punish the guilty among the princes of all the
five degrees, and the chiefs of all the nine pro-
vinces, in order to support and help the House

of Chow.* So there was giyen to our founder
rule over the land, from the sea on the east to
the Ho on the west, and from Muh-ling on the
south to Woo-te on the north. Tour tribute of
covered cases of the three-ribbed rush fShoo
III. i. Pt. i. 52] is not rendered, so that the king's
sacrifices are not supplied with it, and there is

nothing with which to strain the fi^MUx-^
this we have to ask you an account King
Ch'aou moreover never came back from the
expedition which he undertook to the louth
[king Ch^aou had been drowned in the Hso, in
B. C. 1,016. How the thing happened, wai
never clearly known. Kwan Chung seeou to
insinuate that there had been aome treaclieiy <a
the part of Ts^oo. But it was late now to be in-
quiring into an event more than three oentuii^
back] ; and into this also we have to inqoire."
The messenger replied, * That the tribute hs« not
been forwarded is the fault of our lordr*^^
should he presume not to pay it? As to king
Cb*aou*s not returning yrom the south, yoa ihonld
inquire about it along the banks of the riTer.
After this the army of the allies advanced, tnd
halted at Hing.'

Hing was in Ts'oo,— in pres. dis. of Yeo-sliing
(Sis #fi)» Heu-chow (|^ j^\ Ho-nsiL Hie
inroad into Ts*ae was a feint, intended to con-
ceal the great object of the expedition, so thiA
the allies might be able to fall on Ts'oo onive-
pared. The incident mentioned in the Chnea
at the end of last year furnished a pretext for ^

T«Aa IV.

DUKE HE.

The marquis of Ts'e said that he had meant to
recal the lady, and that Tt'ae had no right to

marrj her away to another. y^""^t' *^
disperse.' On VI. iii 1, Tso-she defines the
term as expressing ' the flight of the people from

their lord (]g^^_£0'M)-' They dis-
appear like water (;S^ ^^^iK ^ iS>-
Ts^ certainly does not appear with advantage
in the conferenoe with the messenger of Ts*oo.
For three years preparations had been making
for the expedition. The marquis and Kwan
Chang ought to have declared openly and boldly
the grounds on which they were conducting all
the States of the north to attack Ts*oo, instead
of urging merely trivial matters. There is
something to be admired, however, in the ap-

Eroval which a hundred critics give to the way
1 which matters were conducted, so as to obtain
the submission of Ts^oo without the effhsion of
blood ; but they overlook the fact that it was
only a feigned submission which was obtained.
rar. 2. Tso-she says, on p. 7, that the .baron
'died in the army,' which is probably correct,
though Lew Chiang and other critics say he
had returned firom the army ill, and died in Heu.
Kaou K*ang says that this sin-chin was the same
as Heu Shuh of II. xv. 6, and that he had ruled
his State for 42 years.

Par. 8. The Chuen says:— * In summer, the
viscount of Ts*oo sent K'guh Hwan to the army
of ike attiet, which retired, and halted at Shaou-
Ung. The marquis of Ts*e had the armies of
aU the princes drawn up in array, and took
K*euh Hwan with him in the same carriage to
survey thenu He then said, ^^Is it on my un-
worthy account that these are here? No, but
in continuation of the ftriendship of the princes
with my predecessors. What do you think of
TsHm's being on the same terms of friendship
with me?" K'Suh Hwan replied, "If from
your lordship's favour the altars of our land
and grain may receive blessing, and you will
condescend to receive our prince, this is his
wish." The marquis then said, " Fightingwith
these multitudes, who can withstand me? What
city could sustain their attack?" *'If your
lordship," was the reply, "by your virtue, seek
the tranquillity of the States, who will dare
not to submit to you ? But if you depend on
your strength, our State of Ts'oo has the hill of
Fang-shing for a wall, and the Han for a moat.
Great as your multitudes are, you could not use
them.' K'euh Hwan made a covenant, <m the
part of Ts*oo, with the princes.'

Shaou-ling was in Ts^oo,— 46 le east from the
dis. city of Yen-shing, Heu Chow, Ho-nan. From
the text it might be concluded that two cove-
nants were formed; but it was not so. K^euh
Hwan came to the camp of the allies, and in-
timated the wish of the viscount of Ts*oo to
make a covenant with them, if they would
retire a little ; — which was done. It will appear
on the whole that there was here a lame and
impotent conclusion to Ts*e's expedition against
T»Hx>.

Par. 4. The reason of this seirure is given
in the Chuen: — "Yuen (Kung and Kuhhave

^j, without the fi ) T*aou-t*oo, a great officer

ci Chin, said to ohin How, a great officer of
Ch*ing, "If the armies march through Chin

and Ch'ing, our States will be very much dis-
tressed. If they go by the eastern regions, and
sliow their grand array to the wild tribes there,
returning along the sea-coast, it will be better.**
Shin How approved of the proposal, which
T*aou-t*oo then laid before the marquis of Ts^e,
who agreed with it. After Mis, Shin How had
an interview with the marquis, and said, "The
army has been in the field a long time. If it
march through the eastern regions, and meet
with enemies, I fear the soldiers will not be fit
for use. If it march through Ch*in and Ching^
which can supply them with provisions and
sandals, it will be a better arrangement." The
marquis was pleased, and gave Shin the town
of Hoo-laou, while he seized at the scone time
Yuen T*aou-t*oo.'

Par. 5. Tso-she says this was done 'to pun«»
ish Chin for its unfaithfulness.' It would ap-
pear, then, that the marquis of Chin had been
privy to the artful counsel of Yuen T*aou-t'oo;
or perhaps, as Wang Ts^eaou [^ t^; Ming

dyn., of the 16th century] supposes, he had
otherwise indicated his intention to join the
side of Ts*oo. This is more likely. The mar-

2uis of Ts'e had devolved the punishment of
Ihin on Loo, Keang, and Hwang.
Par. 6. Kuh-leang here lays down a rule,
that if the duke had been absent on two engage-
ments, then the entry of his return should be
associated with the latter ; but if the second were
smaller than the other, then with the first.
But such a rule is unnecessary. The attack of
Ch'in was only an incident growing oat of the
invasion of TsHx).

Par. 7. The Chuen says :— ' Duke Muh (S;
Kung, )^) of Heu died in the army, and was

buried with the ceremonies due to a marquis.
As a rule, when a prince died on a visit to the
king, or at a meeting with the other prinoes, his
rank was advanced one degree. If he died while
engaged in the king's business, it was advanced
two degrees. On this occasion, Muh might
have b^n laid in his coffin with a duke's robe.'
Par. 8. The Chuen says :— ' Shuh-sun Tae-pih
[This was the Kung-sim Tsze (Kung, here

and afterwards, gives the name as ^»). He

was grandson of duke Hwan, and chief of
the Shuh-sun clan. Tae is the hon. title, and
Pih his designation as the eldest of his family]
led a force, and joined the forces of the other
princes in an incursion into Chin, which now
sought peace, and Yuen T*aou-tHx> was restored
to it.'

[The Chuen here brings up the affairs of
Tsin :— " Before this, duke Heen of Tsin had
wished to make Le Ke his wife. The tortoise-
shell indicated that the thing would be unlucky,
but the milfoil pronounced it lucky. The duke
said, "I will follow the milfoil." The diviner
by the tortoise-shell said, " The milfoil is reckon-
ed inferior in its indications to the tortoise-shell.
You had better follow the latter. And moreover,
the oracle was: —

' The change made by inordinate devotion
Steals away the good qualities ofthe duke.
There is a fh^n^ant herb, and a noisome one;
And ten years hence the noisomeness will
continue.*

142

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK T.

Do not do as jou propote." The duke would
not listen to this advice, and declared Le Ke
liis wife. She ^ve birth to He-ts*e, and her
sister bore Ch*oh-t8ze.

'When the duke was about to declare 'He- ts'e
his heir, having determined on his plans with
the great officers about the court, Ke [i.e., Le Ke]
said to his eldest son, "The duke has been
dreaming about Ts<e Keang [the eldest son's
mother] ; you must soon sacrifice to her." Tlie
young prince sacrificed to hit mother in K'euh-
yuh, and sent some of the sacrificial flesh and
spirits to the duke, who was hunting when
they came. Ke kept them in the palace six
days, and when the duke arrived, she poisoned
them and presented them to him. llie duke
poured some of the spirits on the ground,
which was agitated by them. He gave wmB of the
JUah to a dog, which died ; and wme of the mtriit to
one of the attendants, who also died. ICe wept
and said, ** This is your eldest son's attempt to

murder you." The son fled to the new city
rK*euh-yuhl; but the duke put to death his
tutor. Too luen-kwan. Some one said to the
son, ''Explain the matter. The duke is sure
to discriminate." The son, however, ssid,
" Without the lady Ke, my father cannot enjoy
his rest or his food. If I explain the matter,
the guilt will be fixed on her. The duke im
getting old, and I will have taken his joy from
him." The friend said, <* Had you not better
go away then ?" " Tlie duke," replied the prince,
"will not examine into who is the guilty party;
and if I, with the name of such a crime, go away
from the State, who will receive me?" In the
12th month, on Mow-shin, he strangled himself
in the new city.

' Ke then slandered the duke's two other soot,
saying that they were both privy to their bro-
ther's attempt, on which Ch'ung-urfa fled to
P'oo, and E-woo fled to Keuh.*]

Fifth year.

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TmAB V.

DUKE HE.

143

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144

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKV.

3
4

5
6
7
8
9

nt m Bff ^ « es js* ^.m.w ^ ^ n i^ ^.4^

In the [duke's] fifth year in spring, the marquis of Tsin put
to death his heir-son Shin-sSng.

Duke Chwang's eldest daughter came from Ke, and present-
ed her son at our court.

In summer, Kung-sun Tsze went to Mow.

The duke, and the marquis of Ts^e, the duke of Sung, the
marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch4ng,
the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, had a meeting
with the king's heir-son in Show-che.

In autumn, in the eighth month, the [above] princes made
a covenant in Show-che.

The earl of Ch^ing stole away home, and did not join in the
covenant.

An officer of Ts*oo extinguished Heen. The viscount of
Heen fled to Hwang.

In the ninth month, on Mow-shin, the first day of the moon,
the sun was eclipsed.

In winter, the people of Tsin seized the duke of Yu.

H^ -7*» and I know not how to do to bat by

[The Chuen says :— * On the day Sin-hae, of
the king's first month in this year, being the
1st day of the month, there was the winter
solstice. The duke, having given out the Ist
day of the moon, ascended his observatory to
survey the heavens, and caused the record of
the fact to be made; — in accordance with rule.
At the equinoxes, the solstices, aud the com-
mencement of each season, there was required a
record of the appearances of the clouds, and their
indications, in order to make what preparations
should be necessary.' But the winter solstice

this year fell on Keah-yin (^^X ^lii^e days

later than Sin-hae. Chinese astronomers have
themselves called attention to this:— see Keang

Par. 1. Accordmg to the Chuen, at the end
of last year, Shin-sftng committed suicide,
driven to do so I7 his father, in the wmUr of
that year. Too explains the entry here, by
saying that 4t follows the announcement from
Tsin.' Tsin in fact followed the calendar of

Hea. Tso-she's narrative is according to that
calendar, and the entry here is also correct, ac-
cording to the calendar of Chow. It seems de-
sirable to translate W^ -^ differently from

using the term * heir-son.'

The Chuen has here:— * Before this, the laO'
quis of Tsin had employed Sze Wei to wsll PHx)
and Keuh for his sons, Ch*nng-arh and £-irao>
Wei did not look carefUly after the work, tad
placed faggots 6efipeea iht back and /aeutg 0/ At
walls, E-woo represented the matter to Ae
marquis, who caused Wei to be reprimsoded.
That officer, having bowed his head to tbe
ground, replied, ** I have heard the sayings tba^
when there is grief in a family where destb hu
not occurred, risetl sorrow is sure to come, tod
that when you fortify a city when there U do
threatening of war, your enemies are rare to
hold it. In walling a place to be held by rob-
bers and enemies, what occasion was there for
me to be careful ? If an officer with a charge
neglect the command given to him, he i^ ^
respect; if he make strong a place to be held by
enemies, he fails in fidelity. Failing in reipecft
and fidelity, how can he serve his lord? Ai
the ode (She, IH. U. X. 6) says,

'The cherishing of virtue insures

tranquillity ;
The circle of relatives serves as a wall'

Let our ruler cultivate his virtue and make
sure all the circle of his House ;— there is do

Teab V.

DUKE HE.

145

fortification equal to this. In three years we
shall have war; why should I be careful?"
When he withdrew, he sang to himself,

** Shaggy is the fox fur;
Three dukes in one State :^
Which shall I follow ? »•

* When the trouble came, the duke sent the
eunuch P'e to attack PVx). Ch*ung-urh said,
'* The command of my ruler and father is not to
be opposed;'* and he issued an order to his
followers, saying, ^*He who opposes it is my
enemy.** He then was getting oyer the wall to
run, when P'e cut off hk sleeve. He made his
escape, however, and fled to the Teih.'

Par. 2. We have the marriage of this daugh-
ter of Loo in the 25th year of duke Ghwang,
her father. It is disputed whether she was a
full or only a half sister of duke He; — it is
moat likely that she was his full sister. Ting-
tab put. a stop at jf^, and makes 10 fi ^

^ S -^ ^, 'Pih Ke of Ke came to Loo [to

▼isit her mother]; her son appeared at the
court.' To suppose that she came to Loo for
any purpose but to pay a dutiful visit to her
mother would be contrary to all Chinese rules
of propriety; but as the text stands, I cannot
but conclude that the presentation of her son at
his uncle's court was the reason for her visit.

Par. 3. The Chuen says: — *Eung-sun Tsze
went to Mow ; — to marry a lady of Mow:* on
which Too remarks, *■ Shuh-sun Tae-pih was mar-
rying a lady of Mow. As a minister could not
leave the State without his ruler's orders, he
therefore received the duke's command to go to
Mow with friendly inquiries, and took the op-

eirtunity to meet his bride, tinuf^rui^ her to Loo,*
ow, — see on II. xv. 8.

Par. 4. Show-che (Kung has gT x|^ was

in Wei, — in the south-east of the present Suy

Chow (^ j^), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. Tso-

•he says that the meeting at this place with the
king's eldest son Ch^ing was * to consult about
measures to keep Chow tranquil.' The king had
it in contemplation to degrade his eldest son,
and give the right of succession to a younger, —
the son, of course, of another mother; and to
prevent the confusion to which such a proceed-
ing would give rise, the marquis of Ts'e assem-
bled the States, that they might thus publicly
acknowledge Ch*ing as the heir to the kingdom ;
^much to the dissatisfaction of the king, as we
shall see.

[The Chuen introduces here : — • Yuen Seuen-
chung [the Yuen T-aou-t^oo of IV. 4] of Chin,
resenting how Shin How of Ch'ing had been
treacherous to him at Shaou-ling, advised him
to wall the tovm which Ts^e had conferred
upon him, saying ** To wall it well will give
yon a great name, which your descendants
will not forget; and I will aid you by asking
leave for you to do it." Accordingly, he asked
permission for the undertaking, in behalf of
Shin, from the princes, and the town was forti-
fied beautifully. Yuen then slandered Shin to
the earl of Ch*ing, saying that he had fortified
the city he had received so admirably with the
intention of rebelling ; and from this time Shin
liow was looked upon as an offender.']

Par. 5. The princes had had a meeting with
the king's son, but they did not presume to
make a covenant with him. They now made a
covenant among themselves, to carry out the
measures determined on to secure his succession
to the throne.

Par. 6. The Chuen says : — * In autumn, when
the princes were about to covenant, the king
made the duke of Chow call the earl of Ch4ng,
and said to him, *'I encourage you to follow
Ts'oo ;~with it and the help of Tsin, you may
enjoy a little rest." The earl was delighted to
receive the king's commands ; and being afraid
because he had not paid a court-visit to the mar'
guts o/Ts*e, he stole away to Ch4ng, and did
not join in the covenant. K'ung Shuh tried to
stop him, saving, *<The ruler of a State should
not act lightly. By doing so he loses his friends ;
and when he has lost them, calamity is sure to
come. When in his extreme distress, he has to
beg for a covenant; — what he loses is great.
Tour lordship will surely repent of your course."
The earl would not listen to this remonstrance,
but stole away from his troops, and returned to
Ch*ing.'

Par. 7. Heen was a State, held by Weia

(^), in the pres. dis. of K^shwny (|^ "AjO*

dep. Hwang-chow, Hoo-pih. Some r^r it to a

part of Kwang Chow (^ M)} Ho-nan ; but this

is a mistake,— occasioned, some suppose, by the
fugitive Tiscount's having finally taken up his
residence there. The Chuen says: — *Tow T*oo-
woo-t<oo [See the Chuen appended to m. xxx.2]
of Ts'oo extinguished Heen, when the viscount
of Heen fled to Hwang. At this time, Keang,
Hwang, Taou, and Pih, which were in friendly
relations with Ts*e, had affinities by marriage
with Heen. The viscount, depending on their
help, would not perform service to Ts'oo, and
moreover did not make preparations for an
emergency ; and so he came to ruin.'

Par. 8. This eclipse took place August 11th,
B. C. 654.

Par. 9. The Chuen says : — < The marquis of
Tsin again [See on II. 3] borrowed a way
through Yu to attack Kwoh. Kung Che-k'e
remonstrated with the duke of Yuy saying,
*' Kwoh is the external defence of Yu. If Kwoh
perish, Yu is sure to follow it. A way should
not be opened to the greed of Tsin ; robbers are
not to be played with. To do it once was more
than enough; and will you do it a second time?
The common sayings, *The carriage and its
wheel-aids depend on one another,' * When the
lips perish, the teeth become cold,' illustrate
the relation between Kwoh and Yu." The duke
said, " The princes of Tsin and Yu are descend-
ed from the same ancestor. How should Tsin
injure us ?" The minister replied, * T*ae-pih and
Yu-chung were sons of king T^ae; but because
T*ae-pih would not follow him against Shana, he
did not inherit his State. Kwoh Chung and Kwoh
Shuh were sons of king Ke, and ministers of king
Wftn. Their merits in the service of the royid
House are preserved in the repositonr of cove-
nants. If Kwoh be extinguished by Tsin, what
love is it likely to show to Yu? And can Yu
claim a nearer kindred to Tnn than the descend-
ants of Hwan and Chwang [See the Chuen after
III. xxiii.8], that Tsin shoiud show love to it?
What crime had the families descended from

VOL V.

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKY.

Hwan and Chwang been guilty of? and yet Tain
destroyed them entirely, feeling that they might

r rets on it [See the Chuen after HI. zxv.51.
ts near relati?es, whom it might hare been
expected to favour, it yet put to death, because
Mtftr greatneii pressed upon it ; — what may not
Tsin do to you, when there is your State to
gain ?" The duke said, ** My sacrificial offerings
have been abundant and pure ; the Spirits will
not forsake, but will sustain me.** His minister
replied, " I have heard that the Spirits do not
accept the persons of men, but that it is virtue
to whi<^ they cleave. Hence in the Books of
Chow we read, * Great Heaven has no affections;
—-it helps only the virtuous [Shoo, V. zviL 4] ;'
and, * It is not the millet which has the piercing
fragrance; it is bright virtue [Shoo, V. xxi. S] ;'
and again, ^ People do not slight offerings, but it is
virtue which is the thing accepted [Shoo, V.v.3].'
Thus if a nUer have not virtue, the people will not
be attached to him, and the Spirits will not accept
his offerings. What the Spirits will adhere to is
a man's virtue. If Tsin take Tu, and then
cultivate bright virtue, and therewith present
fragrant offerings, will the Spirits vomit them
out?" The duke did not listen to him, but
granted the request of the messenger of Tsin.

' Kung Che-k'e wont away from Yu, with all
the circle of his family, saying, *Yu will not
see the winter sacrifice. Its doom is in this ex-
pedition. Tsin will not make a second attempt.*
In the 8th month, on Keah-woo, the marquis
of Tsin laid siege to Shang-yang [the cliief dty

of Kwoh], and asked the diviner Ten whether hs
should succeed in the enterprise. Yen replied
that he should, and he then asked when. Yen
said, ** The children have a song which says,

* Towards day break of Ping,

Wei of the Dragon lies hid in the oonjoiic-

tion of the sun and moon.
With combined energy and grand display,
Are advanced the fli^ to capture Kwoh.
Grandly appears the Shun star,
And the T*een-ts4h is dim.
When Ho culminates, the enterprise will bt

completed.
And the duke of Kwoh will flee.*

' "According to this, you will succeed at the
meeting of the 9th and 10th months. In the
morning of Ping-tsze, the sun will be in Wd,
and the moon in Ts*ih; the Shun-ho will be
exactly in the south: — this is sure to be the
time."

* In winter, in the 12th month, on Ping-tsie, the
1st day of the moon, Tsin extinguished Kvoh,
and Ch'ow, the duke, fled to the capital. The
army, on its return, took up its quarters in To,
surprised the city, and extinguished the SUte,
seizing the duke, and his great officer Tsing-pih,
whom the marquis employed to escort hisdaogh-
ter, Mull Ke, to Tsin. The marquis continued the
sacrifices of Yu tn Tsin, and presented to the kiog
the tribute due from it. The brief language U
the text is condemnatory of Yu, and expreeeeit
besides, the ease with which Tsin annexed it,*

Stjctli year.

^ ms nkM mM "^MM mm. mm ^.nm ^

ybab vir.

DUKE HE.

147

VI.

1
2

3
4

It was the [duke's] sixth year, the spring, the king's first

month.
In summer, the duke joined the marquis of Ts'e, the duke

of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, and

the earl of Ts'aou, in invading Ch'ing, when they be-

sieo^ed Sin-shin^:.
In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo besieged Heu, and

the princes went from Ch'ing to relieve it.
In winter, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.

[The Chuen here continues the affairs of
Tsin: — 'The marquis of Tain sent Kea Ilwa to
attack Keuh. £-woo was unable to maintain
it, so he made a covenant and went awaj. He
thought himself of fleeing to the Teih, but K'eoh
Juy said, ** Following after your brother [Ch'ung-
urh], and fleeing to the same place, it will appear
as if you had been criminals together. You had
better go to Leang; it is near to Tsin, and is
kin dly regarded by it.** £-woo went accordingly
to Leang.]

Par. 2. The Chuen says: — *In summer, the
princes invaded Ch4ng, because the earl had
stolen away from the covenant at Show-ch*e.
They laid siege to Sin-meih which Ch'ing had
fortified, though it was not the season for such an
undertaking.' The Chuen calls the place Sin-
meih, or *New Meih,' and the text calls it Sin-
shing, or 'the New city,' referring to its having
been recently walled. It was 80 /(S to the south-
east of the pres. dis. city of Meih, dep. K^ae-fung.

Par. 3. ' Besieged Heu,' i. s., laid siege to the
principal city of Heu. So we are to understand
other passages, where, apparently, the siege of a
State is spoken of. The Chuen says : — * The vis-
count of Ts^oo besieged Heu, in order to relieve

ChMng. The princes relieved Heu, and he retired.'
The jg^ implies, as in the translation, that the
princes marched their troops from ChHng to
Heu.

[The Chuen adds here a narrative which shows
of what little use the expedition against TbHm
had been. The States in the south continued
to feel that it was better for them to keep in
alliance with the aggressive Power. — *In winter,
the marquis Muh of Ts'ae went along with duke
He of Heu, and had an interview with the viscount
of Ts*oo in Woo-shing. Ihe baron of Heu
appeared with hih hands tied behind his back,
and holding a peih in his mouth. His great
officers wore head-bands and other clothes of
the deepest mourning, and the inferior officers
pushed a coffin along on a carriage. The viscount
asked Fung Pih what he should do, who replied,
'* When king Woo had vanquished Yin, K*e, vis-
count of We, appeared be/ore him in this fashion.
King Woo with his own hands loosed his bands,
received his peih, ordered away the emblems of
doom, burned his coffin, treated him courteously,
and robed him, sending him back to his place.**
The viscount of Ts*oo followed this example.*]

Seventh year.

148

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

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VII. 1 In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, an officer of Ts'e

invaded Ch'ing.

2 In summer, the viscount of Little Choo paid a court visit

[to Loo.]

3 Ch'ing put to death its great officer. Shin How.

4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke had a meet-

ing with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung,
Ewan, heir-son of Ch'in, and Hwa, heir-son of Ch'ing,
when they made a covenant in Ning-moo.

Teak VII.

DUKE HE.

149

5 Pan, earl of Ts'aou, died.

6 Duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ts^e.

7 In winter, there was the burial of duke Ch'aou of Ts'aou,

Par. 1. Ch4ng was in an evil case between
Ts'oo and Ts^e, and experienced the general
fate of trimmers. The Chuen says : — *0n this
occasion, K^ung Shuh said to the earl of Ch*ing,
**The proverb says, 'When a man is incapable
of firm resolre, why should he feel it a pain to
be humble?' Ton are not able to be strong, and
you are not able to be weak : — it is the way to
ruin yourself; the State is in periL Let me en-
treat you to submit to Ts'e, in order to save the
State." The earl said ** I know how peace with
Ts^e can be brought about. Have patience with
me f or a Uttle.** The officer replied, " When toe
know not in the morning that we shall reach the
eyening, how can we wait /orymcr detenninatitm f* *

Par. 2. Seaou or Little Choo is the same as

£ (j^l^) of IILt. 8; XT. 8. Its chief E-lae, it is

■aid, liad been very assiduous in serving the
marquis of Ts'e, who got the king to confer on
him a patent of nobility, and raise him to the
rank of viscount. He is here in consequence
of his elevation, paying a court yisit to Loo.
llie name adopted for the new State was little
Choo, because the risconnts of Choo and the lords
of £ were descended from the same ancestor.
Par. 8. See on IV. 4 ; and the narratiye after
V. 4. The Chuen says here : — " Chlng put to
death Shin How to please Ts*e, and because of the
ill report of him given by Tuen T*aou-t*oo. Shin

How was a native of Shin [ ^ ; a son of the mar-
quis of Shin by a daughter of Ts'oo], and had
been a favourite with king Wftn of Ts'oo. When
king Wftn was about to die, he gave How a/>et%,
and sent him away, saying, ** It is only I that
know you. You are all bent on gain, insatiable.
I have given to you, and allowed you to beg from
me, without dwelling on your faults ; but my suc-
cessor will require much Arom you, and you are
sure not to escape the consequences of your
conduct. Ton must quickly leave Ts*oo; and
do not go to a small State, for it will not
be able to bear you." When king Wftn was
buried. Shin How fled to Ch*ing, where also he
became a favourite with duke Le. When Tsze-
w&n PTow T*oo- woo-t*oo, chief minister of Ts*oo]
heard of his death, he said, *' The ancients have
wen said, *No one knows a minister like his
ruler.' Bow^e natu re could not be changed." '

Par. 4. Ning-moo (Kuh-leang has ^ -f^ )
waa in Loo, 20 le east of the pres. dis. city of
Tu-t'ae, dep. Ten-chow. This was ' a meeting
in robes (!^^ ^ '^^** i««>^«P™cesdid
not have any military following. The K'ang-
he editors say that * the lords of Ch4n and Ch*ing
■ent their heir-sons. Both of these States had
lately been attacked by Ts*e. Ch*in would
fain have declined the covenant, but did not
venture to do so. Ch*ing would fain have been
present at it, but wss not permitted to be so.
They therefore did not present themselves, but
lent their sons.' The Chuen says: — 'This
BMeting at Ning-moo was to consult about

Ch4ng. Kwan Chung said to the marquis of
Ts^e, '* I have beard the sayings, * Call the waver-
ing with courtesy; cherish the remote with
kindness ; when kindness and courtesy are shown
invariably, there are none but will be won.' "
The marquis accordingly manifested courtesy to
the princes, and their officers received from him
the Het of the tribute their territories had to pay
to the king. The earl of Chi*ng having sent his
eldest son Hwa to receive the commands of the
meeting, the young prince said to the marquis,
*' It was the three clans of Seeh, Ehmg, and
Tsze-jin, who opposed your lordship's orders. If
you will remove them as the basis of a paci^ca-
tion, I will become, at the head of Ch*ing, as one
of your own subjects, and your lordship will be
a gainer in every way."

*The marquis was about to agree to his pro-
posal; but Kwan Chung sai^ "You have
bound all the princes to you by your propriety
and truth ; and will it not be improper to end
with an opposite policy? Here we should have
propriety in the form of no treachery between son
and father, and truth in that of the son's ob-
serving his father^B commands according to Uie
exigency of the times. There cannot be greater
criminality than that of him who acts contrary
to these two things." "We princes," replied
the duke, " have tried to punish Ch*ing, but
without success. And now when such an op-
portunity is presented to me, may I not ti£e
advantage of it?" "Let your lordship," said
Kwan, "deal gently with the case of Ch*ing in
kindness, and add to this an instructive exposi-
tion of it, and then, when you again lead the
princes to punish the State, it will feel that utter
overthrow is imminent, and will be consumed
with terror. If on £Ae contrary you deal with it,
adopting the counsel of this criminal, Ch4ng
will have a case to allege, and will not be
afraid. Consider too that you have assembled
the princes to do honour to virtue, and if at the
meeting you give place to this villain, and follow
his counsel^ what will there be to show to your
descendants? And further, the virtue, the
punishments, the rules of propriety, and the
righteousness, displayed at the meetings of the
princes, are recorded in every State. When a
record is made of the place given to such a
criminal, there will be an end of your lordship's
covenants. If you do the thing and do not re-
cord it, that will show that your virtue is not com-
plete. Letnotyourlordsliipaccede to his requests
Ch'ing is sure to accept the covenant. And for
this Hwa, the earl of Wing's eldest son, to seek
the assistance of a great State to weaken his
own : — ^he will not escape without suffering for
it. The government of ChHng, moreover, is in
the hands of Shuh-chen, Too Shuh, and Sn
Shuh, those three good men : — ^you would find
no opportunity now to act against it."

' On this the marquis of Ts'e declined the prof-
fers of the prince, who in consequence of this

150

THE CIM'N TS EW, WITH THE TSO CIIUEN.

BOOK V.

aifair wns regarded as a criniinal in Ch'ing.
The earl begged from T8*e the favour of a
cuvenant.'

Par. 5. For ^ Rung has jb^.

[After p. 7, the Chuen says: — *In the inter--
calary month [which must thus have been a

double twelfth], king Hwuy died. King Sean^, in

consequence of the troubles that trere occasioned

by T^ae-shuh Tae, and fearing his accf>8sion

might not be secured, did not make kU /ather't

death public, and sent an announcement of hii
difficulties to Ts^e/]

Eighth year.

ifii :A: -f- BM It Hi n ^M BM

VIII. 1

In his eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month,
the duke had a meeting with an officer of the king,
the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis
of Wei, the baron of Heu, the earl of Ts'aou, and
Kwan, heir-son of Ch'in, when they made a covenant
in T^aou.

The earl of Ch'ing begged [to be admitted to] the cove-

° nant.

In summer, the Teih invaded Tsin.

In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke offerea
the great sacrifice in the grand temple, and [at

Year VUI.

DUKE HE.

151

the same time] placed the tablet of [duke Chwangs]
wife in his shrine.
In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ting-we, the king
[by] Heaven's [grace] died.

Parr. 1,2. The T*aott here is different Arom that
in Ul.xxvii. 1. This was in Ts'aou,— ^ U
•onth-west from the pres. city of Fuh Chow

(jft^ «MJ \ dep. Ts'aon-chow. The Chuen says :

—'The object of the covenant was to concert
measures about the royal House. The earl of
Oiing begged leave to take part in it, asking that
Ts*e would accept his submission. The succession
of king Seang was settled, and he proceeded to
publish Am father' » death.'

The king's death, according to the Chuen,
took place in the end of last year, whereas the
5th par. here states that it occurred in the 12th
month of this year. Woo ChHng, Wang Ts'eaou,
and many other critics, think that Tso-she
must be in error as to the date of the death.
It is, indeed, not easy to understand how so Im-
portant an event could have been concealed for
twelve months. The queen and her son Shuh
Tae who were anxious to prevent the succession
of Ch'ing, could not have remained ignorant of
it all that time.

The earl of ChHng now felt that there was
no course for him but to humble himself. He
had withdrawn from the meeting in the 5th
year, which was to recognize the right of the
king's son Ch4ng to the throne ; and now he is
obliged to beg to be allowed to take part in
the meeting which recognized him.

Par. 8. The Chuen 6ayB:-;-*Le K*ih had
commanded a force atfoinst the Teih, with Leang
Tew-me as liis cliarioteer, and Kwoh Tih as the
spearman on the left. He defeated them at Ts^te
sang, when Leang said to him, " The Teih are not
ashamed to fly. If you follow them, you will ob-
tain a great conquest.*' Le K'ih replied, ^^It is
best to frighten them only. Don't let us accelerate
a rising of all their tribes." Kwoh Yih said,
*' Let a year be completed, and the Teih will be
here again. We are on/jr showing them our
weakness." Sure enoughy this summer, the Teih
invaded Tsin, to avenge their defeat at Ts*ae-
sang. The exact month of the year had come
round again.'

Par. 4. There are two things recorded in this
par.; first, the offering of the te sacrifice and
next, the taking occasion at it (indicated by the

B9 Bs ^g) to introduce a lady, the wife of some

duke, in to the grand temple, or the temple of the
duke of Chow, ancestor of the House of Loo.
1st. The te sacrifice here is to be distinguished

from the ^ jjjw, or 'fortunate te,* mentioned

IV.ii 2. It is the 'great sacrifice (^ i^),'

offered once in 3 years, according to Too Tu, or
once in 5 years, according to others. The indi-
Tidual sacrificed to' in it was the remotest ances-
tor to whom the kings, or the princes of States
ruled by offshoots from the royal House, traced
their lineage. Tlie kings would thus sacrifice to

the ancient emperor Kuh ( >^^8) ; and the mar-
quises of Loo to king W&n. Whether Loo did
arrogate the right to offer the sacrifice to the

emperor Kuh, pleading a special grant to do so
given to the duke of Chow by king Ching, is a
question that need not be considered here. This
* great sacrifice ' is that here spoken of, and we
have the record of it this year, and not on other
years of its occurrence, because of the extraordi-
nary use that was made of it, as related in the
latter part of the par.

2d. Who was the lady intended here by ^il^

^? Tso-she says she was Gae Keang, duke

Ch Wang's wife;—* He offered the te sacrifice, and
introduced the tablet of Gae K*eang;— which
was contrary to rule. In the case of the death
of a duke's wife, if she died not in her proper
chamber; or the passage of her cdBELn were not
announced in the ancestral temple; or her
demise were not communicated to the princes
who had covenanted with her husband ; or her
tablet had not been temporarily placed hy that
of her husband's father's wife;— tlien her tablet
could not be placed in her husband's shrine.'

S^ is here employed in the sense given by Too

r^ '^d >w AS ^^ ^^ ^^ conditions re-
quired for this ceremony had been observed in
the case of Gae Keang, excepting the first. She
had not died in her chamber, but through her
own wickedness had been put to death in Ts^e ;
and though duke He had brought her body
back to Loo, and buried it with all the usual
forms, yet one important element was wanting,
sufiicient, in Tso-she's opinion, to vitiate this
final honour attempted to be paid to her.

Kung-yang took a difft. view. Ace. to him,
the * wife ' here is duke He's own wife. He had
arranged to marry a daughter of Ts'oo; but a
lady of Ts*e, intended for the harem, arriving
before her, duke He was obliged by the power
of Ts'e to make her his wife, by the ceremony
of introducing her on this occasion into the tem-
ple. But this appears to be merely a story
' concocted by Kung to explain the text in some
likely way.

Kuh-leang seems to think that the lady was

Ch'ing Fung, duke He's mother; and if ^f be

spoken of her Spirit-tablet this view is absurd,
because she did not die till the 4th year of
duke W&n. Lew Ch'ang, Chang Heah, however,
and a host of other critics, adopt a modification
of this view, that duke He somehow took this oc-
casion to instal his own mother as duke Ch Wang's
proper wife. But they fail to show that such a
proceeding was in any way competent to a son.
— On tlie whole Tso-she's view most commends
itself to our acceptance.

Par. 5. See what has been «aid on the date
of the king's death under par. 1. Tso-she says
here, that * an officer of the king came now to
announce his death, and that the anuouncument
was made so late, because of the difiieuUies
connected with the succession*

152

THE CH'UK TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKV.

flV Choen idds here:— 'Tbe duke of Song
being QL hi« eldest •on by kis recogniud wife,
Tne-foo, earnest I j entiemtetl him, asTing, **l/jr
hroth^^ jiab-e, U old«r than I, mnd it entirdy
Tirtaoos. Do made him joor facoeeflaor." The;
dnke gare charge to Taze-ra [the aboTe Mnh-e]
that io ii ihooid be, bat he relnsed, saying,

** What greater Tirtne could there be than for
him tkn* to decline the dignity of the State?—
I am not equal to him. And rooreorer, the
thing itself would not be in accordance vit&
what is right." With this he ran out of tbt
duke's presence.*]

Ninth year.

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1 In the duke's Dtnth year, in spring, in the king's first

month, on Ting-ch'ow, Yu-yueh, duke of Sung, died.

2 Id summer, the duke had a meeting with the [king's] chief
minister, the duke of CIiow, and with the marquis of
Ts'e, the son [of tlie lato duke] of Sung, the mar-
quis of Wei, the eail of Cliing, the baron of Heu, and
the earl of Tsaou, in K'woi-k'ew.

a seventh month, on Yih-yew, the duke's
^died.

n Mow-shin, the princes made a

irquis of Tsin, died.

leath He-ts'e, the son of his

154

THE CH«UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

Parr. 1 ,2. Yu-yueh, — aee the eyents of his ac-
cession in the Chuen on ni.xii3,4. He was
succeeded by his son Tsze-foo (^5C^' known
as duke Seang (M ^). In the period of his

early mourning, before his father was buried,
Tsze-foo came in mourning garb to this meeting
at K'wei-k*ew, and therefore he is mentioned in

p. 2 as ^1^ -^, *son, or new duke, of Sung.'

Tso-she lays down the canon, that the successor
to the throne, while his predecessor was unburied,

was called Seaou-t*ung (yj> "^) or *boy ;* and

the successor to a State, in like circumstances,

Tsze CHp*)! or *the son.* Kung and Kuh for

IE M ^^^^ n >^ » *°^ IS '^' W' ^*^®*"

k'ew was in Sung,— ^0 k east from the pres.

dis. city of K*aou-8hing (^ ^), dep. K*ae-

fung. The Chuen says:— * The meeting at
Kwei-k*ew was to repeat the former covenant
[that in VIII. 1], and to cultivate the good rela-
tions among the princes themselves; — which was
proper. The king sent his prime minister [the

Sj ^ of the Shoo, XX. v. 1] K*ung to present

to the marquis of Ts*e some of his sacrificial flesh,
with the message, **The son of Heaven has been
sacrificing to Wftn and Woo, and sends K*ung
to present a portion of the fiesh to his uncle of
a different surname." The marquis was about
to descend the steps, and do obeisance, when
K^ung said, *^ There was another command.
The son of Heaven charged me to say that, in
consideration of his uncle's 70 years, he confers
on him an additional degree of distinction, —
that he shall not descend and do obeisance."
** Heaven's majesty," replied the marquis, "is not
far from me, — not a cubic, not 8 inches. Shall
I, Seaou-pih, dare to covet this command of the
son of Heaven, and not descend and do obeis-
ance. 1/ I "did so, 1 should fear that majesty
was falling low, and left a stigma on the son of
Heaien. I dare not but descend and do obeis-
aYice." With this he descended the steps, did
obeisance, ascended again, and received the flesh.'

Par. 3. Kung-yang says:— * This lady had
not been married ; — how is her death recorded
here? She had been engaged to be married.
When that took place, the daughter was called
by her designation in the family, and her hair
was bound up with the pin. If she died before
being married, the ceremonies used were those of
a full-gro¥m woman.'

Par. 4. The Chuen says : — * In autumn, the
marquis of Ts^e made the covenant with the
princes in K*wei-k*ew to this effect:-^" All we
who have united in this covenant shall hereaf-
ter banish everything contrary to^good relations
among us." The prime minister K'ung had
previously left to return to the capital ; and when
on the way, he met the marquis of Tsin, and said
to him, ** You need not go on to the meeting. The
marquis of Ts'e does not make virtue Ms first
object, and is most earnest about what is remote.
Thus in the north he invaded the Hill Jung; on
the south, he invaded Ts^oo; and in the west, he
has assembled this meeting. As to what he
may do hereafter eastward, I do not know, but
he will do nothing to the west. Is TB*e going
to fall into disorder? Let your lords^p tet

yourself to still all disorder in Tsin, and not be
anxious about going on to this tneetmgf* '

The K'ang-he editors say they agree with
many critics of former dynasties in doubting
the truth of this narrative.

Parr. 5,6. There is a difficulty here with the
date, the day Keah-tsze being really 4 days
earlier than Mow-shin of the 4th par. I think,

therefore, that Keah-seuh (S j^), Kong-

yang's reading, is here to be preferred, thougli
the received text does not follow him, while it

follows Euh-leang in giving g

inftetdof

T.0'. f^ ^.

The Chuen says: — ^*0n the death of dake
H^n [whose name was Kwei-choo] of Tsin, Le
K4h and P'e Ch4ng wished to raise ChHug-vk,
who UHU afterwards duke W&n, to the mar-
quisate, and therefore raised an insurrection
with his partisans, and those of his brothers,
Shin-sftng and £-woo. Tears before this, dake
Heen had appointed Seun Seih to superintend
the training of He-ts*e ; and when he was ill, he
called Seih to him, and said, ** I ventured to
lay on you the charge of this child ; how will
you now do in reference to him ?" Seih bowed
his head to the ground, and replied, ** I will put
forth all my strength and resources on his behalf,
doing so with loyalty and sincere devotioo. If
I succeed, it will be owing to your lordship's
influence ; if I do not sucked, my ^ath ibsU
follow my endeavours." ** What do you meio
by loyalty and sincere devotion?" asked the
duke. " Doing to the extent of my knowledge
whatever will be advantageous to yonr Home
is loyalty. Performing the duties to yoo, the
departed, and serving him, tlie living, so thtt
neither of you would have any doubt* al>oat me,
is sincere devotion.".

< When Le Klh was fully purposed to kill
He-ts'e, he first informed Sean Seih, ssjin^
" The friends of Ch'ung-urh and his farothen,
all full of resentment, are about to rise; Tiio
and Tsin will assist them: — what can joodo
in svch a case?** " I wiU die with He-tsV""
plied Seih. ** That will be of no use," urged the
other. Seun Shuh said, ^ I told our departed
marquis so, and I must not say another thiog
now. I am able and willing to make good mj
words, and do you think I ¥riU grudge mj hfe ^
do so? Although it may be of no use, how cio
I do otherwise? And in their wish to ihow the
same virtue for their side, who is not like ok'
Do I wish to be entirely faithful and one/ar«9
protegSj and can I say that others should tdtv^
from being so for theirs ?"

• In the 10th month, Le K*ih killed He-tre
in his pUce by his father's coffin. Seun Seih vtf
about to die at the same time, but some one ma
to him, " You had better raise Ch*oh-tiwe to
his brother's place, and give your help to a^
Seih did so, and directed the new msi^ ^
the burial of duke Heen, . .

*In the 11th month, Le K-ih slew Chw *
the court, and Seun Seih died with him. ^^
superior man may say that in Seun Sdh^
have what is declared in the ode [The ShBilv*
iiL n. 5],'

** A flaw in a white gem

May be ground away ;

But for a flaw in speech

Nothing can be done'

,»»

Ybjlr X.

DUK£ HE.

155

It may be well to observe here that these
marders in this Chaen were not done by K'ih
himself; thouj^h, as the instruments were em-
ployed by him, he is justly charged with them.

In p. 6. Eung-yang reads ;« for ^fij^. He-

ts'e became marquis of Tsin on the death of his

father, and was KHh*s ja or ruler. Kung-yang

tays he is here styled -7- or son merely, because

the year of his father's death was still running ;
but such a canon does not hold in many other

instances. We might, indeed, read ^S- -7* ^^
kj^after the analogy of p. 2; but the peculiar

style here, flL S* j?^ "j» Must be due to the
circumstances of the case: — the youth of He-
ts'e; his want of a real title to the place; and
his early death.

[The Chuen adds three notices here : —

1st. 'The marquis of Ts'e, with the armies
of the princes, invaded Tsin, and returned, after
advancing as far as Kaou-leang. The expedition
was to punish and put down the disorders of the
State. The order about it did not reach Loo,
and so no record of it was made.'

2d. *K'eoh Juy made E-woo offer heavy
bribes to Ts4n, to obtain its help in entering
Tsin, saying to him, ^* The State is resUy in the
possession of others; you need grudge nothing.'
If you enter and can get the people, you will
have no difficulty about the territory." E-woo
followed his connseL Selh P*fi,ng of Ts-e led a
force and joined the army of Ts'in ; and they
placed E-woo or duke Hwuy in duke Heen's
place.

* The earl of Ts'in said to K'eoh Juy, " Whom
has the duke'i sou [JC-woo] to rely on in Tsin y"
Juy replied, "I have heard the saying that a
fugitive should have no partiznns ; for if he have
partisans, he is aure to have eneniies also. Wlien
E-woo was young, he was not fond of play ; he could
show fight, but in moderation. When he grew
up, there was no change in these traits. Anything
else about him I do not know." The earl tfien
said to Kung-sun Che, "Will E-w(k) settle the
State ?" Che replied, " I have heard that only
the pattern man can settle a State. In the
She it is said of king W&n (III. L VII. 7),

' Without the consciousness of effort.
You accord with the pattern of God.'

It is also said [III. iii. II. 8],
* Committing no excess, inflicting no

injury ;
There are few who will not take you
as their modeL'

This is spoken of him who loves not nor hates,
who envies not nor is ambitious. But now E-
woo's wonls are full of envy and ambition ; — it
will be hard for him to settk the State /" The
earl said, "Being envious, he will have many to
resent his conduct ; how can he succeed in his
ambition ? But this will be our gain." '
8d. 'When duke Seang succeeded to Sung,

from regard to the virtue of his brother Muh-e
[see the i-huen at the end of last year], he made
him general of the left, and administrator of the
government. On this Sung was finely ruled,
and the office of general of tht^ left became heredi-
tarv in the Yu family (Yu was the clan-name
of Midi-e's descendants)' ]

Tenth year.

i^
^

5C.

m ^'MMM ^ S ? f I* ?»

156

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

/*f^ w *c mo<6 ^ m

:k BM MM ^ _

m.± Ui -b H w -ffi

m ^h 7^ i^BM U

#.K E ^ s m ^

#.ifr K e # •^.

zmm.ZMM

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^ nfn S S ^J^

^M ZM ja it

tkmBmMn

X. 1 In his tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the

duke went to Ts*e.

2 The Teih extinguished Wan; and the vbcount of W&n fled

to Wei.

3 Le K'ih of Tsin murdered his ruler Ch'oh, and the great

officer Seun Seih.

4 In summer, the marquis of Ts*e and the baron of Heu in-

vaded the northern Jung.

5 Tsin put to death its great officer Le K*ih.

6 It was autumn, the seventh month.

7 In winter, there was a great fall of snow.

Pap. 1. Tan Tsoo (p^ HjJ; T*ang dyn.,

8th centnry) aays that the character 'hf\ is al-
ways used of journeys by the duke and minis-
ten of Loo, to visit other courts or present
friendly inquiries. Duke He here goes to Ts'e to
appear at the court of the marquis as the leader
of the St«tes.

Par. 2. The yisoount of Wftn, or the yiscount
of Boo, was one of the descendants of the duke of
Soo [called duke as being one of the three hing
or highest mioisters of the king], minister of
Crime to king Woo. Out of the court, they were
viscounts of Soo, or of W&n, Wftn being the
name of their principal city ,-—30 U west of the

pres. dis. city of W&n, dep. Hwae-k*ing ('

), Ho-naa In the 1st nar. appended to L xl 8,

the king grants the territories of the Hobn of
Soo to Ching. That House, however, mofthsTe
been subsequently re-instated in them. In one of
the Chuen appended to III.zix. 4, the viicoant «
Soo appears as confederate against the king vi^
Tsze-t'uy, who flies on his defeat to Wl&;<i"
they further retreat together to WeL

The Chuen says:—* The Teih extfaigiM«W
W&n, because the viscount of Soo v«* *
man without faith. He rebelled agaioit tM
king, and went off to the Teih ; but be cooU."'
nothing among them, and they attacked hiD*
The king did not relieve him, and so hii Sti^
was annihilated, and he himself fled to WeL'

Far. 8. See the Chuen on the 6th par. of bf*
year. That Chuen says Ch'oh was muider^
the 11th month of hist year, while here the deed
appeara under the spring of this;— but seevb*t
is said, on Y. 1, upon the difference of datei iB

Ybab XI.

DUKE HE.

157

the King and Chuen. Duke Heen had been
buried, and Ch*oh or Ch'oh-tBze appears here
oonflequenUy as marquis or ruler.

Par. 4. These northern Jung were the same
as the Hill Jung of IIL zxx. 7. Why the baron
of Heu should alone have accompanied Ts*e on
this expedition we canot telL

Par. 5. The Chuen says on this : — ' In sum-
mer, in the 4th month, Ke-foo, duke of Chow,
and Tang, son of king He (?), joined Seih P'&ng
of Ts^e in securing the establishment of the
marquis of Tsin, who put to death Le K*ih
to clear himself of any complicity . with him
in the murders which he had committed. When
he was about to put him to death, he sent
a message to him, saying, "But for you,
I should not have attained to my present
position; but considering that you murdered
two marquises and one great officer, is it
not a difficult thing to be your ruler? ** K'ih
replied, **If others had not been removed,
how could you have found room to rise? But if
you wish to make out a man's guilt, there is no
difficulty in finding ground to do so. I have
heard your command." With this he cut his
own throat, and died. At this time P^i Ch*ing
was absent on a risit of friendly inquiries in
TsMn, and to entreat the earl to grant some delay
in the payment of the bribes promised to him,

00 that he escaped /or thepretatt*

Par. 6. [The Chuen appends the 'following
story: — ^The marquis of Tsin took up the body
of his brother Kung [^ HJ^ -^p, *the eldest
son Kung.' Kung is the hon. title given to
Shin-s&ng, duke Heen's eldest son], and had it
re-interr^. In the autumn, Hoo Tuh went to
the lower capital [us., K'euh-yuh] in connection
with thisj when he met the yormsr young prince,
who made him get up and take his reins for
him, as he had been accustcmed to do^ and then
said to him, ** £-woo has violated all propriety.

1 have presented a request to God and obtained
it: — ^I am going to give Tsin to Ts'in, which will
maintain the sacrifices to me." Tuh replied, " I
have heard that the Spirits of the dead do not
eigoy the sacrifices of those who are not of their
kindred, and that people only sacrifice to those
who were of the same ancestry as themselves.

Will not the sacrifices to you be thus virtually
no sacrifices ? And what crimes attach to the
people oj Tsinf Let me ask you to consider
well how what you have done will lead to the
wrong punishment of them and the cessation of
the sacrifices to yourself." **Yes," said the
other, **I will make another request to God.
In 7 days, at the western side of the new city
there will be a wizard, through whom you shall
have an interview with me." Tuh agreed to
this, and the prince disappeared. When the
time was come, the officer went to the west side
of the city, and received this message: — "God
has granted that I punish only the criminal, who
shall be defeated in Han."

* When P*e Ch*ing went to Ts*in, he said to
the earl, " They were Leu Sftng, K*eoh Ch^ng,

and K*e Juy, who would not agree to our mar-
quis's fiilfiliing his promises to you. If you will
call them to you by urgently requesting their
presence, I will then expel the marquis. Tour
lordship can then restore Ch*ung-urh to Tsin ;
and ever3rthiDg will be crowned with success."'

Par. 7. Kung-yang here has ^g for ^^
Snow lying a foot deep [See the Chuen on
I. ix. 2] would indeed be a strange phenomenon
in the autunm of the year. Chow's winter was
Hea's autunm.

[The Chuen adds here:— 'In winter, the earl
of Tsin sent Ling Che to Tsin in return for the
mission of P^ Ch'ing, and to ask that the three
officers mentioned byCh^ing might come to him.
K*eoh Juy said, "The greatness of his gifts and
the sweetness of his words are intended to
decoy us." Then they put to death P*e Ch^ing,
K^e Keu, and the seven great officers of the
chariots, — Kung Hwa of the left column, Kea
Hwa of the right, Shuh Keen, Chuy Ch*uen, Luy
Hoo, Tih Kung, and San K*e ; aJl partisans of
Le and P'e. P'e P'aou fied to TsHn, and said
to the earl, "The nuirquis of Tsin is false to
you, great lord, and envious on small grounds
of his own officers ; — the people do not adhere
to him. Attack him, and he is sure to be
driven from the State." The earl said, " How
can he, who has lost the masses, deal death
in such a way f But you have only escaped the
calamity; who can expel your ruler?"']

^ A

A n.

Eleventh year.

158

THE CIPUN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

T^ T ^ i a

2
3
4

M^ T^ a ft ^ H.>^ nm +

In the [duke's] eleventh year, Tsin put to death its great
officer, P'e Ch'ing-foo.

In summer, the duke and his wife, the lady Keang, had a
meeting with the marquis of Ts^e in Yang-kuh.

In autumn, in the eighth month, there was a grand sacri-
fice for rain.

In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo invaded Hwang.

When this occurs, there can he no trsosmissios
of a State to after generations.' See the g

Far. 1. See the last Chaen. Tso-she says
that in spring the marquis of Tsin sent an
announcement to Loo of the disorder attempted
to be raised by P*e Ch'ing. This is Tso's own
attempt to reconcile the date of P*e ChHng's
death, as giren here, with the real date as-
signed to it in the Chnen referred to. But we
hare seen that both dates are correct: — this,
according to the calendar of Chow ; that, accord-
ing to the calendar of Hea.

[The Chuen adds: — *The king by Heaven's
grace sent duke Woo of Shaou, and Kwo, the
historiographer of the interior, to confer the
symbol of his rank on the marquis of Tsin. He
received the nephrite with an air of indifference;
and Kwo, on his return to the court, said to the
king, **The marquis of Tsin Lb not one who will
have any successor of his own children. Your
majesty conferred on him the symbol of in-
vestiture, and he received the auspicious jade
with an air of indifference. Taking the lead
thus in self-abandonment, is he likely to have
any one to succeed him? The rules of propriety
are the stem of a State; and reverence is the
chariot that convevs them along. Where there
is not reverence, those rules do not have their
course; and where this is the case, the distinc-
tions of superiors and inferiors are all obscured.

Far. 2. Comp. ll.zviii. 1. It would tppeir
from this that duke He had married a Isdj of
Ts*e, a daughter probably of duke Hwsa. Bit
that she should accompany him, as here, to i
meeting with her father even, was coDtniT to
all Chinese ideas of propriety. Too Yu tty>^
* A wife does not accompany or meet a "nnux
beyond the gate ; when she sees her brotbtf%
she does not cross the threshold of the \an^
To go to this meeting with the duke was caoixuj
to rule.'

[I'he Chuen adds: — *In summer, Che JiuV«
Yang-k^eu, Ts'euen-kaon, and about the E wj
the Loh, united in attacking the capital, entered
the royal city, and burned the eastern gate; lao|
Hwufs son Tae having called them. Tilo *i^
Tsin invaded the Jung in order to reUeve ^
king. In autumn, the marquis of Tsin csoied
the Jung to make peace with the king.*]

Far. 8. See on II. v. 7. .

Far. 4. The Chuen says:— 'The peo|)to »
Hwang did not send their tribute toTi'oo**^
a body of men, there/or^ from Ts'oo attack^
Hwang in the winter.'

Twelfth year.

n.^mm

nr-f-A: s^.^.3E^

^^,m n

7sjLR xn.

DIJKB HE.

XIL

3
4

mmmm

75r75r jji^

^ Ml Pn ^

.Jiii.'fil © -^ ©

159

In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's third
month, on K&ng-woo, the sun was eclipsed.

In summer, a body of men from Ts*oo extinguished
Hwang.

It was autumn, the seventh month.

In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ting-chow, Ch'oo-
k'ew, marqub of Chin, died.

the Jong, proceeded to punish his brother Tae;
—who fled to T8*e/

2d. <In winter, the marqnis of Ts'e sent
Kwan E-woo to make peace between the Jong
and the king; and Seih F*ftng to make peace
between the Jung and Tsin. The king wanted
to feast Kwan Chung with the ceremonies due
to a minister of the highest grade. But Kwan
Chung declined them, saying, <*I an btu an
officer of mean condition. There are Ewoh
and Eaou in Ts^ both holding their appointment
from the son of Heaven. If they should come
in spring or in autumn to reoeiye your majesty's
orders, with what ceremonies should they be en-
tertained? A simple senrant of my prince, I
venture to refuse the honour you propoit.** The
king said, * Messenger of my uncle, I approve
your merit. Tou maintain your excellent vir*
tue, which I never can forget. Oo and dlschange
the duties of your office, and do not disobey my
commands.** Kwan Chung finaUy accepted the
ceremonies of a minister of the lower grade,
and returned to Ts^e,

The superior man will say, *< Kwan weU de-
served that his sacrifices should be perpetuated
from generation to generation. He was humbly
courteous, and did not forget his superiors. As
the ode [She^ III. Lode V.S] says.

Par. 1. This eoUpse took place in the after-
noon of March 29th, B. C. 647. Too observes
that the historiographer had omitted to enter
that Kftng-woo was the 1st day of the moon.

[The Chuen adds here:-'' In the spring, the

States walled the suburbs of T8H)o-k*ew of Wei
[see II. 1] ; fearing troubles from the Teih.*]

Par. 2. The Chuen says: — *The people of
Hwang, relying on the friendship of the States
with Ts'e, did not render the tribute which was
due from them to Ts*oo, saying ^ From Ting
[the capital of TsHx)] to us is 900 U; what harm
can T8*oo do to us?" This summer, Ts'oo ex-
tinguished Hwang. Kuh-lSang says: — * At the
meeting in Kwan [IL 4], Kwan Chung said to
the marquis of Ts*e, " Keang and Hwang are far
from Ts'e and near to Ts'oo, — States which Ts*oo
considers advantageous to it Should Ts*oo at-
tack them, and yon not be able to save them,
jou will cease to be looked up to by the Stotes.*'
The marquis would not listen to bhn, but made
a covenant with Keang and Hwang. On the
death of Kwan Chung, Ts<oo invaded Keang,
and extinguished Hwang; and Ts'e, indeedy was
not able to save them.' Whether Kwan Chung
gave the advice here ascribed to him at Kwan
we do not know; but Kuh is wrong in supposing
he was now dead ;-*he died in the 15th year of
duke He.

Par. 3. [The Chuen gives here two narra-
tives:—:st. 'The king^ because of the attack of

*< Our amiable, courteous prince
Was rewarded Xxy the Spirits.*' '

Par. 4. For 1^ Kung-yang re«is |g.

160

THE CHOJN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKY.

Thirteenth year.

Mm^

<&*<^.M

>n I — »

ilio f6. >g^.

^ :H^ H iM& il( H IK # 3^

i«:.^ BE *.»

3E .t;.:^ fl*

XIII. 1

In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the Teih made

an incursion into Wei.
In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of

duke Seuen of Ch'in.
The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the

duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of

Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the

earl of Ts*aou, in Heen.
In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacn-

fice for rain.
In winter, duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ts^e.

Par. 1. It was in anticipatioii of trouble to
Wei from the Teih that the States fortified the
Bttborbs of Ts^oo-k'ew ;— as related in ^e Chaen
at the commencement of last year, Chaou

P'ftng-f ei (^ im ^ ; towards the end of the

Song dyn.^ supposes that the object of the Teih
was to make Wei deliver to them the viscount of
Wfto, who had fled theirs, m reUted in X 9.

[The Chuen adds here:— * This spring, tbe
marquis of Ts'e sent Chung-sun Taawn oo»
mission of friendly inquiries to Chow, loov
speak about the king's brother Tae; bat vli<^
me former business was concluded, TsSsoo ^
not speak further to the king; and whsn gi^
an account of his misiioQ, on his fetani,faei>>^
<« We cannot y»t speak about Tae. The

Ybab XIV.

DUKE HE.

161

anger has not subsided. Perhaps it will do so
in 10 years. But in less than ten years, the
king will not recall him." *]

Par. 3. Heen was in Wei,-:-^ le south-east
from the pres. K'ae Chow (^ 444)> <lep. Ta-
ming, Chih-Ie. The Chuen says; — *The meet-
ing at Heen was because the £ of the Hwae
were distressing Ke, and also to consult about
the royal House.'

[The Chuen has here another brief narrative:
— ' In autumn, because of the difficulties created
by the Jung, the States determined to guard
Chow ; and Chung-sun Tseaou of Ts*e conducted

their troops to it.']

Par. 5. This was the 3d Tisit vhich Yew had
now made in He*a time to Ts'e. We see what
a sway he must have had in Loo, and what service
the marquis of Ts^e required for his protectorate.

[The Chuen adds here: — ^In winter Tsin was
snfTering a second time a season of scarcity,
and sent to Tsin to be allowed to buy grain.
The earl of Tsin asked Tsze-sang [Kung-sun
Che] whether he should give the grain, and
that officer replied, '*If you grant this great
favour, and the marquis of Tsin make a due
return for it, you will have nothing more to re-
quire. If you grant it, and he make no return,
his people will be alienated from him. If you then

proceed to punish him, not having the multitudes
with him, he is sure to be defeated. '' The earl
put the same question to his minister Fih-le, who
replied, "The calamities inflicted by Heaven
flow abroad, and different States have them in
their turn. To succour in such calamities, «nd
compassionate one's neighbours, is the proper
way ; and he who pursues it will have blessing."
' P^aou, the son of P'e Ch'ing, was then in
Ts*in, and asked leave to lead an expedition to
attack Tsin, but the earl said to him, "Its ruler
is evil ; but of what offences have his people been
guilty ?** On this Ts'in contributed grain to
Tsin, vessels following one another from Yung
to Keang; and the affair was called "The

service of the trains of boats.** *] See the RJ
^, IV. iu. (^ ^, = ), art. 6. Wang Seih-

tseoh (^ ^ ^; Ming dyn., A.D. 1534-1610)

gives an opinion on the merits of the advice
tendered in the above matter by Kung-sun Che
and Pih-le He respectively, which may well be
called in question. *Pih-le's words,* he says,
* were benevolent, kind, and entirely generous;
but they were not equal to Kung-sun Che*s,
based on a calculation of consequences. A tru-
ly worthy minister he was!'

Fourteenth year.

Mo^.

^> M rTn
Ht # J^ _

^ P( ^ ^.
^ \ii ^ M

is ^ ^ t

BMmm
zm ^

t^ t;

m
m

A
3

ti'^ M ^ # ^.

BM.lt A.I
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B.m.'f-

VOL v.

162

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

XIV. 1

In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, the States

walled Yuen -ling.
In summer, in the sixth month, the duke's youngest

daughter and the viscount of Ts&ng met in Fang, when

she caused the vbcount to come and pay the duke a

court-visit. -
In autumn, in the eighth month, on Sin-maou, [part of

the hill of! Sha-luh fell down.
The Teih made an incursion into Ch'ing.
In winter, Hih, marquis* of Ts'ae, died.

Par. 1 . The Chuen sajs :— * The Stutes walled
Tuen-ling, and removed Ee to it, as its capital.
The various princes engaged in the work are
not mentioned, through the omission of the
historiographers.' Yuen-ling was a town of Ee,
— 50 & south-east of thepres. dis. city of Ch*ang-
loii, dep. Ts^ng-chow. To this the lord of Ee
wisiied to move his capital from Yung-k*ew

(^ ^), in the dis. of Ee, (jj^), dep. E*ae-

fung, Ho-nan, where he was much distressed
by the £ of the Hwae ; and the marquis of Ts*e
took the lead in the movement, and directed the
different States to prepare the city for the con-
templated removal. Compare the walling of
T8*oo-k*ew in II. 1.

Par. 2. This par. has wonderfully vexed,
and continues to vex, the critics. Tso-she gives
this account of it: — 'The duke's youngest
daughter, married to the viscount of Ts&ng,
came to Loo to visit her parents. The duke was
angry and detained her, because the viscount
of Tsftng had not been to the court of Loo. In
summer, she met the viscount in Fang, and made
him pay a visit to the court.' This account of the
matter is probably the correct one. The diffi-
culties in its way are the omission of nU before

4h "WS ; luid the 9th par. of next year, which

would seem to be a record of the lady's mar-
riage to the vi«count. But when the duke
detahied her, as the Chuen supposes, in Loo, he,
no doubt, considered the marriage to be annull-
ed. Tliis may account for the omission of the

jgf] ; and in the subsequent entry, @^ will «

* went to her o/c/ home,' and not * went to her new
home on being married.'

The principal views which have been taken of
ti)e par. appear in the note of the E'ang-he
editors: — 'The meeting of the duke's daughter
with the viscount of Ts&ng, without the duke's
forbidding it, and her asking the viscount to
come to the court of Loo and his listening to
her, were both contrary to propriety; and the
thing is recorded in the Ch'un Ts'ew to condenm
it. The view of Uoo Gan-kwoh, that the duke,
from love to his daughter, allowed her to choose
her own husband, is based on what is said by
Eung and Euh, and scholars generally have
adopted it; but it is wrong. Duke He was a
worthy ruler, and his wife, Shing Eeang, has
the praise of being a virtuous lady ; — would they
have been willing to allow such a thing? Some

allege that the style, where g'fj <loes not
precede |H j{B> shows that the lady was not

married ; bat they do not consider that the duke,
in anger at the viscount's not coming to court,
annulled the marriage /br the time; and when he
afterwards sent his daughter back, as Tsftng

here does not precede 4P jm, so neither does

it do so in the lat«r record. If, indeed, the
viscount had come to court to ask the lady in mar-
riage, there would have been notices subsequently
of his presenting the bridal gifts and coming to
meet her; but there is nothing of this in the
text. Fan King had reason when he doubted
the view of Eung and Euh, and regarded that
of Tso-she as having more of verisimilitude.'

Euh-leang has ^ for ^. Ts&ng was a
small State in pres. dis. of Tib ([|ffi), dep. Ten-
chow. Its lords were Szcs (uU), and claimed
to be descended from Yu.

Par. 3. The hill of Sha-luh was in Tsin, 46
U east of the pres. district city of Yuen-shing
(7C^£)' dep. Ta-ming. The Chuen says that
when the diviner Yen of Tsln heard of the event,
he said, ' By the time a full year is completed,
there will be great calamity, so as nearly to ruin
our State.'

Par. 4. The repeated incursions and inva-
sions of the Teih show that not only was the
royal House very feeble, but that the power of
T8'e was also waning.

Par. 5. This was duke Muh (^ ^), a

son of the Heen-woo, of whose captivity in TsHx>
we have an account in III. x. 5. There he
remained till his death in duke Chwang's 19th
year, when H'ih became marquis of Ts'ae.

[The Chuen relates here: — 'In winter, there
w*as a scarcity in Tsln, which sent to Tsin to
beg to be allowed to buy grain. They refused
in Tsin, but EMng Chlng said, ''To make such a
return for Ts'in's favour to us shows a want
of relative feeling ; to make our gain from the
calamity of others shows a want of benevolence ;
to be greedy is inauspicious ; to cherish anger
against our neighbours is unrighteous. When
we have lost these four virtues, how shall we
preserve our State ?" Ewoh Yih said, " When
the skin has been lost, where can you place the
hair ?" Ch'ing replied, " We are casting away
faitli, and making a vile return to our neigh-
bour ;— in the time of our calamity, who will pity
us? Calamity is sure to come where there has
been no faith ; and without helpers we are sure
to perish. Thus it will be with us, acting in
this way." Ewoh Yih said, " To t/rant the grain

Y«AK XV.

DUKE HE.

163

would not lessen 7s'iVs resentment, and we
should on^ be kind to our enemy.** '^ Him," said
ChHng, "who is ungrateful for favours, and
makes a gain of the calamities of others, the
people reject. Eren his nearest friends will feel

hostile to him; how much more his resentful
opponents !" The marquis, however, would not
listen to his counsel, and King Ching retired>
saying, '* Would that the marquis might repent
of this r']

Fifteenth year.

164

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKV.

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TiAR XV.

DUKE HE.

165

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166

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

XV. I

2
3

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In his fifteenth year, in spring, in the king s first month,

the duke went to Ts*e.
A body of men from Ts^oo invaded Seu.
In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the

marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of

Ch*in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch*ing, the

baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, when they made

a covenant in Mow-k'ew, and then went on till they

halted at KVang.
Eung-sun Gaou led a force, and, with the CTeat ofiicers of

the [other] princes, [endeavoured to] refieve Seu.
In summer, in the fifth month, the sun was eclipsed.
In autumn, in the seventh month, an army of Ts'e and an

army of Ts^aou invaded Le.
In the eighth month, there were locusts.
In the ninth month, the duke arrived from the meeting

[with the other princes].
The duke's third daughter went to her home in Ts&ng.
On Ee-maou, the last day of the moon, the temple of

£-pih was struck by lightning.
In winter, a body of men from Sung invaded Ts'aou.
The men of Ts^oo defeated Seu at Low-lin.
In the eleventh month, on Jin-seuh, the marquis of Tsin

and the earl of Ts^in fought at Han, when the marquis

of Tsin was taken.

5
6

7
8

9
10

11
12
13

Par. 1. Chang Heah sayt :— * In his 10th year,
the duke paid a court-visit to Ts^ and here again
in his 16th he does the same ;— a court-yisit in
6 years, serving Ts<e as the role required him
to serve the son of Heaven!'

Par. 2. Tso^he says that the reason for this
attack was that *Sea had joined the Stafeea'of
the north. See on HL, 8.

Par. 8,4. Mow-k*eir was probably in Ts^—
70 & to the north-east of the dis. city of L€aoB-

YSJLB XV.

DUKE HE.

167

■hiog (Jjffi ijf^\ dep. Tnog-ch'aDg. K^wang

was in Wei, — in dep. of Ta-ming, Chih-le.
Tso-she says that the covenant at Mow-k'§w
to confirm that at K'wei-k*ew [see IX. 2],

was

and for the relief of Sea.' The princea would
then seem to have advanced lonthwards to
K^ang, and to have waited there, to allow the
troops of Loo, and of other States as well, to
arrive and effect a junction, before proceeding
to try consequences with the army of TskK).
KuDg-sun Gaou was the son of K4ng-foo, of
whom we had so much in the times of Chwang
and Min. He is also known as Mftng Muh-pih

(^ ^ ^1^^ ^^™ ^' ^^ ^^ "^ ^^"^ ^^^
endeavour to relieve Sen was unsuccessfuL
After this the marquis of Ts'e made no more
arrangements for the relief of any of the States.
The vigour of his presidency was evidently
dedining.
Par. 5. Tso-she remarks on there being no

record of the day on which this eclipse took place,

and the absence also of the character W ; but

there was no eclipse in all this year visible in

Loo. There was indeed an eclipse of the sun on

January 28th, B.C.644; but it could not have

been seen there.

Par. 6. Le was one of the subject States of

Ts'ooy—in the pres. Suy Chow (B^ 444), dep.

Tih-gan (^ ^), Hoo-pih. The object of

attacking Le was to effect a diversion in favour
of Sen, and so help the relief of that State.

Par. 7. Kung has iMB for ^k. See II. v. 8.

Kuh-leang tries to lay down a canon here, that
when the plague of locusts was very great, the
month of its occurrence is given ; *and when it
was light, only the season.
Par. 9. S^ on p. 2 of last year.

Par. 10. ^ i. here UMd a. «i iinper«mal
Terb. The Shwoh-wftn explains it by SS^ jS

"X^ Mj j&^ 'a crash of thunder, shaking

things.' Of course it was the lightning which
struck the temple, but the Chinese, Uke the
Hebrews, considered the lightning to be a * hot
thunderbolt (Psalm, LXXVUL 48).' Tso-sbe
observes that we may see from tiiis that the

Chen clan (J^ ^^) was chargeable with some

secret wickedness. Apart from this interpreta-
tion of the eventf telling us that the £-pih here
belonged tu the clan uf whose constitution we have
an account in the Chuen on I. fill. 10 [E in the
text is the Iionorary title of the officer whose
temple suffered, and Pih was his designation],
— beyond this we know nothing about him.
Kuh-leang refers to the par. as a case in point,
to show that, from the emperor to the lower
officer:*, all had their temples or shrine-houses :
— the emperor, 7 of them ; princes of States, 5 ;
great officers 3 ; and lower officers, 2.

Par. 11. Both Sung and Ts'aou were at the
meeting in Mow-k*ew. This attack boded ill
for the relief of 8eu, and showed how feeble the
control of Ts^e had become.

Par. 12. Low-iiu was in Seu, — in the north-
east of the dis. of Hung (^I^)i dep. Fung-yang,

Oan-hwuy. Tso-she says that Seu was defeat-
ed through relying on the succour of the States.

Par. 18. The Cbuen says: — 'When the mar-
quis of T^xnfini entered that State from Tsun
[see the 2d narrative appended at the end of the
9th year], Muh Ke, Me earrt wife [see the Chuen
after Hirxxviii. 1], charged him to behave kindly
to the lady Kea [see the same Chuen], and also
to restore all his brothers, and the sons of the
former marquis as well.

The marquis, however, committed incest with
the lady Kea, and did not restore the sons of
his predecessors, so that Muh Ke was full of
resentment at him. He had made, moreover,
promises to several great officers within the
State, all of which he broke. To the earl of
Ts*in he had promised 5 cities beyond the Ho,
with all the country on the east which had
formed the territory of Kwoh, as far as mount
Hwa on the south, and to the city of Heae-leang
on the north of the Ho; but he did not surren-
der any of this territory, any of these cities.
Afterwards, when Tsin was suffering from
scarcity, Ts'in sent grain to it ; but when scarcity
came to the lot of Tsin, Tsin shut its markets,
and would not allow the sale of grain. In conse-
quence of all these things, the earl of Ts*in
determined to invade Tsin.

*T*oo-foo, the diviner, consulted the milfoil
about the expedition, and aaidj " A lucky re-
sponse ;~cross the Ho; the prince's chariots are
defeated." The earl asked to have the thing
more fully explained, and the diviner said, " It is
very lucky. Thrice shall you defeat his tromt^
and finally capture the marquis of Tsin. The

diagram found is Koo (S=\ of which it is said,

' The thousand chariots thrice are put

to flight,
What then remains you catch, — the
one fox wight.'

That fox in Koo must be the marquis of Tsin.
Moreover, the iiiner symbol of Koo (Sun,

represents wind, the outer (Kin, ^^^^ represents

hills. The season of the year is now the autumn.
We blow down the fruits on the hill, and we take
the trees ; — ^it is plain we are to overcome. The
fruit blown down, and the trees all taken; — what
can this be but defeat to Tsin ?"

* After three defeats of T$in, the armies came
to Han. The marquis said to KHng Ch4ng,
"Tlie robbers have penetrated far; what is to
be done ?" *' It is your lordship," replied Ch*ing,
*' who has brought them so far, and can you ask
what is to be done ?" ** He is against me," said
the marquis; and he proceeded to divine who
should be the spearman upon his right. The
response was for King Ching, but he would not
employ him. Poo-yang acted as charioteer, and
Kea Puh-t'oo was spearman on the right. The
chariot was drawn by four small horses which had
been presented by theearlof Ch4ng. KingChing
said, " Anciently, on great occasions, the prince
was required to use the horses born in his own
State. Natives of the climate, and knowing the
minds of the people, they are docile to instruc-
tion, and accustomed to the roads; — whitherso-
ever they may be directed, they are obedient to
their driver's will. Now for the fight that is
before us. you are using horses of a different
State. When they become afraid, they will

168

THE CH*UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

change their usual way, and go contrary to the
will of their driver. When they become con-
fused, they will get all excited. Their timorous
blood will flush all their bodies, and their veins
will everywhere stand out. Externally they will
appear strong, but internally they will be ex-
hausted. They will refuse to advance or retire;
they will be unable to turn round. Your lord-
ship is sure to repent employing them."

* The marquis paid no attention to this warning ;
and on the 9th month [t. e., the 9th month of
Hea] he met the army of Ts4n, when he sent
Han Keen to survey it. Keen reported, " Their
army is smaller than ours, but their spirit for
fighting is double ours." " For what reason ?"
asked the duke. ** When you fled the State,"
returned the oflJcer, "you sought the help of
7Vin; when you entered it again, it was by
IVins favour; and in our scarcity, you ate
Ts^iiCs grain. Thrice did you receive Ts'in*s
benefits, and you made no return for them; — on
this account its army is come. Now when we
are about to come to blows, we are out of spirit
and they are all ardour. To say their spirit is
double ours is below the truth."

* The duke, however, said, " Even an ordinary
man should not be made arrogant by yieldiny to
him ; how much less a State like Ts'tnl On this
he sent an offer of battle, saying, '* Feeble as I
am, I have assembled my multitudes, and can-
not leave you. If you will not return to your
own State, I will certainly not evade your com-
mands." The earl of Ts'in sent Kung-suu Che
with his reply, " Before your lordship entered
your State, I was full of fears for you ; when you
had entered it and were not secure in its pos-
session, I was still anxious about your position.
But if that be now secure, dare I refuse to ac-
cept your commands?" Han Keen retired, say-
ing, " We shall be fortunate if we only meet with
captivity.'*

* On the day Jin-seuh, the battle was fought
in the plain of Han. The horses of the marquis
of Tsin's carriage turned aside into a slough,
and stuck fast. The marquis shouted to K'ing
Ch4ng, who replied, " Obdurate to remonstrance,
and disobedient to the oracle, you obstinately
sought for defeat; and would you now escape?"
and left him. In the meantime, Han Keen, driven
by Leang Yew-mei, and having Kwoh Yih on
his right, met the earl of Ts^in, and was about to
take him, when KMng Ch4ng prevented him by
sending him away to save the marquis. In the
end, Tsin took the marquis of Tsin prisoner, and
carried him off. Many of the great officers of Tsin
followed theif prince, with disshevelled hair, and
sleeping on the grass in the open air. The earl
sent to decline their presence in such fashion,
saying, ** Why should you be so distressed ? That
I am accompanying your ruler to the west, is in
fulfilment of that strange dream in Tsin [see
the Chuen after X. 6] ; I dare not proceed to ex-
tremities with him." The officers of Tsin did
obeisance thrice with their heads to the ground,
saying, "Your lordship treads the sovereign
Earth, and lias over your head the great Heaven,
Great Heaven and sovereign Eartli have heard
your lordship's words. On your servants here
below they come as the wind."

*When Muh Ke heard that the marquis of
Tsin was approaching, she took her eldest son
Yung, with his biother Hwang, anti her daugli-
tcrs, Keen and Teih, and ascended a tower,

treading as she went upon faggots [which she
caused to be placed on the ground and steps].
She then sent a messenger, clad in the deepest
mourning, to meet the earl, and to deliver to him
her words, " High Heaven has sent down calamity,
and made my two lords see each other, not
with gems and silks, but with the instruments
of war. If the marquis of Tsin come here in
the morning, we die in the evening. If he come
in the evening, we die in the morning. Let my
lord consider the matter, and determine it." On
this the earl lodged his prisoner in the Marvellous
tower [See the She, III. L VIII. Ts4n had come
into possession of this tower, when it received
the territory of K*echow]. The great officers
begged leave to bring him into the city, but the
earl said, "With the marquis of Tsin as my
prisoner, I was returning as with great spoil ;
but the end may be that I return over so many
deaths. How can I do so ? Of what good would
it be to you, my officers? Those men of Tsin,
moreover, have been heavy on me with their
distress and sorrow; I have bound myself by
appealing to Heaven and Earth. If I do not
consider kindly the sorrow of those men, I shall
increase their anger ; if 1 eat my words, I shall
be false to Heaven and Earth. Their increased
anger will be hard to endure; to be false to
Heaven and Earth will be inauspicious. I must
restore the marquis of Tsin." The Kung-tsze
Chill said, " You had better put him to death,
and not allow him to collect his resources for
further mischief." Tsze-sang j^Kung-sun Che]
said, " Restore him, and get his eldest son here
as a hostage ; — this will lead to great results.
Tsin is not yet to be extinguished, and if yoa
put its ruler to death, the result will only be
evil. Moreover, there are the words of the his-
toriographer Yih, " Do not initiate misery ; do
not trust to the disorder of others; do not
increase their anger. Increased anger is hard
to endure; oppressive treatment is inauspicious."

* The earl then offeredTsin conditions of peaoe^
and the marquis sent K^eoh K'eih to tell
Leu E-s&ng of Hea, and to call him to meet
him, Tsze-kin [the designation of Leu E-sftng]
instructed him how to act, saying, "Call the
people of the State to the court, and reward
them as if by command of the marquis,
giving them also this message as Jrom Am,
* Although I may return to Tsin, our altars will
be disgraced. Consult the tortoise-shell, and
let Yu [the eldest son] take my place.'"

' All the people wept on hearing these words; and
E'S&ng proceeded to take some lands of the .
marquis and appropriate them to reward the
people, saying, "Our prince does not grieve for
his own exile, but his sorrow is all for his sub-
jects ; — this is the extreme of kindness. What
shall we do for our prince ?" They all asked
him what could be done, and he said, " Let us
collect our revenues and look to our weapons,
in order to support his young son. When the
States hear of it, how, while we have lost one
prince, we have another in his son, how we are
all united and harmonious, and how our pre-
parations for war are greater than before, those

who love us will admire and encourage us, and

those who hate us will fear; — this perhaps will

be of advantage to our condition." The people

were all pleased, and throughout the State, in

every district, they prepared their weapons.

Y«Aii XV.

DUKE HE.

169

* Tears before this, when duke Heen of Tsin
was divining by the milfoil about the marriage
of his eldest daughter tojAe earl o/'Ts^in, he got

the diagram Kwei-mei (=^), and then the dia-

gram K'wei (=3. The historiographer Soo

interpreted the indication, and said, *'It is
unlucky. The sentence [on the top line in
Kwei-mei] is, * The man cuts up his sheep, and
there is no blood ; the girl presents her ^ket,
but there is no gift in it.* The neighboiy on the
west reproaches us for our words which cannot
be made good. And Kwei-mei's becoming K^wei
is the same as our getting no help from the union.

For the symbol Chin (^^ to become Le f"-)

is the same as for Le to become Chin ; we have
thunder and fire, — the Ying defeating the Ke.
The connection between the carriage and its
axle is broken; the fire bums the flags: — our
militaiy expeditions will be without advantage;
there is defeat in Tsung-k'ew. In Kwei-mei's be-
coming K'wei we have a solitary, and an enemy
against whom the bow is bent ||see the Yih, on
the top line of the diagram K^wei. But it seems
to me of no use trying to make out any principle
of reason in passages like the present.] Then
the nephew follows his aunt. In 6 years he makes
his escape, He flies back to his State, abandoning
his wife. Next year he dies in the wild of Kaou-
leang." When duke Hwuy came to be in Tsin, he
said, ^ If my father had followed the interpreta-
tion of the historiographer Soo, I should not have
come to my present condition.** Han Keen was
by his side, and said, **The tortoise-shell gives
its figures, and the milfoil its numbers. When
things are produced, they have their figures ; their
figures go on to multiply ; that multiplication goes
on to numbers. Your father's violations of virtue
were almost innumerable. Although he did not
follow the interpretation of the historiographer
Soo, how could that increase your misfortune?
As the ode says (She n. ii. ode IX. 7):~

'The calamities of the inferior people
Do not come down from Heaven.
Fair words and hatred behind the back : —
The earnest, strong pursuit of this is from

men.

ttft

In this par. there appears for the 1st time in
the text the great State of Tsin, which went on
till it displaced the dynasty of Chow in about 4
(*enturies from this time. Its lords were Yings

(S^), who claimed to be descended from the
ancient emperor Chuen-heuh, through Shun*s
minister Pih-e(||^^ or ^). Fei-tsze (^

-^p-), 19th in descent from Pih-e, was appoint-
ed lord of the small attached territory of TsMn
[in pres. dis. Ts*ing-shwuy (\|& ^), Ts*in

Chow, m Kan-suh], in B.C. 908, "* king Heaou.
In B. C. 769, Ts4n became an independent
earldom ; and in 718, the ruling earl (duke King;

jSl j^) moved the capital to Ping-yang [in

dis. of Hei (lg|])> dep. Fung-ts'eang, Shcn-sc].

In B. C. 676, another change was made to Yung

(xS)t io <liS' of Fung-t8*eang, which was the

seat of its power at this time. Han was in
Tsin, — in Heae Chow, Sheii-se.

IjThe Chuen continues its narrative of the re-
lations between Tsin and TsMn.— *In the 10th
month, £-s&ng of Yin [Yin was another city, in
addition to Hea above, held by £-s&ng j from Tsin
had a meeting with the earl of Ts'iu, when they
made a covenant in the old royal city. The earl
asked whether they were united in Tsin, and
the other replied, "We are not. The smaller
people are ashamed at losing their ruler, and
grieved at the death of their friends. They do
not shrink from contributing their revenues, and
getting their weapons in oMer, that they may
sustain Yu; and they say, * We must have
vengeance on our foes. We had father serve
the Jung and the Teih than not have it.' Su-
perior men loye their ruler, while they know his
transgressions. Neither do they shrink from
contributing their revenues, and preparing their
weapons, to be in readiness for the commands of
Ts^in; and they say, 'We must repay the con-
duct of Ts'in. Tliough we die, we shall not
swerve from this.' In this way there is not a
harmony of views." The earl then asked what
they said in the State about their marquis. E-
sang said, " The inferior people are full of dis-
tress, saying he will not get off; but superior
m^n, judging by their own estimate of things,
think he is sure to return. The inferior people
say, * We have only injured Ts'in: — how should
Tsin restore our prince?*' Superior men say,
*We know our tranflgressions ; — Tsin is sure
to restore our prime. To take him prisoner
because of his doubleness, and to let him go on
his real submission: — what virtue could be
greater than this? what punishment more
awing ? Those who submit to Ts'in will cherish
the virtue; those who are disaffected will dread
the punishment: — the presidency of Tsin over
the States may be secured by its conduct in this
one case. You put him in the marquisate, but
he was not secure in it; you have displaced him,
and perhaps will not restore him: — thi8 will be
to turn your virtue into a cause of rea^entment.
We do not think that Tsin will act thus.' " The
earl said, " This is also my view ;'* and he pro-
ceeded to change the place of the marquis's con-
finement, and lodged him in a public reception-
liouse. He also sent him seven oxen, seven
sheep, and seven pigs.

*' When the marquis was about to return, 60 Sih
said to King Ching, " Had you not better go to
another State ?" King repUed, *' I plunged our
ruler into defeat ; on his defeat I was unable to
die. Should I now cause him to fail in punish-
ing me, I should not play the part of a subject.
A subject and yet not a subject, to what State
should I go ?"

" In the 11th month, the marquis of Tsin re-
turned from Tsin; on the day Ting-ch*ow he
caused King Ching to be put to death, and
then entered his capital.

*That same year, Tsin had again a scarcity,
and the earl of Tsin again supplied it with
grain, saying, **I feel angry with its ruler, but I
pity its people. I heard, moreover, that wlien
T*nng-shuh was appointed to Tsin, the count of
Ke said, * His descendants are sure to becuniu
great.' How can I expect to annex Tsin ? Let
me meanwhile plant more deeply my virtue, and
wait for a really able ruler to arise in Tsin.**
On this Tsin for the first time appropriated the
territory yielded by Tsin on the cast of the Ho,
and placed otlicers in charge of it.*]

VOLV.

170

THE CH^UN TS*EW, WITH THE T80 CHUEN.

Sixteenth year.

BOOK V.

n.^ ^mfMP

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XVI. 1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king s first

month, on Mow-shin, the first day of the moon, there fell
stones in Sung, — five [of them]. In the same month^six
fish-hawks flew backwards, past the capital of Sung.

2 In the third month, on Jin-shin, duke [Hwan's] son, Ke

Yew, died.

3 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ping-shin, the duke's

youngest daughter — she of Tsang — died.

4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Eeah-tsze, Eung^

sun Tsze died.

5 In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting

with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis
of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of ChHng, the
baron of Heu, the marquis of Hing, and the earl of
Ts'aou in Hwae.

^ W 3c :^ ^ W 0.51? ^ m iS fS #.

Ybak XVII.

DUK£ HE.

171

Par. 1. For Es Kung-yang has BT. Tao-

■hesays these stones were * stars;* bat that is
merely his interpretation of the phaenomenon.

g^ — ^, < to f aU from a height.* g|| is ex-
plained as -^ ^&, *a water-fowl;'— it is the
fish hawk represented on the stems of junks.
The flying backwards of the six hawks was occa^

sioned, aoe. to Tso-she, by the wind, which was so

strong that they could not make head against it,

and were carried back, struggling, by its current.

The ]^ J3 between the two notices seems to

be introduc^ merely to express that the strange
flight of the hawks was not on the same day as
the fall oi the stones. Kung, Kuh, and the
K*ang-he editors, all write nonsensically on this
point.

The Chuen says:— < At this time, Shuh-hing,
historiographer of the interior, was in Sung, on
a yisit of friendly inquiries from Chow, and
duke Seang asked him about these strange appear-
ancesj saying, ''What are they ominous of?
What good fortune or bad do they portend?"
Tlie historiographer replied, **Tbis year there
will be the deaths of many great persons of Loo.
Next year Ts*e will be all in disorder. Your
lordship will get Xhe prendenof of the States, but
will not continue to hold it." When he retired,
he said to some one, "The king asked me a
wrong question. It is not from these develop-
ments of the Yin and Yang that good fortune
and eril are produced. They are produced by
men themselves. I answered as I did, because
I did not venture to go against the duke's idea." '

Par. 2. Seelll. xxv.6;xxvii8;y.i.9; etoL
The K'ang-he editors foolishly agree here with
Kung and Kuh in thinking that we have the

jQS^'f'j tli0 deaignation ^S, and the name ^^,

idl t<^^her, on purpose to express the sage's
approval of the character of Ke Yew.
Par. 8. See XIV. 2; XV. 9.

[The Chuen adds here: — 'In summer, Ts'e
invaded Le, but did not subdue it. Having re-
lieved Sen, however^ the army returned.' See
p. 6 of last year.*]

Far. 4. For ^& Kung-yang has

See

V. iv. 8;v. 8. It may be added here that he

was the son of Shuh-ya, whose death or murder

appears in III. xxxii. 8.

[The Chuen adds here three brief notices: —
1st. 'In autumn, the Teih made an incursion

into Tsin, and took Hoo-ch*oo, and 8how-toh.

They then crossed the Fun, and advanced to

Kwun-too ; — taking advantage of the defeat of

Tsin by Ts^U,*

2d. 'The king sent word to Ts'e of the trou-
bles stm raised by the Jung, and Ts^e called out
troops from the various States to guard Chow.*

8d. 'In winter, in the 11th month, on Yih-
maou, Ch'iog put to death the earl's eldest son
Uwa.' See VII. 4, and the Chuen there].

Par. 5. Hwae was in the present Sze Chow

(|MMI), Gan-hwuy, taking its name from the

Hwae river. We have here for the first time
the marquis of Hing present at these meetings
of the States, and his place is given him after
the earl of Ch4ng and the baron of Heu. This
order is supposed to have been determined by
the marquis of Ts'e. The Cliuen says:— 'Tliis
meeting wss held to consult shout Tsftng [which
was hard pressed by the £ of the Hwae], and to
make a progress in the east. It was proposed
to wall Tsftng, but the soldiers engaged in the
service fell sick. Some one got on a mound in the
night, and cried out, "There is disorder in
Ts*e;" and so they returned without completing
the work.' This was the last of the meetings
called by the marquis of Ts'e as president of
the States. From the 1st at Pih-hftng (III. xiiL
1) down to this, he had held eleven meetings of

a pacific character (ijjj ^ ^ '^X and four

prelusive of military operations (^^ S[ Jg^

'^). His infiuence declined after the meeting
at K'wei-k'ew (IX. 2). The fabric of his great-
ness had been reared more by Kwan Chung
than himself. The minister was now gone, and
the prince was soon to follow him, by a misera-
ble end, and leave his own State a prey to
years of confusion.

Seventeenth year.

^.M%*m m

n. u

172

THE CU*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

m AM ^ ^ # ^ = li i^c^.ic -mm

r. 0 ^ m.'&t fla ^ 1 * iA.Z MBM.
a.« ^,M ^.^ n f-.Z T M fi A 5C BS

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XVII. 1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, a body of

men from Ts'e and a body from Seu invaded i iDg-
she.

2 In summer, we extinguished Heang.

3 In autumn, the [duke's] wife, the lady Keang, had a

meeting with the marquis of Ts*e in P*een.

4 In the ninth month, the duke arrived from the meeting

[at Hwae].

5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yih-hae, Seaou-pih,

marquis of Ts% died.

stated the tortoiBe-shell aboat the matter. Tbe
son said, ' She will have both a boy and a gin*
*Ye8,* added the father, *and the son will be
another's subject, and the daughter will bet
concubine.*On this account the boy was ««»
Yu [a groom], and the girl was named Ti'eJ
[concubine]. When Yu went a hostage to U»
west. Ts'eeh became a concubine in the kan* <7

Par. 1. Ying-she was a small State, which
acknowledged the jurisdiction of Ts^oo, — in the

present Chow of Luh-gan i}<^l\ Gan-hwuy.
In the west of the Chow, close on the borders of
the district of Ying-shan (^ ij]), is a city
called Ying. This expedition was undertaken
by Ts*e in the interest of Seu, *to avenge,* Tso
says, Hhe defeat of Seu by Ts'oo at Low-lin,' in
the duke's 15th year.

[The Chuen adds here: — 'In summer, Yu, the
eldest son of Me marquia of Tsin, went as a hos-
tage to Ts*ln, and Ts'in restored tbe territory
on the east of the Ho, which had been cededhy Tnn^
giring also a wife to Yu. When duke Hwuy
[the marquis of Tsin] was a refugee in Leang,
the earl of it gave him to wife Leang Ying [Ying
was the surname of the House of Leang].
As she went in pregnancy beyond the usual
time, the diviner, Shaou-foo, and his son, con-

r«*tii.']

Par. 2. Heang was a smaU SUte— the ra^
of which remains in the dis. of Hcang-«h««
(^ ij^\ dep. ChHn-chow (gt ^). Ho-ntfj
Kung and Kuh both attribute the extinction «
Heang to Ts*e, and the K*ang-he editors deM
their view ingeniously; but in that case ^
would have appeared in the text. A notice u»^
the present, without the name of another SU^
preceding the verb, must always be understood of

Y^AM XVIII.

DUKE HE.

173

Loo. The Chuen says : — ' An army extinguished
Heang. At the meeting of Hwae^ the duke
was engaged with the other princes on the
business before them; but, before he returned,
he took Heang. Ts'e thought it was matter
for punishment, and detained the duke ets
a prisoner.* This account might have been
more explicit. We cannot suppose that duke
He himself left the conference at Hwae, and
conducted the troops which extinguished Heang.
He had probably entrusted the expedition to
one of his officers; and when the news of it
reached the assembly, Ts*e was able to detain
him as a prisoner. And yet it is not easy to un-
derstand how the princes should have remained
so long at Hwae.

Par. 3. The wife of duke He was probably a
daughter of the marquis of Ts^ ; — see on XI. 2.
Tso-she says:— 'Shing Keang met the marquis
of Ts*e at this time on the duke's account;'
meaning, no doubt, that her object was to pro-
cure her husband's liberation. P*een was in
Loo, — 50 k east from the pres. dis. city of Sze-
shwuy, dep. Yen-chow.

Par. 4. Tso says the wording of this par. in-
timates that, after the meeting at Hwae, there
had been some business of the States, and con-
ceals it ; i. e., it says nothing about the duke's
having been kept a prisoner by Ts'e.

Par. 5. S^aou-pih had thus had a long rule
of 43 years. The Chuen says: — *The marquis
of Ts^ had three wives: — a Ke of the royal
House; a Ying of Sea ; and a Ke of Ts'ae; but

none of them had any son. The marquis loved
a full harem, and had many favourites and con-
cubines in it. There were six who were to him
as wives : — the elder Ke of Wei, who bore Woo-
m&ng [Mdng is the * elder;' Woo, the hon. title.
This youth is commonly mentioned by his name
Woo-k'wei (|^ ^)]> ^® younger Ke of
Wei, who bore a son, who was afterwardt duke
Hwuy ; a Ke of Ch4ng, who bore a son, aflet'
wards duke Heaou ; a Ying of Koh, who bore a
son, afterwards duke Ch^aou; a Ke of Meih, who
bore a son, afterwards duke E ; a Tsze of the
Hwa clan of Sung, who bore a son, called Tsze-
yung.

*The marquis and Kwan Clmng had given
him who was afterwards duke Heaou in charge
to duke Seang of Sung, as the intended heir of the
State. Woo, the chief coo k, however, had favour

with Kung Ke of Wei [the elder Ke of Wei
above], and by means of Teaou, the chief of the
eunucns, who introduced his yiands to the mar-
quis, he had favour with him also, and obtained
a promise from him that Woo-mftng should be
his successor. On the death of Kwan Chung,
five of the six sons all begged to be declar^
heir. When the marquis died on Yih-hae of
the 10th month, Yih-ya [the designation of Woo
the cook] entered the palace^ and along with the
eunuch Teaou, by the help of the favoured offi-
cers of the interior, put all the other officers to
death, and set up Woo-k*wei in his father's
place, the brother who was afterwards duke
Heaou fleeing to Sung. The date of the mar-
quis's death, as communicated to Loo, was Yih-
hae ; but it was the night of Sin-sze [67 days
after] before his body was put into a coffin at
night, such was tAs disorder and con/iaton.

Eighteenth year.

i^ m mm

174

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

XVIII.

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2
3

4
5

In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the kings
first month, the duke of Sung, the earl of Ts^ou, an
officer of Wei, and an officer of Choo invaded Ts'e.

In summer, an army [of ours went to] relieve Ts*e.

In the fifth month, on Mow-yin, the army of Sung and
the army of Ts'e fought at Yen, when the latter
was disgracefully defeated.

The Teih [came to] succour Ts*e.

In autumn, in the eighth month, on Ting-hae, there
was the burial of duke Hwan of Ts*e.

In winter, a body of men from Hing and a body of the
Teih invaded Wei.

Par. 1. Eimg-yang, as usual, for JrR hat

Tj^l^ jc' ^^^ '^ introduces 'i^ after ,^.
The object of this moreraent on the part of
Sung was to fulfil the charge which the duke
had received from the marquis of Ts^, to secure
the succession to his son Ch'aou, or duke Heaou.
Tso sajs: — *Duke Seang of Sung with several
other princes invaded Ts*e; and in the dd month,
the people of Ts*e put Woo-k*wei to death.'

[The Chuen appends here: — 'The earl of
Ch4ng for the first time paid a court-visit to
Ts'oo, the viscount of which gave him a quantity
of metal. Afterwards he repented that he had
done so, and made a covenant with the earl,
when he required him not to use it for casting
weapons. In consequence the earl made with it
three bells/l

Far. 2. U this interference on the part of
Loo was intended to support Woo-k*wei, it was
too late. Maou thinks it may have be«n in the

interest of F'wan dSf), who was afterwards duke

Ch^u, and was married to a daughter of duke

He. Tso says that the entry indicates approval

of the movement. This par., and p. 4 below, show

how indefinite the meaning of ^^ sometimes is.

Par. 8. Yen was in Ts<e,— in the pres. dis.

of Leih-shing (^ ^), dep. Tsenan. The

Chuen says: — *The people of Ts*e wanted to
raise duke Heaou to the marquisate, but could
not overcome the opposition of the adherents of
duke Hwan's other four sons [only four, Woo-

k*wei being now dead], who then left the eihf wad
fought with the men of Sung. These defeated
their army in Ten, raised duke Heaou to the
marquisate, and returned to thdr own State.'
It would appear that the combined force men*
tioned in p. 1 had dispersed on the elevation of
Woo-khrei, and that the troops of Loo had
also left Ts*e. In this action, therefore, only
the army of Sung was engaged. It had been
suddenly called again into the field.

Par. 4. These Teih had probably been called
to their aid by the four sons of the late marqnii^
who were struggling against their brother, the
proteg€ of Sxkng.

Par. 6. An interval of 11 months thus occur-
red between the death of duke Hwan and his
burial, — owing to the disorder and contests to
the State. Duke Heaou interred him magniH-
cently and barbarously on the top of the Nev-

show (^ •^) hilL

Par. 6. Not long before this, both Hing sod
Wei had been brought to the verge of extinc-
tion by the Teih; and yet here we find Hin;
allied with the Teih against WeL We need not
wonder at the subsequent fate of Hing at the
hands of Wei. The Chuen says:— 'In winter,
a body of men from Hing, ana a body of the
Teih, invaded Wei, and invested T*oo-p*oo. TIm
marquis of Wei oflFered to resign in favour d
any one of his uncles or brothers, or of their sooi-
Yea, having assembled all his officers at court, he
said, '* If any one is able to deal with the enemjf
I, Hwuy, wiU glady foUow him." AU decUned tk
proffered dignity^ however ^ and the marquis sf ttf •

Yejlr XIX.

DUKE HE.

175

wards took up a position with his army at
Taze-ieu, when the army of the Teib withdrew.'
Here for the first time, instead of the simple
jft , we have ^Ot ^, in which expression Kuh-
leang, who has had many followers of his view,
saw an increasing appreciation of the Teih in
the mind of Confucius. But there is really

nothing more in the addition of the ^l than
the exigency of the style, as Jf^ ^, followed

merely hy JU^, would be very awkward.

[TheChuen add8:--*The earl of Leang in-
creased the number of his walled cities, and
had not people to till them. One went by the
name of Sin-le, and Ts^n took it.']

i^i

toW A ^

Nineteenth year.

^ KU

KM,

Uj*^ AH
^ ^ H WM

ZM
Z

A ^ %.=f^ ^ A rfii

^n^mnmZM.

176

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

BM t^ ^ ^ ffD fln ^ f.^.'m H.

\ ^E « V C3c rS^ ^]

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lJ^#^#mr?nr?nt ^o^

Z 1& i^M M ift ZM

XIX. 1

6
7

In the [duke's] nineteenth year, in spring, in the kings
third month, the people of Sung seized Ying-ts'e,
viscount of T'Sng.

In summer, in the sixth month, the duke of Sung, an
officer of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo, made a cove-
nant in the south of Ts*aou.

The viscount of TsSng met and covenanted [with them]
in Choo.

On Ke-yew, the people of Choo seized the viscount of
Tsang, and used him [as a victim].

In autumn, a body of men from Sung invested [the capital
of] Ts'aou.

A body of men from Wei invaded Hing.

In winter, [the duke] had a meeting with an officer of
Ch'in, an officer of Ts^ae, an officer of Ts^oo, and an
officer of Ch'ing, when they made a covenant in Ts*e.

Leang perished.

[The Chuen, resuming the hrief narrfttive at
the end of last year, adds that, in the duke's
19th year, in spring, * Ts*in proceeded to wall
the place which it had taken, and occupied it.*]

Par. 1. The Chuen says nothing to explain
why Sung made this seizure of the viscount of
T*&ng. Its words are merely, ' The people of
Sung seized duke Seuen of T*ftng.' The duke of

Sung is understood to be intended by -^i^ K^ ;

and the use of K is supposed to be condemna-
tory of the procedure. But Maou shows that
■uch a canon for the use of K, in the accounts

of seizures, cannot be applied all through the
Classic. The adding the name of the yiscount
of T'ftng is supposed by Hoo Gau-kwoh and a
host of other critics to be condemnatory of him ;
but even the K*ang-he editors reject the view.

Par. 2. Kung-yang has ^1^ A instead of

;5fc ^, and of course ^^ ^ for ^. The
proper reading, however, is that of the text.

The duke of Sung was ambitious to cootinue
the presidency of Hwan of Ts'e, and had tried
to get a large gathering of the princes to this
covenant. But not one was present Eveo
the earl of Ts'aou, in whose State the place of
meeting was, did not appear in person ; and wu
negligent also, it appears, in sending the suppUtf
of provisions for the covenanting parties; which
the lord of the State where they met wis •!-
ways expected to contribute.

Parr. 8,6. The viscount of Ts&ng came too
late for the covenant in Ts*aou. Whether he
had been minded from the first to come, but been
detained ; ur had been summoned, as Maoa sup-
poses, by a special message sent f rt»m Traoa by
the duke of Sung, and yot after all been too l«te,
we do not know. However, too late he was; hot,
being fearful probably of the consequences, be
followed some at least of the covenanters toCboo.
and would appear there, from p. 3, to hi^f
taken the covenant. This did not arail, ho^*
ever, ta save him from a terrible fate. Too

Y»AR XX.

DUKE HE.

177

used means that they used him as an animal
victim.' The thing was done by Choo at the
command of the duke of Sung. The Chuen nar-
rates : — *The duke of Sung made duke W&n of
Choo sacrifice the yiscount of Ts&ng at an altar
on the bank of the Suy, to awe and draw to him
the wild tribes of the east. The duke's minis-
ter of War, Tsze-y u [the duke's brother, Muh-e ;
(see the Chuen at the end of the 8th year, and
of the 9th)], said, ** Anciently, the six domestic,
animals were not used at the same sacrifice; for
small affairs they did not use great victims : —
bow much less would they have presumed to use
human beings ! Sacrifices are offered for the
beaefit of men. Men are the hosts of the Spirits
at them. If you sacrifice a man, who will enjoy
it ? Duke Hwan of Ts*e preserved three perish-
ing States, and thereby drew all the princes to
him ; and yet righteous scholars say that his
virtue was too slight. But now our lord, at his
first assembling of the princes, has treated with
oppression the rulers of two States, and has
farther u^ed one of them in sacrifice to an un-
licensed and irregular Spirit; — will it not be
difficult to get the presidency of the States in
this way ? If he die a natural death, he will be
fortunate.'
I must add here that Kuh-leang gives a much

mitigated meaning of the ffl, 'used,' thinking

that all which it denotes is th<it they struck the
viscount of Ts&ng on the nose till it bled, and
then smeared all the sacrificial vessels with the
blood!

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — *This attack of
Ts*aou was to punish it for its not submitting
to Sung, Tsase-yu said to the duke of Sung,
** King Wftn heard that the marquis of Ts^ung
had abandoned himself to disorder, and invaded
his State ; but after he had been in the field for
80 days, the marquis tendered no submission.
Wftn therefore withdrew ; and, after cultivating
afresh the lessons of virtue, he again invaded
Ts^ung, when the marquis made submission be-
fore he had quitted his entrenchments. As is
said in the She (III. i. ode VI. 2),

' His example acted on his Mife,
Extended to his brothers.
And was felt by all the clans and
States.'

May it not be presumed that the virtue of
your Grace is in some respects defective ; and if,
while it is so, you attack others, what will the

result be ? Why not for a time give ronr«clf to

self-examination and the cultivation of virtue?

Tou may then proceed to move, when that is
without defect." '

Par. 6. The Chuen says:— * This attack of
Hing was in return for the siege of T*oo-p'oo
[see on p. 6 of last year]. At this time there
was a great drought in Wei, and the marquis
divined by the tortoise-shell whether he should
sacrifice to the hills and rivers, and obtained
an unfavourable reply. Tlie ofiicer Ning Chwang

[3j^ is the hon. title] said, " Formerly there

was a scarcity in Chow ; but after the conquest
of Yin there ensued an abundant year. Now
Hing acts without any regard to principle, and
there is no leader among the princes. May not
Heaven be wishing to employ Wei to punish
Hing?" The marquis followed bis advice ; and im-
mediately after the army was in motion, it rained.'

Par. 7. Knng has j^ before w*; and it is

probable that duke He himself was present at
this meeting. If he were not there himself, he
must have been represented by one of his great
ofiicers. The meeting is important as the first
general assembly of northern States, to which
Ts'oo sent its representative. The account of
the conference given by Tso-she is: — *Duke
Muh of Ch'in asked that a good understanding
should be cultivated iKjtween the princes of the
various States, and that they should not forget
the virtue and services uf Hwan of Ts*e. In the
winter, they made a covenant in Ts'e, and
renewed their good fellowship under Hwan.'
But what good fellowship had Ts^oo had with
the States of the north under the presidency of
Ts*e? The meeting M'as held most likely to
consult how to meet the ambition of the duke of
Sung, against whom we shall presently find
Ts'oo taking most decided part, indeed, Keang
Ping-chang supposes that the meeting was call-
ed by Chin at Ts'oo's instigation.

Par. 8. The Chuen says : — " Leang perished ;
— ' it is not said at whose hands : — it brought the
ruin on itself. Before this, the earl of Leang
had been fond of building, walling cities which
he had not people to till, llie people in conse-
quence got. weary, and could not endure the
toil, and it was said, " Such and such an enemy
is coming." When they were roofing the duke's
palace, they said, **Ts*in will take us by surprise."
They got frightened, and dispersed ; and forth-
with Ts'in took Leang.'

Twentieth year

VOL T. ~ ,

178

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOORV.

Bij ^ © m Bn a ^ 3t ^ ® SI& K A » m fK m *

A ;^.^ n ^

XX.

4
5

In his twentieth year, in spring, [the duke] renewed and
altered the south gate [of the capitfll].

In sumtner, the viscount of Kaou came [to Loo] on a court-
visit.

In the fifth month, on Yih-sze, the western palace was
burnt.

A body of men from Ch'ing entered Hwah.

In autumn, an officer of Ts*e and an officer of the Teih
made a covenant in Hing.

In winter, a body of men from Ts^oo invaded Suy.

Par. 1. This wa« the * southern gate' of the Ch*ing, and Bubmitted to Wei; and this summer,
cpltal. « in the tr.„.,ation (^ ^ . ig Jjfi ^friTa^o^^^^'el^'Ta '^J^i ^"

iS P^ -Hli ). Before this, it was, ace. to Too Yu, Par. 5. Tso-slie says that * this coyenant wm
■^ " ' **-* ^ in the interest of Hing, to consult aboat the

called the Tseih gate 0^)n but after tlie altera- difficulties it was in from Wei, which was tbea

much distressing Hing.' We have seen the
Teih and Hing leagued against Wei in XVIIL
6 ; and the same year, Wei had taken part in the
invasion of Ts'e.

Par. 6. The name of Suy still remains in
Suy Chow dep. of Tih-gan (^ ^) Hoo-pih.
It was a marquisate, and its lords were Kei
(i[B). The Chuen ssys :—* Suy, with the ran-
ous States east of the Han, had revolted froffl
Ts*oo; and tliis winter. Now Too-woo-tSjo left
Ts^ led a force against it, accepted its proffen
of submission, and returned. '1 lie superior nun
may say that Suy suffered this invasion, be>
cause it had not measured its strength. The
errors of those who move only after they h»w
measured their strength are few. Do «noc»J
and defeat come from one's-self or from otberi?
The answer is in the words of the She [I-i^
ode VI. 1],

'* Might I not have been there in the eiHj

moniing? ^

But there was too much dew on the path.

[The Chuen adds here :— * Duke Seaog ^
Sung wished to call together the princes, vA
unite them under himself. Tsang Wta-choag
heanl of it, and said, * He may succeed who
curbs his own desires to foUow the view* «
others; but he will seldom do so whotriei^
make others follow his desires.*]

tions now made, it got the name of Kaou mun, or
High gate (^ p^). ^Sr indicates the substi-
tution of a new gate for the old one, C^" ^Sr
j/j[ ,& ^S/i A"<1 fp indicates that the new gate
was on a difft. plan from the old ( j^ 1^ ^^

4^). Tlie Chuen says that the record of this

tnisaction was made to show itsunseasonablcness,
adding that all works for opening communication
^8uch as gates, roads, and bridges], or for closing
It [such as walls and moats], should be under-
taken as they were require<l. Tso-she's idea,
of course, is that this was a work of ornament
more than of necensity, and that the season of
the year for such an undertaking had gone by.

Par. 2. This Kaou was a sntall State in the
pres. dis. of Shing-woo, dop. Ts*aou-chow. As
we learn from the Chuen on XXIV. 2, it was
held by the descendants of one of king Wftn's
Bons. Nothing is heard of it before or after the
trivial incident in ilie text.

Par. 8. jj^,— see II.xiv.4: III. xx.2. What
building is here spoken of is not well known.
Kuh's opinion that it w<is the temple or shrine-
house of duke Min has been exploded. Some
portion of the harem is probably intended.

Par. 4. Hwah,— see III iii. 5. The Chuen
says:— * The people of Hwfth had revolted from

Teak XXI.

DUKE HE.

Twenty-Jirst year.

179

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XXI. 1 In the [duke's] twenty-first year, in spring, the Teih

made an incursion into Wei.

2 An officer of Sung, an oflficer of Ts*e, and an ofiSicer of

Ts*oo, made a covenant at Luh-shang.

3 In summer, there was great drought.

4 In autumn, the duke of Sung, the viscount of Ts^oo, the

marquis of Ch^in, the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of

^M M A H * If

r-mmm bm.

180

THE CII'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou,
had a meeting in Yu, when the others seized the
duke of Sung, and went on to invade Sung.

5 In winter, the duke invaded Choo.

6 The people of Ts'oo sent E-shin to Loo, to present [some

of the] spoils [of Sung.]

7 In the twelfth month, on Kwei-ch'ow, the duke had a

meeting w^ith [several of] tlie princes, when they
made a covenant in Poh, and liberated the duke of
Sung,

Par. 1. This incursion was, no doubt, in the
interests of Hing, and a sequel of tlie covenant
between the TeUi and Ts'e in p. 5 of last year.

Par. 2. Luh-shang was in Sung, — in the

pres. dis. of T*ae-ho (^ 5|vfJ), dep. Ying-diow.

Oan-hwuy. Tso-she says: — *The idea of this
covenant oriKiuated with Sung, and the object
in it of the duke of Sung was to ask the States
from Ts*oo [t.e. to ask Ts'oo to cede its influence
over the yarious States to Sung]. Ts'oo grant-
ed the request, when Muh-e, the duke's brother.
Bald, ** A small State is sure to bring calamity
on itself by striving for the power of command-
ing covenants; — is Sung now going on to
perish ? We shall be fortunate if there ensue

defeat only.' Hoo Ning (^ ^ ; Sung dyn.,
a little earlier than Choo He), Woo Ching, and
the critics generally, suppose that the princes
of the States are intended by ^^ ; but such a

view lands the translator of the Classic in inex-
tricable difficulties. Why should the princes be
reduced to * men,' simply in this par., and then
have their titles given to them in p. 4? Too

Yu observes that -^l^ ^^, preceding OTC ^^,

shows that the meeting and covenant originated
with Sung.

Par. 8. Too observes that the language in-
timates that the drought continued after the

usual sacrifice for rain C^O ^^ ^^'^ present-
ed; and Ting-tah expands the remark by saying
that in the Classic we have sometimes the

entry

and sometimes

that in the

former case the sacrifice has been followed by
rain, while in the latter the drought continues.
The Chuen says: — *The duke wislied, in conse-
quence of the droughty to burn a witch and a
person much emaciated. Ts*ang W&n-chung said
to him, "That is not the proper preparation in
a time of drought. Put in good repair ybur
walls, the inner and the outer ; lessen your food ;
be sparing in all your expenditure. Be in
earnest to be economical, and encourage people
to help one another; — this is the most import-
ant preparation. What have the witch and the
emaciated person to do with the matter? If
Heaven wish to put them to death, it had better
not have given them life. If they can really
produce drought, to burn them will increase the
calamity." Tlie duke followed his advice; and
that year, the scarcity was not very great.' [In
the Le Ke, II. Pt. 11. ill. 29, there is an account
of exposing in the sun, in a time of drought, a

or person in a state of emaciation {&

K^ hO^ ^*''* '^® '*^P® ***** Heaven would
have pity on him, and send down rain.]

Par. 4. Yu was in Sung, — in the pres. Soj
Chow (J|| »|»|»j), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. Kong-

yang has ^^g, and Knh-leang has ^1. Tbe

Chuen says: — 'In autumn, the princes iud
a meeting with the duke of Sung in Yu. Tsze-
yu said, *' Shall our calamity come now? Tbe
duke*s ambition is excessive; — ^liow can be
sustain the difficulties of his position?" At
tliis meeting, Ts^oo seized the duke, and vent
on to invade Sung.' I believe the seizure of tbe
duke of Sung was made by Ts^oo; bat the
text leaves the matter quite indefinite;— if ve
are to make all the princes named the sabject

of w^, then the duke would be one of his ova

captors. Kung-yang says absurdly that tbe
viscount of Ts*oo is not named, because tbe
sage would not seem to sanction the capture of
a prince of China by .a barbarian I The K^aDg-
he editors approve of the solution (rf Chaon
K*wang and others, that the indefiniteoess ii to
blame the other princes for not interfering to
prevent the outrage. Much more natural ii it
to suppose that, while Ts^oo was the principKlt
the other States were *art and part' in tbe
transaction, — well pleased to see the ambitkxtf
pretensions of the duke thus snvfiedont.

Par. 5. The Chuen says:— * Jin, Suh, Sea-
k'eu, and Chuen-yu, were all held by lords of
the surname Fung ( j||[^)» who presided over tbt

sacrifices to T'ae-haou [Fuh-he], and thetacriijos
to the Spirit of tbe Tse, thus rendering service
to the brigh t great land. The people of Choo bad
extinguished Seu-k*eu, the prince of which ctnie
as a fugitive to Loo, and threw himself on Cbing
Fung, who spoke in his behalf to the dukCfSayingt
* It is the rule of Chow to honour the bngbt
sacrifices, and to protect tbe little and the few; and
it is misery to Chow, when the barbarous tribei
disturb the bright great land. If you re-instate
Seu-k^eu, you will do honour to tbe sacrifices to
Haou and to the Spirit of the Tse, and by restor-
ing them you will remove the calamity."

Par. 6. See HI. xxxL 4. It here appears tbat
the viscount of Ts*oo waa the principal in tlie
aeizure of the duke of Sung, -^t^ must be sap-
plied before :^. ^ is to be transUted, « «*
many previous passages, by * people.'

Ybar XXII.

DUKE HE.

181

Par. 7. Poh was in Sung,— in the north-west

of pres. dis. of Shang-k*ew, d,?p. Kwei-tih. The
Ohuen says, that * with reference to this meeting,
Tsze-yu said, *' Our calamity has not yet come.
What has happened is not enough to be a warn-

ing to the duke.'* * Too sa^'s that this meeting
was not called at the duke*8 instance, but that he
happened to hear of it, and went to it. By

we arc to understand the princes in p.4.

Tiventy-second year.

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182

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKV.

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XXII. 1 In his twenty-second year, the duke invaded Choo, and

took Seu-k*eu.

2 In summer, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the

baron of Heu, and the viscount of T'&ng, invaded
Ch'ing.

3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Ting-we, we fought

with an army of Choo at Shing-hing.

4 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Ke-sze, the first

day of the moon, the duke of Sung fought with an
army of Ts'oo near the Hung, when the army of
Sung was disgracefully defeated.

Par. 1. Seu-k'ea was a small State, whose
lords were Fungs, with the rank of viscount,
purporting to be descended from Fuh-he, — in
the pres. Tung-p4ng Chow, dep. T*ae-gan. See
the Chnen on p. 5 of last year. Tso-she says
here that 'the duke took Seu-k*eu, and restored
its ruler, — which was according to rule.' The
text says nothing, indeed, of Loo's re-establish-
ment of Sea-k'eu; but we find Loo again taking
it, in VI. Til. 2 ; so that Tso-she's accoant of what
was now done must be correct.

Par. 2. The Chuen says : — ' In the 3d month,
the earl of ChHng went to Ts*oo; and in sum-
mer, the duke of Sung invaded Ch^ing. Tsze-
yu said, **What I call our calamity will be
brought about by this expedition." ' His seizure
in the past year had not taught the duke of
Hung the foUy of matching himself against
Ts^oo, which he could not but know would re-
sent this attack of Ch'ing.

[The Chuen appends here three narratives: —

1st. When king P*ing removed from the old
capital of Chow to the east, Sin Yew happened to

go to £-chHien, and saw there a man sacrificing

in the wilderness with dishevelled hair. " Before

a hundred years are expired," said he, " I fear this

place will be occupied by the Jung. The proper

rules of ceremony are already lost in it." This

autumn, Ts'in and Tsin removed the Jung ofLuh-
hw&n to £-chuen.' — But more than a hundred
vears from the removal to the eastern capital
had elapsed.

2d. * Yu, the eldest son of the marquis of Tsin
was a hostage in TsHn, and wished to make
his escape and return to Tsin.' He said to his
wife, the lady Ying, "Shall I take you with
me?" But she replied, *• You are the eldest toa
of Tsin, and here you are, the tubiect of dis-
grace. It is right that you should wish to
return to your own State; but your handmsid
was appointed by the ruler of Ts4n to wait on
you and hold your towel and comb, to assurs
you and ensure your stay. Should I ftdlow
you to Tsin, I shall be setting at nought hii
command. I dare not follow you, but neither

Year XXU.

DUKE HE.

183

dare I tell of your intention.** On this the
prince made his escape altme to Tsin.'

3d. * Foo Shin spoke to the king, saying, ''Let
me entreat you to recall T'ae-shoh [who had fled
toT8*e. See the Chnen after XII. 3]. It is said
in the She [11. iv. ode VIII. 12].

*■ They assemble their neighhonrs,
And their relatiyes are fulT of their praise.'

If brothers among oarselreB cannot agree,
how can we murmur at the want of harmony
among the princes of the States ?" The king
was pleased, and king Hwuy's son Tae [T'ae-
shuh] returned from Ts'e, and was restored to
his rank, the king having called him.] '

Par. 3. Shing-hing was in Loo, but its posi-
tion has not been precisely determined. The
Chuen says: — 'The people of Choo, because of
the afifair of Seu-k'cu, came out against us with
an army, and the duke set about meeting it,
despising ChoOt and without preparation. Tsang
W&n-cliung said, " However small a State be,
it is not to be slighted ; and if preparations be not
made, however numerous a force be, it is not
to be relied on. It is said in the She (II. y.
ode 1. 6),

' We should be apprehensive and careful.
As if we were on the brink of a deep gulf,
As if we were treading on thin ice;'

and again (She, IV.i. Ft iii. ode HI.),

* Let me be reverent, let me be reverent ;
Heaven's method is clear, —
Its appointment is not easily preserved.'

Intelligent as the ancient kings were, they con-
stantly saw difficulties to be overcome and dangers
4o be feared ; how much more should a smidl
State like ours do so ! Let not your lordship
think of Choo as small. Bees and scorpions
carry poison; — ^much more will a State do so I"
The duke would not listen to this remonstrance,
and in the 8th montli, on Ting-we, he fought
with Choo at Shing-hing, when our army was
disgracefully defeated. The people of Choo
captured the duke's heknet, and suspended it
over their Fish gate.'

From the Chuen we learn that Loo was here
shamefully beaten; but the text says nothing
about that This is another instance of the
strange reticence of Confucius.

Par. 4. Hung was the name of a river. The
Bite of the battle is referred to a spot, SOU

north of the dis. city of Chay-shing (jISC l£),

dep. Kwei-tih. The Chuen says: — *An army
of Ts'oo invaded Sung, in order to relieve Ch'ing.
The dake of Sung being minded to fight, his
minister of War remonstrated strongly with
hira, saying, 'jjleaven has long abandoned the
House of ShangTSung. was th^ conservator o?
the Shang sgmfices]. _Your Grace mhy'wrsh'To"
raise It again, but jjmcA opposition to Heaven will
Ue nripardonable." Tlie fTiike, however, would
iiorHsten to advice, and in winter, in the 11th
nionth, on Ke-sze, the Ist day of the moon, he
fought with the army of Ts'oo near the Hung.
*The men of Sung were all drawn up for
battle, before those of Ts'oo had all crossed the
river $ and the minister of War said to the duke,
"They are many, and we are few. Pray let us
attack them, before they have all crossed over.'*
The duke refused ; and again, when the minister

asked leave to attack them after they had
crossed, but when they were not yet drawn up,
he refused, waiting till they were properly
marshalled before he commenced the attack.

* The army of Sung was shamefully defeated ;
one of the duke's thighs was hurt ; and the war-
ders of the gates [keepers of the palace gates,
who had followed the duke to the field] were
all slain. The people of the State all blamed
the duke, but he said, ''The superior man does
not inflict a second wound, and does not take
prisoner any one of gray hairs. When the
ancients had their armies in the field, they
would not attack an enemy when he was in a
defile; and though I am but the poor repre-
sentative of a fallen dynasty, I would not
sound my drums to attack an unformed
host." Tsze-yu, [the minister of War], said,
' Your Grace does not know the rules of fight-
ing : — Given a strong enemy, in a defile or with
his troops not drawn up, it is Heaven assisting
us. Is it not proper for us' to advance upon
him so impeded with our drums beating, even
then afraid we may not get the victory? More-
over, the strong men now opposed to us are all
our antagonists. Even the old and withered
among them are to be captured by us, if we can
only take them; — what have we to do with
their being gray-haired? We call into clear
display the principle of shame in teaching men
to fight, our object being that they should slay the
enemy. If our antagonist be not wounded
mortally, why should we not repeat the blow ?
If we grudge a second wound, it would be
better not to wound him at all. If we would
spare the gray-haired, we had better submit at
once to the enemy » In an army, what are used are
sharp weapons, while the instruments of brass
and the drums are to rouse the men's spirits.
The sharp weapons may be used against foes
entangled in a defile; when their noise is the
loudest and the men's spirits are all on fire, the
drums may be borne against the enemy in
disorder."

[The Chuen gives here the following : — 'Early
in the morning of Ping-tsze, the ladies Me and
Keaug, the wives of Wftn, the earl of Ch'ing, went
to congratulate the viscount of Ts'oo, and feast
his troops, at the marsh of Ko, when the vis-
count made the band-master Tsin display to them
the captives, and the ears of the slain. The
superior man will pronounce that this was con-
trary to rule. A woman, when escorting or
meeting a visitor, does not go beyond the gate;
when seeing her brothers, she does not cross the
threshold. The business of war has nothing to
do with the employment of women.

* On Ting-ch'ow, the viscount entered the city
of Ch'ing, and was feasted. Nine times the cup
was presented to him; the courtyard was filled
with a hundred difit. objects; six kinds of food
were set forth in the dishes more than ordinary.
He left the city at night after the feast, Wftn
Me accompanying him to the army; and he
tO(»k the earl's two daughters with him to Ts'oo.
Shuh-chcn said, "The king of Tsoo will not
die a natural death I The ceremonies shown
on his account have ended in his breaking down
the distinctions regulating the intercourse be-
tween the sexes; and where this is done, there
can be no propriety. How should he die a
natural death? The princes may know that he
will not attain to the presidency of them."*]

184

THE CirUN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEX.

BOOK Y.

Twenty-third year.

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XXIII. 1 In thefduke'a] twenty-third year, in spring, the marquis
of Ts'e invaded Sung, and laid siege to Min.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Kfing-yin, Tsze-foo,

duke of Sung, died.

3 In autumn, an officer of Ts'oo invaded Ch'in.

4 In winter, in the eleventh month, the viscount of Ke

died.

Par. I. Min (here hdA aAerwuds Kah-lcang
hu ^9) «H a town of Sung,— 80& to the north-
tut of the preKnt dli. citj of Kin-heang (^
fij), dep. Teo-ohaw. Kung-yang %t,yt that the

mention of bciieging a town (&) snch ai Hin
ii condeoiQatorf of the violenca of Ti'e'B action
against Sung; and Kuh-!eang think* that io-
vaiion and siege, both related in the Mme *hort
par,, alarop the action of Ti'e ai exceMire and

186

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK Y.

bad. Neither of these views can be accepted.
T80-8he*s account of the par. is, that the marqnis
of Ts'e wished to punish Sung because of the
duke*s absenting himself from the covenant in
T8*e mentioned in XIX. 7. Certainly the duke of
8ung deserved well of the marquis of Ts'e at the
first, supporting him against his brothers, and
securing his claim to the State in the room of
bis father. We may speculate as to jealousies
and misunderstandings which subsequently
sprang up betweeu them; but we have not
sufficient information to enable us to speak
positivdy of the real causes of the invasion of
Sung here mentioned.

Par. 2. Kung-yang gives the name as ^^

^y. The duke*s death, according to Tso,
was in consequence of the wound he received at
the battle of Hung. His career by no means
corresponded to the expectations excited by
him on his first appearance in the history of this
period; — see the Chuen at the end of the 8th
year. He is commonly enumerated as one of the
* five leaders of the States ;' but he never attain-
ed to that position. It is difficult to believe that

he was really sane.

Par. 3. The Chuen says: — *In autumn,
Ch4ng Tih-shin of Ts*oo led an army, and in-
vaded Ch4n, to punish it for inclining, against
Ta^oo^ to the side of Sung [It would be difficult
to make this out from the text of the classic].
He took Tseaou and E ; walled Tun ; and re-
turned. Tsze-wftn, thinking Tih-shin had done
good service, procured his appointment as chief
minister of Ts'oo in his own room, Shuh-pih
asked him on what views for the good of the
State he had done so; and he replied, **/ hoot
done it to secure the quiet of the State. When
you have men who have rendered great service,
and you do not give them the noblest offices, are
they likely to remain quiet? There are few
who can do so."

[The Chuen turns here to the affairs of Tsin :
— * In the 9th mon th , duke H wuy of Tsin died, and
his successor^ duke Hwae [Yu, who escaped from
Ts^in^, commanded that none should follow the
fugitive, Chhing-urh^ and defined the period of
12 months, after which there would be pardon
no more for any that remained with him.
Maou and Yen, the sons of Hoo Tub, had fol-
lowed Ch^ung-urh, and were with him in Ts'iii ;
but their father did not call them home. In con-
sequence^ duke Hwae apprehended him in winter,
and said, "If your sons come back, you shalljbelet
off." Tub replied, "The ancient rule was that
when a son was fit for official service, his father
should enjoin upon him to be faithful. The
new officer, moreover, wrote his mime on a tablet,
and gave the pledge of a dead animal to his lord,
declaring that any wavering in his fidelity
should be punished with death. Now the sons
of your servant have had their names with
Ch^ung-urh for many years. If I should go on
to call them here, I should be teaching them to
swerve from their allegiance. If I, as their
father, sliould teach them to do so, how should
I be fit to serve your lordship? Punish with-
out excess or injustice, according to your in-
telligence ;^this is what your servant desires to
If you punish more than is right, to

see.

gratify yourself, who will be found without

guilt ? — But I have heard your commaodi.*' On
this the duke put him to death.

' Yen, the master of divination, saying that be
was ill, did not leave bia house; but, when he
heard of TvKs execution, he remarked, '* It is said
in one of the Books of Chow [^Shoo, V. ix.9],

* So, by a grand intelligence, will you subdue
the minds of the people* But when our piiooe
puts people to deatn to gratify himself, is not
the case hard? The people see ncme of his
virtue, and hear only of his cmd executions; —
is he likely to leave any of his children m Tsinf**

Par. 4. Tso-she says : — 'This was the death
of duke Ch*ing of Ke. His name is not given,
because he hsA never covenanted with Loo
[The canon cannot be substantiated]. The nik
was, that when any prince had covenanted with
others, the announcement of his death was ac-
companied with his name, and the historio-
graphers recorded it. Where this was not the
case, they did not enter the name ; — to avoid
making any mistake through want of the proper
exactness.'

The lords of Ke, as being the repretentatlTes
of the sovereigns of the Hea dynasty, were
originally dukes. In II. ii. 5, we have — * the
marquis of Ke;' elsewhere, the rank is re-
duced to that of * earl ;' here there is a forther
reduction to * viscount' These d^^adations are
supposed to have been made by the kings of
Chow.

[The Chuen now takes up the wanderings of
Ch*ung-urh, who became duke W&n of Tsin :—

* When Ch*ung-urh, son of duke H^n of Tsin,
first met with misfortune, a body of men from
Tsin attacked him in the city of Phx>, the men
of which wanted to fight with them. Ch'uiig-
urh, however, would not allow them to do so^
saying, * By favour of the command of my nler
and father, and through possession of the
emolument he has assigned me, I have got the
rule over these people ; and if I should empl<qr
them to strive with him, my crime would be
very great. I wiU fly."

' He then fled to the Teih (B. C. 654) ; and
there followed him — Hoo Yen, Chaon TsHiy,
Teen Keeh, Wei Woo-tsze [Woo U the boo.

title ; -7- a officer], Ke-tsze, minister of Woria
[with many others]. In an invasion of the
Tseang-kaou-joo, the Teih captured the two
daughters of their chief, Shuh Wd and Ke Wei,
and presented them to the prince. He took Ke
Wei to himself as his wife, and she bore lam
Pih-chow and Shuh -lew. Her elder sister be
gave to Chaou Ts*ui, who had by her hie los
Tun. When he was about to go to Ts*e, heiiid
to Ke Wei, *• Wait for me five and twenty yesn;
and if I have not come back then, yoncan msiTf
another husband." She replied, "I am oovlp;
and if I am to marry again after other 25, 1 will
go to my coffin. I had rather wait for yoo."

*The prince left the Teih (B. C. W3) •«»
residing among them 12 years. Trsrelliflf
through Wei, duke W&n treated him diicoor^
ously ; and as he was leaving it by Woo-inb»^
was reduced to beg food of a countryman, woo
gave him a clod of earth. The prince was sogi7t
and wished to scourge him with his whip; ^
Tsze-fan [Hoo Yen] said, "It is Heaven's g»J
[a gift of the soil ; a happy omen]." On thU be
bowed his head to the earth, received the dodt
and took it with him in his carriage.

ybab xxm.

DUKE HE.

187

' When he came to Tt'e, duke Hwaa gare him

a kufy of hit ouni surname to wife, and he had 20

teams of 4 honea each. He abandoned himself

to the enjoyment of his position, but his foUowera

were dissatisfied with it, determined to leave T8%

and consulted with him aboat what they should

do under the shade of a mulberry tree. There

happened to be upon the tree a girl of the harem,

employed about silkworms, who overhettrd their

deHberatioMf and reported them to the lady

Keang, the prince's wife. Her mistress put her

to death, and said to the prince, ** You wish to

go again upon your trayels. I have put to death

one who overheard your design [Meaning so to

prevent the thing getting talked about]." The

prince protested that he had no such purpose ; but

bis wife said to him, " Go. By cherishing me and
reposing here, you are ruining your fame. The
prince refused to leave ; and she then consulted
with Tsze-fan, made the prince drunk, and sent
him off, hisfolhwerg carrying him with them. When
he awoke, he seized a spear, and ran after Tsze-
fan.

*When they came to Ts*aou, duke Eung,
having heard that the prince's ribs present^
the appearance of one solid bone, wished to see
him naked, and pressed near to look at him
when he was bathing. The wife of He Foo-ke
[an officer of Ts'aou] said to her husband,
** When I look at the followers of the prince of
Tsin, every one of them is fit to be chief minister
of a State. If he only use their help, he is sure
to return to Tsin and be its marquis ; and when
that happens, he is sure to obtain his ambition,
and become leader of the States. He will then
punish all who have been discourteous to him,
and Ts'aoa will be the first to suffer. Why
should you not go quickly, and show yourself
to be a different man from the earl and hie area-
turea. On this, Foo-ke sent the prince a dish of
meat, with B.peih of jade also in it. The prince
accepted the meat, but returned the peih,

* When they came to Sung, the duke presented
to the prince 20 teams of horses ; but when they
came to Ch4ng, duke Wfln there was another
to behave uncivilly. Shuh-cheh remonstrated
with him, saying, ** I have hesrd that men cannot
attain to the excellence of him whose way is
opened by Heaven. The prince of Tsin has three
things which make it likely that Heaven may be
going to establish him ; — I pray your lordship to
treat him courteously. When husband and wife
are of the same surname, their children do not
prosper and multiply. The prince of Tsin [him-
self a Ke] had a Ke for his mother ; and yet he
continues till now : — this is one thing. During
all Jiis troubles, a fugitive abroad, Heaven has
not granted quiet to the State of Tsin, which
would seem as if it were preparing the way for
his return to it: — this is a second thing. There
are three of his officers, sufficient to occupy the
highest places ; and yet they adhere to him : —
this is the third thing. Tsin and Ch^ing, more-
over, are of the same stock. You might be
expected to treat courteously any scions of Tsin
passing through the State; and how much more
should you so treat him whose way Heaven is
thus opening !" To this remonstrance, the earl
of Ch'ing would not listen.

'When they came to Ts^oo, the viscount of

Ts'oo was one day feasting the prince, and said,

^ If you return to Tsin, and become its marquis,

how will you recompense my kindness to you?"

The prince replied, " Women, gems, and silks,

your lordship has. Feathers, hair, ivory and

hides, are all produced in your lordship's coun-
try ; those of them tliat come to Tsin, are but
your superabundance. What then should I have
with which to recompense your kindness?"
* Nevertheless," urged the viscount, "how would
you recompense me?" The prince replied, "If
by your lordship's powerful influence I shall
recover the State of Tsin, should Ts*oo and
Tsin go to war and meet in the plain of th^
Middle Land, I will withdraw from your lord-
ship three stages [each of 80 W]. If then I do
not receive your commands to cease from hostiU-
ties, with my whip and my bow in my left hand,
and my quiver and my bow-case on my right, I
will manoeuvre with your lordship."

< On this, Tsze-yuh, [Ch^ng Tih-shin of the
Chuen on p. 3], b^ged that the prince might be
put to death, but the viscount said, " The prince
of Tsin is a grand character, and yet distinguish-
ed by moderation, highly accomplished and
yet courteous. His followers are severely grave
and yet generous, loyal and of untiring ability.
The present marquis of Tsin has none who are
attached to him. In his own State and out of it,
he is universally hated. I have heard, moreover,
that the Kes of Tsin, the descendants of Shuh
of T*ang [See the Shoo,V.ix.l, though tliey
might afterwards decay, yet would not perish ; —
may not this be about to be verifiea in the
prince? When Heaven intends to prosper a
man, who can stop him ? He who opposes Heav-
en must incur great guilt."

' After this, the viscount sent the prince away
with an escort to Ts*in, where the earl presented
him with five ladies, Hwae Ying [the earl's
daughter, who had been given to Yu, who fied
from Ts4n, and became duke Hwae of Tsin]
among them. The prince made her hold a goblet,
and pour water from it for him to wash his hands.
When he had done, he ordered her away with a
motion of his wet hands [the meaning of the
Chuen here is variously taken], on which she said
in anger, " Ts4n and Tsin are equals ; why do you
treat me so, as if I were mean ?" The prince
became afraid, and humbled himself, putting off
his robes, and assuming the garb of a prisoner.

Another day, the earl invited him to a feast,
when Tsze-fan said, " I am not so accomplished
as Ts'uy; pray make him attend yon. The
prince sang the Ho-shwuy [a lost ode ; unless,
indeed, as is likely, the Meen-shwuy, II. iii. IX.,
is intended, so that the prince would compare
himself to the Ho, and TsHn to tho sea, to which
the Ho flows], and the earl, the Luh-yueh [She,
II. iii. ode II. The ode celebrates the services of
an ancient noble in the cause of the kingdom, as
if the earl of Ts*in were auspicing such services
to be rendered hereafter by the prince of Tsin].
Chaou Ts*uy said, " Ch'ung-urh, render thanks
for the earl's gift." The prince then descended
the steps, and bowed with his head to the ground.
The earl also descended a step, and declined such
a demonstration. Ts^uy said, " When your lord-
ship laid your charge on Ch*ung-urh as to how
he should assist the son of Heaven, he dared not
but make so humble an acknowledgement." ']

DUKE HE.

189

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«*.te; -(a.ak.ei6

1 It was the duke's twenty-fourth year, the spring, the

king's first month.

2 In summer, the Teih invaded Ch'ing,

3 It was autumn, the seventh month.

4 In winter, the king [hy] Heaven's [grace] left [Chow],

and resided in Ch'ing.

5 E-woo, marquis of Tsin, died.

Par. 1. fHie Choen continnet the account of
the fortonei of Ch'uDg-nrli in the following
nanatiT««:—

l«t. 'In fpHng, the earl of Ti'in rettored
Ch'ang-iirh: — th« event ia not reconled In
the text, became the marqni* of Tsin did
not annoonce hit entrance to Loo. When the
Invadert came to the Ho, Taze-fan doliTCred
up to the prince a pair of pah [which he had
leodved from the earl of Ti'io], lafing, "Tour
■errant haa followed jour lordihlp all about

ander heaven, at if bearing ■ halter and bridle:
and my offences hare bpen very many. I
know them m'rself, and much more doea jonr -
lordship know them. Allow me from this lime «
to ditappear." The prince (aid, " Wherein I do tf
not continne to be of the same mind ai mr ■«
uncle [TsEe-fau waa the brother of the princeMr
■" ],mayt!ie "■■-■■■■

ptih into the stream,
the troopt laid nege t

he threw thtr^J
HaTing crossed the Hit>f
Ung-hoo, entered Si —

Year XXIV.

DUKE HE.

191

tB^eoen, and took Eew-t8*air. In the 2d month,
on Keah-woo, the army of Tsin came. to meet
them, and took post at Leu-lew. The earl of
TsHn sent ^» generai Chih, a son of duke CkHng,
to it, when it retired, and encamped in Sun.
There, on Sln-ch^ow, Hoo Yen and the great
officers of Ts^n and Tsin made a covenant. On-
Jin-yin the prince entered the army of Tsin; on
Ping-woo^ he entered K*euh-yuh; on Ting-w^
he went solemnly to the temple of duke Woo ;
and on Mow-shin, he caused duke Hwae to be
put to death in Kaou-leang. This does not
appear in the text for the same reason that no
announcement of it was made to Loo.'

2d. *Leu and Keoh [Leu E-sang and Keoh
Juy, ministers of dukes H wuy and Hwae], fearing
lest the new marquis should be hard upon them,
planned to bum the palace and murder him.
P*e, the chief of the eunuchs [who had been
commissioned by his father, duke Heen, and
afterwards, by his brother, duke Hwuy, to kill
Ch*nng-urh], begged an interriew, but the mar-
quis sent to reproach him, and refused to see
him, saying, ** In the affair at the city of P*oo,
my father ordered you to be at the place the
next day, and you came on that same day.
Afterwards, when I was hunting on the banks
of the Wei with the chief of the Teih, you
came, in behalf of duke Hwuy, to seek for me
and kill me. He ordered you to reach the
place in three days, and you reached it in two.
Although the undertaking was by your ruler's
orders, why were you so rapid in the execution?
Tlie sleeve [of which you cut ofif a part at PHw]
is still in my possession ; — go away.'* P*e re-
plied, **I said to myself that his lordship,
entering the State [after so long a period of
trial], was sure to have knowledge fof the
world]. If he still have it not, he will again
find himself in difficulties. It is the ancient
rule, tlmt, when an officer receives his ruler's
commands, he think of no other individuid.
Charged to remove the danger of my ruler, I
regarded notliing but how I might be able to do
it. What was his lordsliip at P*oo, or among
the Teih, to me ? Now his lordship is master
of the State ; — is there no P'oo, are there no Teih
[against which he may need my help] ? Duke
Uwan of Ts'e forgot all about the shooting of
the buckle of his girdle, and made Kwan Chung
his chief minister. If his lordship is going to
act differently, I shall not trouble him to say
anything to me. There are very many who
will have to go away, and not a poor eunuch
like me only." The marquis then saw him,
when he told him of the impending attempt, on
which the marquis, in the 3d month, secretly
withdrew, and joined the earl of Ts4n in tJie
[old] royal dty. On Ke-ch*ow, the last day of
the moon, the palace was set on nre; but Sftng of
Hea and Keoh Juy [of course] did not find the
marquis. They then proceeded to the Ho, from
which the earl of Ts'in contrived to wile them to
his presence, when he put them to death. The
marquis then met his wife, the lady Ting, and
took her with him to Tsin. The earl sent an
escort also of 3,000 men as guards, and who
should superintend all the departments of service
about the court.'

3d. ' In earlier years, the marquii had a per«
sonal attendant called T'aou-seu, who had charge
of his treasury. This boy, when the prince was
obliged to flee, ran away, carrying the contents

of the treasury with him. He had used thenii
all, however, in seeking to procure the marquis's
return ; and when he did re-enter the State, he
sought an interview with him. The marquis
declined to see him, and sent word that he was
bathing. T^ami-seu said to the servant [who
brought the reply], *In bathing, the heart is
turned upside down [Referring to the position of
the body in bathing, with the head bent down],
and one's plans are all reversed. It was natural
I should be told that I cannot see him. Those
who stayed in Tsin were his ministers, guarding
the altars of the land; and those who went with
him were his servants, carrying halter and bridled
Both may stand accepted. W hy must he look on
those who stayed in the country as criminals ? If
he, now lord of the State, show such enmity to a
poor man like me, multitudes will be filled with
alarm." The servant reported these words to
the marquis, who instantly granted T*aou-seu
an interview.'

4th. *The chief of the Teih sent Ke Wei to
Tsin, and asked what should be done with the
marquis's two children by her. The marquis had
given [a daughter of his own] to Chaou Ts*uy
to wife, who bore to him T^ng of Yuen, Kwoh
of Ping, and Ying of Low. This lady — Chaou
Ke — begged her husband that he would bring
home from the Teih Am son Tun, with his mother
Shuh Wei, Tsze-yu [Chaou Ts'uy's designation]
refused to do so, but Ke said, ** He who in the
cnjo3mient of present prosperity forgets his old
friends is not fit to command others. You
must meet them, and bring them here." She
pressed the matter so strongly, that at last he
agreed that they should come. Finding that
Tun was possessed of ability, she further press-
ed it earnestly on the marquis, her father, to
cause liim to be declared Ts*uy's eldest son and
heir, while her own three sons were ranked below
him. She also caused Shuh Wei to be made
mistress of the liarem, and occupied herself in an
inferior position.'

5th. * When the marquis of Tsin was rewarding
those who had followed and adhered to him during
his long exile, Kcae Che-ts'uy [who had once cut
off a portion of his own thigh, to relieve the
prinoe*8 extreme hunger] did not ask for any
recompense, and it so hapi)ened that none came
to him. **Tlie sons of duke Heen," said he,
^^ were nine, and only the marquis remains. Hwuy
and Hwae made no friends, and were abandoned
by all, whether in tlie State or out of it. Bat
Heaven had not abandoned tlie House of Tsin,
and was sure to raise some one to preside over its
sacrifices ; — and who should do that but the mar-
quis? It was Heaven who placed him in his
present position ; and how false it is in those of-
ficers to think it was their strength which did itt
He who steals but the money of another man is
pronounced a tliief ; what name shall be given to
them who seek to appropriate to themselves the
work of Heaven ? They, below, think their guilt
is their righteousness, and the marquis, a^ve,
rewards their unworthiness. He above and
they below are deceiving and deceived; it is
difficult for me to dwell along with them!"
His mother said to him, ** Why not go, as well
as others, and ask for some recompense? If
you die without receiving any, [never having
asked], of whom can you complain?" He
replied, '' Were I to imitate them in their wrong-
doing, my offence would be greater than theirs.

192

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK y.

And I hare tpoken [what may seem] words
of reeentment and complaint; — ^I will eat
none of their food." His mother said, "But
what say you to letting your case at least be
known ?" " Words," answered he, "are an em-
beiliihment of the person. I shall withdraw
my person entirely from the world, and why
should I use what is employed to seek its
embellishment ?" His mother said, " Can you
take this course ? Then I will retire and hide
myself from the world with you." The marquis
of Tsin afterwards sought for Keae Che-ts*uy,
but in vain, and endowed a saiTifice to him
with the fields of Meen-shang. " It will be a
memento," said he, " of my neglect, and a mark
of distinction for the good man.'

Par. 2. The Chuen says on this ; — ' When the
troops of Ch'ing entered Hwah [see XX. 4], the
people of Hwah receiyed its commands; but
when they withdrew, it went over again to Wei.
Sze, son of the earl of Ch*ing, and Seeh Too-yu-
mei went against it with a force, when the king
sent Fih-fuh and Yew-sun Pih to intercede with
Ch4ng in behalf of Hwah ; but the earl, resent-
ing how king Hwuy, on his restoration [to the
capital], had not conferred a cup on duke Le
[See the Chuen at III.xxi.2 3], and also how
king Seang now took the part of Wei and Hwfth,
would not listen to his commands, and made the
two officers prisoners. The king was angry, and
wished to invade Ching with theTeih. Foo Shin
remonstrated with him, saying, * Do not do this.
Your servant has heard that in the highest
antiquity the people were kept in tranquillity by
virtue. Subsequently to this, the sovereigns
showed favour to their own relatives, and went on
from them to others. Thus the duke of iChow,
grieved by the want of harmony in the concluding
times [of the two previous dynasties], raised the
relatives of the royal House to the rule of States,
that they might act as fences and screens to
Chow. The princes of Kwan, Ts^ae, Shing, Hoh,
Loo, Wei, Maou, Tan, Kaou, Yung, Ts^aou, T*ftng,
Peih, Yuen, Fung, and Seun were all sons of king
Wftn. Those of Yu, Tsin, Ying, and Han were
sons of king Woo. Those of Fan, Tseang,
Hing, Maou, Tsoo, and Chae were descendants of
the duke of Chow. Duke Muh of Shaou, think-
ing of the defectiveness of the virtue of Chow,
assembled all the members of the royal House
in Ch4ng-chow, and made the ode which says
[She, II. i. ode IV.],

* The flowers of the cherry tree, —
Are they not gorgeously displayed?
Of all the men in the world,
ITiere are none like brothers.'

In the 4th stanza it is said,

* Brothers may squabble inside the walls,
But they will resist insult from without.'

Thus, although brothers may have small
quarrels among themselves, they will not for
them cast away their reUtive affection. But now,
when Your Majesty, unable to bear the resent-
ment of a slight quarrel, is casting away the
affection of Ch*ing, what is to be said ? And to
employ the meritorious, to show affection to
one's relatives, to cultivate the acquaintance of
those near at hand, and to honour the worthy :
— these are the greatest of virtues. To ap-
proach the deaf and to follow the blind, to agree
with the wayward and to use the stupid -.—these

axe the greatest of erils. To cast away what is
yirtnoos and give honour to what la evil, is the
greatest of calamities. To Ch*ing belongs the
merit of assisting king P*ing and king Hwuy,
and its [first earl] was most intimate with Le
and Seuen; it recently put away its favoured
minister and son, and has been employing the
three good men; of all the States of the Kes it
lies nearest to us: — it gives the opportunity for
displaying the [above] four Tirtues. He wbois
ear does not hear Uie harmony of the five sounds
is deaf; he whose eye does not distinguish the
beauty of the five colours is blind; he wbois
mind does not accord with the rules of virtus
and righteousness is wayward ; he whose mouth
does not speak the words of loyalty snd
faith is a stupid chatterer. The Teih approxi-
mate to all these four conditions, arid to follow
them win display the ahove four evils. When
Chow was distinguished by admirable virtue, it
still said that none were equal to brothers,
and advanced them to the rule of States. While
it was cherisliing with gentle indulgence all
under heaven, it was still afraid lest insult
should be offered from without; and knowing
that to withstand such insult there was no plan
so good as to treat with distinguishing affectum
its relatives, it therefore made them a screen
to its domains. Muh of Shaou also expressed
himself to the same effect. And now, when the
virtue of Chow is in decay, to proceed at this
time to depart farther from the maxims of the
dukes of Chow and Shaou, and follow the wsy
of all evil, surely this is wrong. Before the
people have forgotten their sufferings, you
make them commence again; — how will this
affect the inheritance transmitted by Win and
Woo?" The king would not listen to this
advice, but sent T*ui Shuh and the ofllcer Psob
forth with the army of the Teih.

*In summer, the Teih invaded Ch4ng, and
took Leih. The king, feeling grateful for their
service, was minded to make the daughter of
their chief his queen. Again Foo Shin remon-
strated, saying, **Do not. Your servant has
heard that the rewarder gets tired, and the
receiver is never satisfied. The Teih most cer^
tainly are covetous and greedy, and yet your
Majesty is ministering to their disposition. It
is the nature of women to be limitless in their
desires, and their resentment is undying. His
Teih will certainly be your majesty's sorrow."
Again, the king would not listen to him. Before
this, duke Ch*aou of Kan PThe king's brother
Tae, whom we have met with before] had been
the favourite of king Hwuy's queen, who wished
to get the throne for him, but dying before this
could be secured, duke Ch'aou fled to Ts^ TSes
the I2th year]. King Seang had restored him
[in the 22d year J ; and now he went on to have
mtercourse with the lady Wei [the king's Teih
wife], who was thereupon degraded by the kiof.
T'ui Shuh and the officer T'aou said, ''It wss
we who procured the employment of the Teih;
their resentment will fall on us.** On this they
set up T'ae-shuh [duke Ch^aou], and with sa
array of the Teih attacked the king. His guards
wished to withstand them, but the king ssid,
''What will my father's queen say of me? It
is better to let the States take measures for the
occasion." He then left the capital, and pr(H
ceeded to K*an-t*an, from which the people
brought him back. In autumn, Tui SbiUi and

Ybar XXV.

DUKE HE.

193

T*aoa-t82e, supporting T^ae-shnli, invaded Chow
with an army of the Teih, inflicted a great
defeat on the royal forces, and took Ke-foo,
duke of Chow, the earls of Tuen and Maou, and
Foo Shin. The king hetook himself to Ch*ing,
and resided in Fan, while T*ae-8huh and the
lady Wei dwelt in Wftn.'

[The Chuen appends here two other narra-
tives: — 'Tsze-tsang, younger brother of Hwa,
heir-son of Ch*ing [who was put to death in the
16th year], had fled to Sung. There he was
fond of wearing a cap made of the feathers of
the kingfisher. The earl of ChHng heard of it,
and was displeased, and employed some ruffians
to induce him to follow them, when, in the 8th
month, they killed him between Ch4n and Sung.
The superior man may say that when the clothes
are not befitting, it indicates calamity to the
person. The ode [She L xIt. ode II.] says,

'* Those creatures
Are not equal to their appareL"

The clothes of Tsze-tsang were not such as
were befitting him. The language of another
ode (H. Yi. ode III. 3),

'* I have myself caused the distress,"

may be conisdered applicable to Tsze-tsang.
In the Books of Hea [Shoo, II.ii.8] it is said,
" The earth is reduced to order, and the influences
of Uearen operate with effect:" — there was a
correspondency between them.'

* Sung having made peace with Ts^, duke
ChHng of Sung went to Ts'oo. On his return, he
entered the capital of Ch4ng, when the earl,
wishing to feast him, asked Hwang Woo-tsze
about the ceremonies to be employed. Woo-tsze
replied, **The dukes of Sung are the descendants
of the last dynasty. Tliey appear as guests at
the court of Chow. When the son of Heaven
■acrifioes, he sends them portions of the flesh;

when they condole with him on occasion of a
death, he bows to them and thanks them. Let
your ceremonies be abimdant and generous."
liie earl acted accordingly, and feasted the
duke of Sung with extraoidinary ceremonies.']
Par. 4. "nie Chuen says : — ''In winter, the
king sent a messenger to announce his troublea
to Loo, saying, "Without goodness, without
virtue, I offended my own brother Tae, the
favoured son of our mother, and I am now as a
borderer in the country of Ch'ing, in Fan. I
venture to make this known to my unde."
Tsang Wftn-chung said, *' The son of Heaven is
covered with dust, driven out from Chow. We
dare not but fly to ask for his officers and
guards." The king sent Keen Sze-foo to inform
Tsin of his circumstances, and Tso Yen-foo to
inform Ts4n. The son. of Heaven cannot be said
to leave his country, and yet he is said in the teact
to have done so; — ^because he was avoiding the
troubles raised by his own brother. For the son
of Heaven to wear mourning garments, and to
assume such depreciating names for himself,
ras in his message to Loo], was proper [in king
Seang's circumstances]. The earl of Ch'ing,
with K'ungTseaug-tsoo, Shih Keah-foo, and How
Seuen-to, examined and saw that the officers
sent sufficient supplies to Fan, and then attended
to the government of their own State;— which
was proper.'

Far. 5. £-woo, or duke Hwuy, died the
previous year; but it is supposed that the an-
nouncement of his death was only now made to
Loo.

[The Chuen adds here the following account:
— ' A force from Wei was about to invade Hlng,
when Le Che said [to the marquis of WelJ, ** If
you do not make sure of some of its ministers,
the State cannot be secured." Let me and my
brother go and take office there." On this the
two went to Hing, and became officers in it.*]

Twenty-fifth year.

nmx

4^,

VOL V,

194

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK y.

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DUKE HE.

195

V. 1 In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, in the king s

first month, on Ping-woo, Wei, marquis of Wei, ex-
tinguished King.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Kwei-yew, Wei, mar-

quis of Wei, died.

3 The duke's eldest daughter, married to a Tang of Sung,

came [to Loo] to meet the wife [for her son].

4 Sung put to death [one of] its great officers.

5 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo invested [the

capital of] Ch'in, and restored the viscount of Tun
to Tun.

6 There was the burial of duke W&n of Wei.

7 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Kwei-hae, the

duke had a meeting with the A^V-son of Wei and
K*ing of Keu, when they made a covenant in T*aou.

r. 1. Hie Chnen says : — ' In tpring, a force
Wei inyaded Hing. The two Le [see the
Ohnen} were following Kwoh-toe and going
i the atj-wall, when they held him fast in
arms, and went off with lum to the outside,
ig him. In the Ist month, on Ping-woo, Wei,
luis of Wei, extinguished Hing. The lords oj
and Hing were of the same surname, and
if ore the text gives the name of the marqtas;
> his disgrace]. Le Che had the words
ayed on a vessel, — **I grasped Kwoh-tsze in
oms and killed him. No one dared to stop
' — [thus publishing his own shame.]
e see that the preserration of Hing, one of
Spreat achievements of duke Hwan of Ts'e
in. xxxu. 7 ; V. i. 2, 8, 4] did not long avail
hat State. What is remarkable, is that it
Id perish at last at the hands of Wei, which
been reduced by the same Teih to even
ter straits than itself [see IV. iL 7]. Most
e criUcs lay great stress, like Tso-she, on
lame of tlie marquis of Wei being found
in the text; and a passage of the Le Ke [I.
I. iL 21] is referred to, which would make it
hat the mention of the name is condem-
ry, and stamps the wickedness of the mar-
of Wei in extinguishing a State held \^ a
» of the same surname as himself. But
»non in that passage was, no doubt, made
it this single text. Choo He imagines that

\j^ here has got into the text, by the error

copyist, from the next paragraph.
Lr. 2. From the last Chuen on IV. ii. it
ars that this prince was a man of perseve-
e and resources. His character, however,
not stand high with the critics;— see the

urks of Ke Pun in the ^^ W^ on this

age.

IT. 8. There was a powerful family of the
•name of Tang in Sung, and duke He's
it daughter must have been married to the
, or some principal scion of it, though the
ik is not mentioned in the classic Here
somes to Loo to take back a wife, we must
ose for her son; but nothing is said from
i family the young lady was taken. On the

le ^^ 1^, instead of ^ ^, compare

3|^^,inXXXL7. The ^ is determhaed by

the VQ, the husband's mother, being the other

party in the transaction.

Far. 4. Ck>mp. HI. xxvi. 8. It is folly to seek
for mysteries in the silence of the text as to the
name of the officer here spoken of. Kung-yang
thinks that the duke of Sung had married hia
daughter, and did not dare therefore, in an-
nouncing his death to Loo, to mention his wife's
fkther.^ Kuh-l§ang thinks he was a K*ong

(^\j)t tnd that Confucius purposely kept back

the name of one of his ancestors !

[The Chuen appends here:^ — 'The earl of
Ts^in was with an army on the Ho, intending to
restore the king [See 4th par. of last yearly
when Hoo Yen said to the marquis of Tsin,-** If
you are seeking the adherence of the States,
you can do nothing better than to show an
earnest interest in the king's behalf. The States
will thereby have faith in you, and you will have
done an act of great righteousness. Now is the
time to show again such service as was rendered
by the marquis Wftn [See the Shoo, V.xxviii],
and to getVour fldehty proclaimed among the
States." Jne marquis made the master of divina-
tion. Ten, consult the tortoise-shell about the
undertaking. Be did so and said, * The oracle if
auspicious,— that of Hwang-te's battle in Fan-
ts'Suen." The marquis said, **That oracle is
too great for me." The diviner replied, ^ The
rules of Chow are not changed. The king of
to-day is the emperor of antiquity." The mar-
quis then said, ''Try it by the milfoiL" They
considted the reeds, and found the diagram

Ta-yew 1==], which then became the diagram

K'^ei r=^l The diviner said, "This also is

auspicious. In this diagram we have the oracle,
— * A prince presents his offerings to the son of
Heaven.' A battle and victory ; the king receiving
your offerings: — what more fortunate response
could there l^ ? Moreover, in these diagrams, the

trigram of heaven (^z) l)€<^inc> ^hat of a marsh,

(3E) ^^ti under the sun, indicating how the son
of Heaven condescends to meet your lordship {'■^

196

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK y.

is not thiB also encouraging ? If we leave the
diagram K'wei, and come biusk to Ta-yew, it also
tells of success where its subject goes." On
this the marquis of Tsin declined the assistance
of the army of Ts*in, and went down the Ho. In
the 3d month, on Keah-shin, he halted at Yang-
fan, when the armj of the right proceeded to
inrest W&n, and that of the left to meet the king.*

*In summer, in the 4 th month, on Ting-sze,
the king re-entered the royal city. T*ae-shuh
was taken in W&n, and put to death at Seih-
ihing. On Mow-woo, the marquis of Tsin had
an audience of the king, who feasted him with
Bweet spirits, and gave him gifts to increase his
joy. The marquis asked that the privilege of
being carried to his grave through a subter-
ranean passage might be granted him, but the
king refused, saying, **Thi8 is the distinction
of us kings. Where there is not conduct
to supersede the holders of the kingdom, to
make one's-self a second king is what you
yourself, my uncle, would hate." Notwith-
standing this refusal, the king conferred on
Tsin the lands of Yang-fan, W&n, Yuen, Tswan-
maou; and Tsin proceeded to occupy the district
of Nan-yang. Yang-fan refused to submit,
and the troops of Tsin laid siege to it. Ts'ang
Koh cried out, *' It is virtue by which the people
of the Middle State are cherished; it is by
severity that the wild tribes around are awed.
It is right we should not venture to submit to
you. Here are none but the king's relatives
and kin; — and will you make them captive?"
On this the marquis allowed the people to quit
the city.'

Par. 5. Tun was a small State, whose lords
were Kes, with the title of viscounts ; — ^in the pros.
Ho-nan, dis. Sbang-shwuy, dep. Ch^in-chow. It
was extinguished by Ts'oo in the 14th year of
duke Ung. The Chuen says:— "In autumn,
Ts*in and Tsin invaded the State of Joh. At
that time. Tow K'ih and K'enh Yu-k<ow, with the
forces of Shin and Seih, were guarding the territo-
ry of Shang-meih on behalf of Ts*oo. The troops
(n Ts*in, passing by a shaded spot near Seih [a
town of Ts*oo], entered it, and bound many of
their people [to make them api>ear as prisoners
whom they had takenl,with whom they proceeded
to besiege Shang-meih, taking care to approach it
in the dusk. During the nigh t, they dug a pit, in
which they placed a quantity of blood, showing
also a writing over it, pretending that these
were the proofs of a covenant with Tsze-e and
Tsze-peen [the above Tow and K'euh]. Tlie
people of Shang-meih became afhdd, and con-

cluded that Ts*in had taken Seih, and that the
guards had gone away to thdr own State.
They surrendered, therefore, to the army of
Ts'in, which also made prisoners of Tsxe-e
duke of Shin, and Tsze-peen, duke of Seih.
Tsze-yuh, chief minister of Ts^oo, pfursued the
army of Ts4n, but could not overtake it, oo
which he laid siege to the capital of Ch^n, and
restored the viscount of Tun to his State.'

Par. 6. [The Chuen introduces here the fol-
lowing narrative: — 'In winter, the marquis of
Tsin laid siege to Yuen, and, having ordered the
soldiers to be provided with 8 days' provisions,
said that if within 8 days Yuen did not snnen-
der, he would give up the siege. On the third
day, spies came out and told that Tuen was go-
ing to surrender next evening. The offlc^v of the
army entreated the marquis to wait till then ;
but he said, "Good faith is the predous jewel ol
a State, and what the people depend upon. If
I get Yuen and lose my good faith, of what pro-
tection could the people be assured? My loss
would be much greater than my gain." He
then withdrew the troops, but when they had re-
tired 80 /«, Yuen sent and surrendered. The
marqms removed Pih-kwan, governor of Yuen,
to Ke. Chaou Ts^ui was made governor ol
Yuen, and Hoo Tsin governor of W&n.'1

Par. 7. T*aou, — see on III. xxviL 1. King ol
Ken, see III. zxvii. 5. The Chuen says : — * Wd

had brought about peace between Ken and ns.
By this covenant at T^aou, the duke renewed
with his son the good understanding which he hsd
had with duke Win of Wei, and declared his
friendship with Keu.' The late marquis of Wd
was now buried, but his successor is still men-
tioned here simply as ^-•, 'ton,' and not by the
title 'marquis.' The reason probably is thst
the year in which the father died had not yet
expired, and not to praise him as 'son-like,*
carrying out the wishes of his father to leooii-
cile Loo and Keu.

pile Chuen adds here: — 'The marquis of
Tsm consulted Poh-t*e, chief of the eunuchs, ss
to who should be put in charge of Yuen. Pob-
t'e [the eunuch P*e, mentioned before], replied,
" Formerly, when Chaou Ts^y was foUoviag
your wanderings, carrying with him a pot
of food, he did not take any of it, tho^sh
he was suffering from hunger." On this sc-
count, TVtiy was appointed to the charge of
Yuen.']

Twenty-sixth year.

B.^a

Y«AB XXVI.

DUKE HE.

197

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198
XXVI. 1

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

4
5

7
8
9

In his twenty-sixth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, on Ke-we, the duke had a meeting with the
viscount of Keu and Ning Suh of Wei, when they
made a covenant in Heang.

A body of men from Ts'e made an incursion into our
western borders, when the duke pursued the army
of Ts'e to He, but did not come up with it.

In summer, a body of men from Ts'e invaded our north-
ern borders,

A body of men from Wei invaded Ts^e.

Suy, son of duke [Chwang], went to Ts^oo, to beg [the
assistance of] an army.

In autumn, an officer of Ts*oo extinguished K*wei, and
carried the viscount of K'wei back with them.

In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo invaded Sung, and
besieged Min.

The duke, with an army of Ts*oo, invaded Ts*e, and took
Kuh.

The duke arrived from the invasion of Ts*e.

Par.l. Heang,— teeonI.ii.2:n.xyi.4. This
Heang wat probably that of Ken. The Chaen
tells ns tliat the count of Ken was stjled Tsze-

p'ei (]^ 3i)> u^ that Ning Suh [Kung-yang,
here and afterwards, has Sl(l. was the officer

known by his honorary title of Chwang (^f-^X
adding that this meeting was to confirm the pre-
▼ious one at T'aon. The count of Keu had only
been there by one of his officers, while heie he
attended in person: — ^the reconciliation of Loo
and Keu might be considered complete.
Par. 2. Kung-yang lias here XL and Kuh-

iSang j|H , instead of tt^. Tso-she has >^ for

^. He says that the incursion was made by
Ts'e, to punish Loo for the two covenants at
T*aou and Heang. A better reason may be found
in the antagomstic position which Loo took to
the present marquis of Ts'e on his accession ; —
•eeon XVm.2. He was a town of Ts'e, in
the south-west of pres. dis. of Tung-o, dep.
Ten-chow. The K'ang-he editors hare a long
note on the change of style in the par. firom
XB K^ to WB' 0j0, which has wonderfully
▼ezed the critics. If the coounonly accepted
▼lew, that the term K^ is used of a mnall body
of men under a commander of mean rank, and
6jp is used of a large body of men under a
similar conmiand, were mdubitably certain, we
might be perplexed l^ the change of terms; but
the text surely is an instance in point to show
that the two forms of expression may be used
to conrey the same meaning. Or if it be insist-

ed on that ^R ^"~' "^ officer of Ts^' one of
no great rank, commanding in the incursion,
the ^R 0jp can only mean < the army ' or force
whichne conducted.

Par. 8. Duke Heaou of Ts'e was himself pres-
ent with these inrading forces. The Chuen says :
— * Duke Heaou of Ts*e inraded our northern
borders. Duke He sent Chen He to offer
proYisions to the inyading forces, haWng first
made him receiye instructions from Chen Klnfthe
famous Lew-hea H wuy , He's father]. According-
ly, before the marquis of Ts^ had entered our
borders, Chen He tbllowed in his track, came
up with him, and said, "My prince, hearing that
your lordship was on the march and conde-
scendinff to come to his small city, has sent
myself, his poor serrant, with these presents for
your officers." The marquis asked whether the
people of Loo were afraid. "Small people,"
replied He, "are afraid; but the superior men
are not.** " Tour houses," said the marquis, " are
empty as a hanging musical-stone, and in your
fields there is no green grass;— on what do they
rely that they are not afraid ?" He answered,
"They rely on the charge of a former king.
Formerly the duke of Chow and T*ae-kung were
legs and arms to the House of Chow, and sup-
ported and aided king Ch'ing, who rewarded them,
and gave them acharge, saying, *• From generation
to generation let your descendants i«f rain from
harming one another.' It was presenred in
the repository of Charges, under the care of the
grand-master [of Chow]. Thus it was that
when duke Hwan assembled the yarious States,
taking measures to cure the want of harmony
among them, to heal their short-comings, and to
relicTe those who were in distress. In all this
he was illustrating that ancient charge. When
your lordship took his place, all the States were
fhll of hope, saying, *He will carry on the
meritorious work of Hwan.' On this account

ykab xxvn.

DUKE HE.

199

onr poor State did not pretmne to protect itself
by collecting its mnltitudes; couf now we say,

* Will he, after possessing Ts*e nine years, for-
get that ojicien/ charge, and cast aside the dntj
enjoined in it? What in that case would his
father say V Yonr lordship surely will not do
such a thing. It is on this that we rely, and
are not afraid." On this the marquis of Ts^e
returned/

Par. 4. Tso-she sajrs this movement of Wei
was a consequence of the covenant of T'aou.
Wei and Loo had prohahly then agreed to sup-
port each other against Ts'e.

Far. 5. Though Loo had succeeded in induc-
ing the marquis of Ts'e to withdraw his army,
as related in the last Chuen, it wished to be
prepared against Ts'e in the future, and even to
commence hostilities against it in its turn; —
this was the reason of this mission to Ts*oo. The
Suy in the text had the clan-name of Tung-
mun, [because he had his residence by the

* eastern gate *] . The Chuen says : — * Tung-mun
Seang [the hon. title]-chung, and Tsang Wftn-
chung went to TsHm to ask the assistance of an
army. Tsang-sun [the above Wftn-chung] had
an interview with Tsze-yuh [the minister of
Ts'oo], and tried to persuade him to attack Ts*e
and Sung, on the ground of their not performing
their duty to the king.'

Par. 6. R*wei (Kung-yang has [^) was a
small State in the pres. dts, of Kwei-chow
(^ j^\ dep. E-ch'ang (j|[ g), Hoo-pih.

Its ruling family was of the same surname as
the lords of Ts^oo, — an off -shoot from the ruling
House of that State. The Chuen says:— < The
count of K'wei did not sacrifice to Chuh-yung
and Yuh-heung [the remote ancestors of the
House of Ts*oo and also of K*wei], and an officer
was sent from Ts'oo to reprove him. He replied.
'*The founder of our State, Heung Che, was af-
flicted with a disease, from which those Spirits
did not deliver him, and he was obliged to hide
himself here in K*wei. In this way we lost mtr
connection with TsHx>, and why should we offer
these sacrifices?" In autumn, Ch4ng Tih-shin
[the prime minister of Ts*oo, Tsze-vuh] and
Tow E^shin led an army and extinguished
K'wei, when they carried the viscount back

with them to Ts'oo."

Par.7. For^Kuh-leanghasgg. Min,-
seeonXXm.l. The Chuen says:— TAsdbfib
o/*Sung, in consequence of the service which he
had rendered to the marquis of Tsin m his tron-
derings [see the Chuen at the end of the 28d
year], ventured to revolt fh>m Ts'oo and adhere
to Tsin. In winter, Tsze-yuh, chief minister of
Ts'oo, anS Tsze-se, minister of War, invaded
Sung with a force, and laid siege to Min.'

Par. 8. This is the sequel of par. 5. Kuh,—
see III. vii. 4, et at. The Chuen says: — 'When-
ever an army is at one's disposal to move it to
the right or left, we have the term J[/j[. On

this occtuion^ the duke placed Yung, one of the

sons of duke Hwan of T'se in Kuh, where Yih-
va supported him, as an aid to Loo, while Shuh-
now, duke of Shin, guarded the place on behalf
of Ts'oo. Seven of the sons of duke Hwan
were great officers in Ts'oo.'

Twenty-seventh year.

r =.m Ayjt n.n.

¥ f^. M. ^. ^.

R iM m ^

5 A# ifg

fe. ^e. <2^, ^

200

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

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I-

XXVII.

2
3
4

In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, the viscount of

Ke paid a court-visit to Loo.
In summer, in the sixth month, on K&ng-yin, Ch'aou,

marquis of Ts'e, died.
In autumn, in the eighth month, on Yih-we, there

was the burial of duke Heaou of Ts'e.
On Yih-sze, Suy, son of duke [Chwang], led an army

and entered Ke.
In winter, an officer of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ch'in,

YiAR xxvn.

DUKE HE.

201

the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of Ch4ng, and the
baron of Heu, laid siege to [the capital of] Sung.
In the twelfth month, on Eeah-seuh, the duke had a
meeting with the [above] princes, when they made
a covenant in Sung.

Par. 1. The Chuen says: — 'Duke Hwan of
Re paid a court-visit, and used the ceremonies
of the £, for which reason he is called mereiy yis-
count The duke despised Ke, because of its
want of respectfulness.' Tliis explanation of
the title viscount here must be incorrect; see

what is said on isQ -7* in XXIII. 4. Even the

K'ang-he editors reject Tso-she's view in this
place. The lords of Ke had been degraded by
the king to the rank of viscount ; we shall find
hereafter that thej regained one step of dignity.
It may be mentioned that the viscount in the
text is the same who is mentioned in V. 2, as
presented by his mother, a sister of duke He,
at the court of Loo, when he was a child. He
himself became, a few years after this, a son-in-
law of He.

Par. 2. The Chuen says: — ' At thh time Loo
had reason for resentment against Ts*e, but the
duke did not neglect the obiiervances proper in
cases of death; — which was proper.'

Par. 8. For some reason or other the inter-
ment was hurried.

Par. 4. Too observes that the date here must
be wrong; — ^there was no Tih-sze in the 8th
month of this year, but that day was the 6th of
the 9th month. The Chuen says that this at-
tack of Ke was to punish it for the neglect of
the proper ceremonies, assumed in the Chuen
on the 1st par. Most critics condemn the action
of Loo in making this return to the viscount
for his visit in the spring; — and properly.

Chaou PHUig-fei (^ |j| ^) says that the
true character of Loo may be seen in it ( ffl

^ S ®' # W Jl. ^^ "°«»^« ■»''

crouching before the strong, arrogant and

o^ressive to the weak.

Par. 5. The Chuen says here:— * The vis-
count of Ts*oo, wishing to lay siege to the
et^ital of Sung, made Tsze-w&n exercise and
Inspect the troops for the expedition in E'wei,
and at the end of a whole morning, he
had not punished a single man. Tsze-yuh
in the next place was employed to exercise the
troops in Wei, and at the day's end he
had scourged seven men, amd bored through the
ears of three. The elders of the State all con-
gratulated Tsze-wftn [on his recommendation
of Tsze-yuh], when he detained them to drink
with him. Wd Kea was then still a boy, and
came late, offering no congratulations. Tsze-
wln asked the reason of his conduct, and he
replied, *' I do not know on what I should congra-
tulate you. You have resigned the government
to Tsze-yuh, thinking, no doubt, that his ap-
pointment would quiet the State. But with
quietness in the State and defeat abroad, what
will be gained? The defeat of Tsze-yuh will be
owing to your recommendation of him; and
what cause for congratulation is there in a re-
commendation which will bring defeat to the

State? Tsze-yuh is a violent man, and regardless
of the observances of propriety, so that he is
unfit to rule the people. If he be entrusted with
the command of more than 800 chariots, he will
not enter the capital again. If I congratulate
you after he has returned fh)m being entrusted
with a larger command, my congratulations will
not be too late."

*In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo and ieuereU
other princes laid siege to the capitad of Sung,
the duke of which sent Eung-sun ^oo to Tsin to
report the strait in which he was. SSen Chin said
to the marquisy * Now you may recompense the fa-
vours received from Sung^ and relieve its distress.
The opportunity is now presented to acquire the
proper majesty and make sure of the l^idership
of the Sutes." Hoo Yen said, "Ts'oo has just
secured the adherence of Ts'aou, and recently
contracted a marriage with Wei. If we invade
Ts*aou and Wei, Ts'oo will be sure to go to
their help, and so Sung and Ts'e will be deliver-
ed from it." On this, the marquis ordered a
hunting in Pe4eu, and formed a third army [see
the Chuen after IV. 1.6 J. He then consulted
about a commander-in-chief. Chaou Ts'ui said,
** Reoh H woh is the man. I have heurd him speak.
He explains all about music and proprieties, and
is versed in the Books of Poetry and Histofy.
Those Books are the repository of righteoua-
ness, and in music and proprieties we have
the patterns of virtue, while virtue and righteous-
ness are roots of all advantage. In the Books
of Hea [Shoo, ILi.8, where there is some
difference in the text] it is said, 'They
were appointed by their speech; they were
tested by their works; they received chariots
and robes according to their services.' Let your
lordship make trial of him." On this the marquis
appointed Keoh Hwoh to command the second
army, that of the centre, with Keoh Tsin as his
assistant. Hoo Yen was made commander of
tlie first army, but he declined in favour of Hoo
Maou, and acted as his assistant. The marquis
ordered Chaou Ts*uy to take the third command,
but he declined in favour of Lwan Che and
Seen Chin, on which Lwan Che was made com-
mander of the third annV) with S^n Chin as his
assistant. Seun Lin-foo acted as charioteer
for the marquis, and Wei Ch*ow was the
spearman on the right.

*When the marquis of Tsin got possession
of the State, he taught the people for two
years, and then wished to employ them m
war, Tsze-fan said, *' While the people do
not know righteousness, they will not live
quietly." On this, beyond the State, the marquis
settled the troubles of king Seang, and in it he
studied the people's advantage, till their lives
were happy and cherished by them. He then
wished tu employ them, but Tsze-fan again said,
* The people do not yet know good faith, and do
not understand how they are to be employed.**
On this the marquis attacked Yuen, and showed
them what good faith was, so that in their

VOL T.

202

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK Y.

bargains they sought no advantage, and intelli-
gently fdlflUed all their words. ** May they now
be employed?" asked the marquis, but Tsze-
f an once more replied, ' While they do not know
the obserrances of propriety, their respectfulness
Ib not brought out.' On this, the marquis made
great huntings, and showed them the gradations
of different ranks, making special officers of
degrees to adjust all the services. When the
people could receive their orders, without making
any mistake, then he employed them, drove out

the guards of Kuh [see XXYI. 8], and relieved the

iiege of Sung. The securing of his leadership

of the States by one battle was owing to this
intelligent training.'

The * man of Ts'oo' in the text was Tsae-yoh;
but though he commanded, the viscoant himself
was with the army, — as the Chuen reUtes.

Par. 6. Loo now belonged to the puty of
TsHx), and the duke therefore went to Sung, to
prove his adhesion. The critics needlessly And
a great significance in the express mentioiiflf

*the duke' (,jV), and in the use of the gencnl

phrase *the princes' (^^ ^l|)i without uj
special mention of * the viscoant of TsHxt.'

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EAB XXVm. DUKE HE. 207

tXVIIL 1 In the duke's twenty-eighth year, in spring, the mar-
quis of Tsin maoe an incursion into Ts'aou. He
[also] invaded Wei.

2 Mae, son of duke [Chwang], was guarding Wei. [Be-

cause] he did not do so successfully, [the duke]
put him to death.

3 A body of men fromTs'oo [endeavoured to] relieve Wek

4 In the third month, on Ping-woo, the marquis of Tsin

entered [the capital of] Ts'aou, seized the earl of
Ts^aou, and gave him to the people of Sung.

5 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ke-szc, the

marquis of Tsin, and the armies of Ts^e, Sung, and
Ts'in, fought with the men of Ts'oo in Shing-puh,
when the army of Ts*oo was disgracefully defeated.

6 Ts^oo put to death its great officer, Tih-shm.

7 The marquis of Wei left his State, and fled to Ts'oo.

8 In the fifth month, on Ewei-ch'ow, the duke had a

meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of
Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'ae, the
earl of Ch4ng, the viscount of Wei, and the viscount
of Eeu, when they made a covenant at Tseen-t'oo.

9 The marquis of Ch'in went to the [above] meeting.

10 The duke paid a court-visit in the place where the

king was.

11 In the sixth month, Ch'ing, marquis of Wei, returned

from Ts'oo to his rule in Wei. Yuen Heuen of
Wei left the State, and fled to Tsin.

12 Kwan, marquis of Ch4n, died.

13 In autumn, duke [Chwang's] eldest daughter, [mar-

ried to the former viscount] of Ke, came to Loo.

14 Suy, son of duke [Chwang], went to Ts*e.

15 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis

of Tsin, the marquis of Ts*e, the duke of Sung,
the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of Ch'ing, the Imr-
son of Ch*in, the viscount of Keu, the viscount of
Choo, and an officer of Ts*in, in W&n.

16 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] held a court of recep-

tion in Ho-yanff.

17 On Jin-shin, the duke paid a court- visit in the place

where the king was.

18 An officer of Tsm seized the marquis of Wei, and

carried him to the capital.

19 Yuen Heuen of Wei returned from Tsin to his place

in Wei.

20 The princes then besieged [the capital of] Heu.

21 Seang, earl of Ts*aou, was restored to his State, and

forthwithjoinedtheotherprincesinthesiegeof Heu.

208

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

Par. 1. The Chuen says: — *In spring, the
marquis of Tsin, vishing to invade Ts^aou,
asked to be allowed to inarch through Wei, but
the people of Wei refused the privilege. On
this he retraced his steps, and crossed the Ho at
its most southern part, made an incursion into
Ts'aou, and invaded WeL In the 1st month, on
Mow-shin, he took Woo-luh. In the 2d month,
Keoh Hwoh of Tsin died, and Chin of Yuen got
the command of the second army, Seu Shin taking
his place as assistant-commander of the third,
— from the marquis's high consideration of his
ability. The marquis of Tsin and the marquis
of Ts*e made a covenant at Leen-yu. The
marquis of Wei begged to be admitted to it, but
Tsin refused. He then wished to take the side
of Ts^oo, but the people of the State did not wish
this, and thrust him out, — in order to please
Tsin. On this he left the capital, and resided
at Seang-new.'

The repetition of * the marquis of Tsin ' in the
text indicates that the raid into Ts^aou and the
attack of Wei were two distinct undertakings,
previously determined on. If the meaning were
that Tsin seized the opportunity of being in
Ts'aou to attack Wei as an afterthought, instead

»v

we should have ^-

of the second

Far. 2. The Chuen says : — * Mae was guard-
ing Wei in the interest of Ts'oo, and when the
people of Ts*oo were unsuccessful in relieving it,
the duke became afraid of Tsin, and put Tsze-
ts^ng[t.e., Mae] to death to please it, saying at the
same time to the people of Ts'oo that he j»iit him to
death because he failed in maintaining his guard.'
Maou K'e-ling calls this account of the execution
of Mae into question, principally because the
action of Ts*oo to relieve Wei had not yet been
taken, the mention of it being made only in the
next par. But this is being hypercritical. The
conduct of Loo in the case illustrates the weak-
ness and vacillation in its government, which
have already been pointed out. We have here

^y instead of jK^, the former term being pro-
per to the execution of a great officer in the
record made by the historiographers of the
Bute, as Kung-yang says:— ^ |$ >SJ A

^M^M^% The K*ang.he editors
approve of this explanation, and show that the
use of the term in the Chow Le, BK. XVI., pp.
47,48, often adduced in illustration of the text,
is different.

Par. 3. Here is another instance of the modi-
fied signification that must often be allowed to
j|^. As Chin Foo-l€ttng says, ^ ^ ^

^. Ffij ^ tl ill» 'T8*oo wished to reUeve
Wei, but was not able to do so.'

Par. 4. The Chuen says : — * The marquis of
Tsin besieged the capital of l's*aou, and in an
attack on one of its gates, many of bis soldiers
were killed. The people of Ts'aou took their
bodies, and exposed them on the top of the wall,
to his great distress. Having heard his men
planning among themselves, and saying, **Let
us say that we will go and encamp among their
graves," he removed part oj the army there. The
people of Ts'aou shuddered in their fear, made
coffins for the bodies which tliey liad got, and sent
them forth from the city. The army of Tsin

attacked it while in this consternation, and in
the dd month, on Ping-woo, the marquis entered
the city, declared to the earl his fault in not
employing He Hoo-ke ; and finding that there
were 300 men, who rode in the carriages of
great officers, he required him to produce the
record of their services. He gave orders also
that no one should enter the mansion of He
Hoo-ke, and granted protection to all his rela^
tives; thus recompensing the favour that He
had formerly done him [See the long Chuen at
the end of the 23rd year]. Wei ChH)w and
Teen Heeh were angry at this, and said, " The
marquis has not tried to recompense all our la-
bour in his cause, and here he makes such a re-
turn for a trifling service." On this they went
and burned the house of He, when Wei Cb'ow
was hurt in the breast in the conflagration. Tbe
marquis wished to put him to death [for violat-
ing his command]; but regretting to lose his
ability and strength, he sent a messenger to ask
for him, and to see how he was, intending,
should he be very ill, to execute him. Ch'ow
bound up his breast, and, when he saw the mes-
senger, said, " By the good influence of his brd-
ship, I have no serious hurt,'* jumping up thrice
at the same time, and leaping crosswise thrice.
On this the marquis let him alone, but he pat
to death Teen Heeh, and sent his head round
the army, appointing also Chow Che-k'eaoa to
be spearman on the right of his chariot in the
room of Wei Ch*ow.

* At this time, the duke of Sung sent Pan, the
warden of the gates, to the army of Tsin, to tell
the marquis in what straits he was. The mar-
quis said, " Sung here aimounces its distress. If
we leave it unrelieved, Sung will break off from
us. If we ask Ts*oo to abandon the siege, it
will refuse us. And I want to fight with Ts^w,
but Ts*e and Ts'in are still unwilling to join
us. What is to be done?" Seen Chin said, ** Lei
Sung leave us; offer bribes to Ts'e and Tsin;
and get them to intercede with Ts^oo on its be-
half. In the meanwhile, let us hold the earl of
Ts'aou, and give a portion of the lands of Ts'aott
and Wei to the people of Sung. TsHx), being
fond of Ts*aou and Wei, will be sure to ief!ise
the request of Ts*e and Ts4n, and they, pleased
with Sung*s bribes, and indignant at TVoo'i
obstinacy, will be ready to take the field with
us." llie marquis was pleased with the advice,
made the earl of Ts*aou his prisoner, and gave
over to Sung a portion of the lands of Ts^aoa
and WeL*

According to the Chuen, the marqais of Tiin
did not give the earl of Ts'aou over to Song,
but only a portion of his State. In the text,
however, we can supply no other direct object

to JS^ but the 1^ 4^, which precedes. The

policy of Tsin will be perceived by the reader:
— The miurquis's object was to set TsHx) at vari-
ance with Ts*e and Tsin, so that these States
should join him against it. By heaping favoun,
at the expense of Ts'aou and Wei, on Sung, be
irritated Ts'oo still more against that State, so
as not to listen to the solicitations of Ts'e sod
Ts4n, and be more determined than before to
wreak its anger upon it. Ts*oo would thus offend
the two powerful States, and be goaded on to
try a battle with Tsin.

Par. 6. Shing.puh,— see HI. xxvii. 7. The
Chuen says : — ' The viscount of Ts'oo had i» the

I xxvm.

DUKE HE.

209

time taken np his residence in the chief
of Shin, from which he sent word to Shoh-
of Shin to withdraw Arom Kuh [See on
n., 8], and to Tsze-jnh to withdraw from
r, saying also to the latter^ '* Do not follow
xmj of Tsin. The marquis of Tsin was a
ire abroad for 19 years, and yet he has
leded in getting possession of the State.
has experienced perils, difficulties, and
ships; he is thoroughly acquainted with
truth and the falsehood of men; Heayen
given him length of years, and removed
i who wished to injure him :^-can he whom
^en thus establishes be dinplaoed? The
of War says, 'When things are properly
iged, then return ;* • When you know your-
to be in difficulties, then withdraw;' and
'The Tirtuous man is not to be opposed.'
e three rules are all applicable to the pres-
ise of Tsin.

sze-yuh sent Pih-fbn to Shin to beg to be
ed to fight, saying, '* I do not presume to
hat I shall certainly conquer; but I wish to
the moutli of my calumniators.'' The king
the Yiscount of Ts*oo] was angry, and gave
»ut a few additional troops ;— only the cohort
e west, the guards of the prince of Ts^oo,
he six troops of Joh-gaou, went to join the
in Sung. Tsze-vuh t^ien sent Yuen Ch*un
this message to the army of Tsin : — "Please
itore the marquis of Wei, and re-instate
arl of Ts'aou, and I, in my turn, will give
le siege of Sung." Tsse-fan said, "Tsze-
las no sense of courtesy or propriety! —
lord is to get one advantage, and he him-
a subject, is to get two. We must not
this opportumity ^ fighting,^ Seen Chin
to Tsze-fan, " Accede to the proposal. To
! dke affairs of men may be called the highest
ise of propriety. TsHx) by one proposal
i settle the difficulties of three States ; — if
fr one word in rtpiM prevent this settlement,
we are chargeable with the want of pro-
p ; — and on what grounds can we go on to
? If we refuse to accede to Ts'oo's
wal, we abandon Sung. Our object has
to relieve it; and if we abandon it instead,
will the States think of us ? There will
t cwr refiutal, three States which Ts'oo has
It to benefit, three States whose resentment
ive provoked. When those who are dis-
ed with us become so numerous, where
)e our means to fight? Our best plan will
ivateiy to promise to restore the princes of
m and Wei, so alienating them from Ts'oo;
kt the same time let us seize Yuen Ch*un to
) Ts*oo still more angry. After we have
it, we can take further measures on all
points.** The marquis was pleased with
advice, and accordingly he kept Yuen
n a prisoner in Wei, at the same time
tely promising the princes of Ts*aou and
to restore them to their States ; and they,
^sequence, announced to Ttze-vuh their
ation from the side of Ts*oo. Tsze-yuh
10 angry with Uiese things that he followed
larquis of Tsin, who retreated before hlni.
smaller officers of the army said, "It is
iceftil for the prince of one State thus to

tiie minister of another. The army of
, moreover, has been long in the field ; why
e retreat before it?* Tsze-fan said to

** It is the goodness of its cause which

makes an army strong; yon cannot call it old
because it may have served a long time. But
for the kindness of Ts*oo, we should not be in
our present circumstances; and this retreat of
three stages is to repay that kindness. If the
marquis showed ingntitude for that and ate
his words [See the Chuen at the end of the
2Sd year], so meeting Ts'oo as an enemy, we
should be in the wrong and Ts*oo would be in
the right ; — its host would be as if it had abund- ^
ant rations, and could not be pronounced old •
and wearied. If, when we retire, Ts'oo fdso
withdraw its army, what can it be said that we
are requiring of it ? But if it do not do so,
then our prince retires, and its subject keeps
pressing upon him; — Ts'oo will be in the
wrong." When Tsin had thus retreated 90/«,
the host of Ts*oo wished to stop, but Tsze-yuh
would not do so.

* In summer, in the 4th month, on Mow-shin,
the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, Kwoh
Kwei-foo and Ts'uy Yaou of Ts'e, and Yin, a
younger son of the earl of Ts4n, all halted at
Shing-puh, while the army of Ts'oo encamped
with the height of E in its rear. The marquis
was troubled by the strength of the enemy's position^
but he heard the soldiers singing to themselves
the lines,

" Beautiful and rich is the field on the plain ;
The old crop removed, the new comes amain."

The marquis was doubting about their meaning,
but Tsze-fan said to him, *< Fight. If we fight
and are victorious, you are sure to gain all the
States; if we do not succeed, we have the outer
and inner defences of the mountains and the
Ho, and shall not receive any serious injury."
" But," said the marquis, *' what of the kindness
which I received from Ts*oo?" Lwan Ching-
tsze said, *< All the Ke States north of the Han
have been absorbed by TsHx). You are thinking
of the small kindness which you received your-
self, and forgetting the great disgrace done to
your surname ; — the best plan is to fight." The
marquis dreamt that he was boxing with the
viscount of Ts*oo, when the viscount knelt down
upon him, and sucked his brains. This made
him afraid again, but Tsze-fan said, * The dream
is lucky. We lie looking to heaven, while
Ts*oo is kneeling, as if acknowledging its guilt ;
and moreover, we deal gently with it."

* Tsze-yuh sent Tow Poh, to request that Tsin
would fight with him, saying, *' Let me have a
game with your men. Your lordship can lean
on the cross-board of your carriage and look on,
and I will be there to see you." The marquia
made Lwan Che give the following reply, '* I
have heard your commands. I daied not to
forget the kindness of the lord of Ts'oo, and
therefore I am here. I retired before his officer;
— should I have dared to oppose himself? Since
I have not received your orders not to fight, I
will trouble you, Sir, to say to your leaders,
' Prepare your chariots ; see reverently to your
prince's business; to-morrow morning I will see
you.'"

* The chariots of Tsin were 700, with the har-
ness of the horses on back, breast, belly, and
hips, all complete. The marquis ascended the
old site of Yew-sin to survey the army, when he
said, " The young and the old are all properly
di»poae<i. The troops are fit to be employed."
Tliereaf ter, he caused the trees about to be cut

▼OLT,

210

THE CirUN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

down to increase his munitions of war. On Ke-
Bze, the army was drawn out for battle on the
north of Sin, Seu Shin, with his command, as the
assistant leader of the 3d army, being opposed to
the troops of Ch4n and Ts'ae. Tsze-yuh, with
the 6 troops of Joh-gaou, commanded the army of
the centre, and said, ^* To-day shall make an end
of Tsin ;** while Tsze-se commanded on the left,
and Tsze-shang on the right. Seu Shin, having
corered his horses with tiger skins, commenced
the battle by attacking tlie troops of Ch4n and
Ts'ae, which took to flight, and the right army
of Ts*oo was scattered. Hoo Maou set up two
large flags, and them he carried back, while Lwan
Che, also pretended to fly, dragging branches of
trees behind his chariots [To increase the dust,
and make his movement all the more resemble a
flight]. The army of Ts^oo dashed after the
fugitives, when Yuen Chin and Keoh Tsin, with
the 1st army and the marquis's own, came cross-
wise upon it. At the same time, Hoo Maou and
Hoo Yen attacked Tsze-se on the other side,
and the left army of Ts*oo was scattered. The
army of Ts^oo indeed was disgracefully defeated,
for Tsze-yuh only did not suffer as the other
leaders, because he collected his forces, and
desisted from the flght. The army of Tsin
occupied his camp, and feasted on his provisions
for 8 days, retiring on the day Kwei-yew.*

Par. 6. I'ih-chin died by his own hand, his
ruler refusing to forgive his way wardnessin seek-
ing a battle with Tsin, and the disgrace incur-
red by his defeat. That the text should describe
his death as if he bad been publicly executed, or
at least put to death by the command of the
viscount of Ts*oo, is an instance, tho' only a
minor one, of the misrepresentations of fact
that abound in the classic, and in which Chinet^e
critics will see only the sagely wisdom of Con-
fucius. The Chuen says : — * At an earlier time,
Tsze-yuh had made for himself a cap of fawn-
akin, adorned with carnation gems and with
•trings ornamented with jade : but he had not
worn it. Before the battle, he dreamed that the
spirit of the Ho said to him, " Give your cap to
me, and I will give you the marsh of Mftng-
choo," and that he would not make the
exchange. The dream becoming knotvti, hi* son
Ta-sin and Tsze-se sent Yung Hwang to remon-
strate with him ; but it was in vain. Yung Ke
[Ke was the designation of Yung HwangJ said,
''If by dying you could benefit the State,
perad venture you would do it; how much more
should you be prepared to give up those gems
and jade ! They are but dirt, and if by them
you can beneflt the operations of the army,
why should you grudge them?" The general
would not listen to this counsel ; and when be
came forth, he said to his son and Tsze-se, ** A
Spirit cannot ruin a minister like me. If the
minister do not do his utmost in the service of
the people, he will ruin himself."

* After the defeat, the viscount of Ts*oo sent
to him the message, ** If you come here, how
will you answer to the elders of Shin and Seih
for the death of their chifdrenf' Tsze-se and
8un-pih [Tsze-yuh's son] said to the messenger^
"I'ih-shin was goin;; to die, but we stopped
him, saying that the viscount would himself
like to put him to death." Tsze-yuh then
proceeded to Leen-kuh, and there died [com-
mitted suicide]. When the marquis of Tsin
heard of it, his joy was great. "There is no

one," he said, << to poiaon my foy now. Wei Leo-
shin will indeed be chief minister m TVse-jrvA't
room. But he will himself be his own care; he
will not be devoted to the people." '

Par. 7. We have seen, in the Chuen on par.
5, that the marquis of Tsin had promised to
restore the prince of Wei to his State. But the
latter probably did not believe the promise; and
in an accession of alarm, on hearing of the battle
of Shing-puh, he fled to Ts'oo. According to the
canon that princes who have lost their Statai
should be mentioned by name, the critics vex
themselves to account for the omisaion of the
name here : — see the note of the K'ang-he editon
on the subject.

Par. 8. Tseen-tHx) was Ch4ng, in the north-
west of the pres. dis. of Yung-tsih (^& ^S)t
dep. K*ae-f ung, Ho-nan. The only dUmcalty in
translating the par. is with !9^ -7*. We are

told in the Chuen on the 1st par. how the people
of Wei had driven out their ruler, who took up
his residence in Seaug-new, till he fled to Ts^
as related in the last par. He had left his
brother Shuh-woo, however, in charge of the
State; and he it was who took part in this

meeting and covenant. We cannot translate
-^ by ' son ' or * heir-son,' because ^nh-woo
was not the son, but the brother, of the ruler of

Wei. He seems to be here called 'visooimt,'
and have his place assigned after the eari of
Ch'ing, of whom in other places the 'marqois'
of Wei takes precedence.

According to the Chuen, the king himself wu
present at Tseen-t*oo, and conferred high hon-
ours on the marquis of Tsin, appointing him
also to be the chief of the princes, and leader of
the States. These things should have been
recorded in the classic. That th^ are nol
recorded, is another instance — more important
than the last— of the peculiarity of the Book,
now silent as to certain events, now misrepre-
senting them.

llie Chuen says: — * On Keah-woo, ikt shv^
of Tsin arrived at Hftng-y ung, and caused a palaoa
for the king to be reared in Tseen-tHw. Three
months l>efore the battle of Shing-puh, the earl
of Ch*ing had gone to Ts^oo, and offered the
service of his army ; but after the defeat of TsS»
he was afraid, and sent Tsze-jin Kew to offer
his submission to Tsin. Lwan Che of Tain went
thereon to the capital of Ching, and made a
covenant with the earl, and in the 5th month tliA
marquis himself and the earl made a covenant
in Hftng-yung. On Ting-we, the marqois
presented the spoils and prisoners of Ts*oo to
the king, — 100 chsriots with their horaes all ia
mail, and 1000 foot-suldiers. The earl of Cbing
acted as assistant to the king in treating the
marquis with the ceremonies with which king
P4ng had treated his ancestor [Shoo, V.xxviil].
On Ke-yew, the king feasted him with sweet
spirits, and conferred on him various gifts. He
also commissioned the minister Yin and bis
own brother Uuo, with the histoiiographer of
the Interior, Shuh Hing-foo, to convey the writ-
ten appointment of the marquis of Tsin to be
the chief of the princes, giving him the robes to
be worn in the carriage loomed with metal, sad
those proper for a chariot of war, one red bov
and a hundred red arrows, a black bow and t

tkab xxvm.

DUKE HE.

211

thousand arrovs, a jar of spirits, made fh>m the
black millet, flavoured with herbs, and three
hundred life-guards. The words of the appoint-
ment were, *'The king says to his uncle,
Beyerently discharge the king's commands, so
as to gire tranquiUity to the States in erery
quarter, aiMl drire far away all who are ill-
affected to the king.** Thrice the marquis
declined his honours; but at last accepting
them, he aaid, '*I, Ch*ung-urh, yenture twice
to do obeisance, with my head bowed to the
earth, — and so do I receive and will maintain
the great, distinguished, excellent charge of the
■on of Heaven." With this he received the
tablet, and went out. At this meeting, from
first to last, thrice he had audience of the king.
When the marquis of Wei heard of the defeat
of the army of Ts'oo, he became afhiid, and
fled from, SSana-new to go to Ts'oo. He went,
however, to Cn4n, and sent 8huh-woo under
Uie care of Tuen Heuen to take part in the
covenant of the princes. On Kwei-hae, Hoo, a
son of king Hwuy, presided over a covenant of
them all in the court of the king's palace. The
words of it were, " We will all assist the royal
House, and do no harm to one another. If any
one transgress this covenant, may the intelli-
gent Spirits destroy him, so that he shall lose
bis people and not be able to possess his State,
and, to the remotest posterity, let him have no
descendant old or young!" The superior man
will say that this covenant was sincere, and
that in all this service the marquis of Tsin over-
came by the virtuous training which he had
given to his people.'

In the text no mention is made of king
Seang's brother Hoo taking part in the cove-
nant of Tseen-t*oo. Maou says that he is not
mentioned, because, though he presided over
the oorenant, he was not a party to it, and did
not smear his lips with the blood of the victim.
The covenant was made, aoc. to the text, on
Kwei-cli*ow, the 18th day of the month ; aoc. to
the Chuen, on Kwei-hae, the 28th day. Too
observes that one or other of these dates must
be wrong.

Par. 9. The marquis of Ch*in had been one of
the adherents of Ts'oo, but now he wished, like
other princes, to join the party of the victorious
Tsin. He went to the meeting, but did not ar-
rive at Tseen-t*oo, till the covenant was over.

Par. 10. This par. implies what is related in
the Chuen on p. 8, that the king in person had
met the marquis of Tsin on his return from
the victory at Shing-puh. * The king's place'
was of course *the palace' built for him at

Tseen*t*oo. Kuh-leang says that when SQ

are mentioned, the place should not be given,
and that the mention of the place, where the

Tisit is made or the audience had, intimates
that it is not the proper place for the king to
be in; but the criticism is groundless. I trans-
late ^Q here as usual 'Had an audience'
would be equally sultaUe. Wang K'ib-kwan
C^ ^ ^ ; A. D. 1804—1872) observes that

BjH is a general term to describe audiences
with the ruler iBMUUZMtM

Par. 11. >m ^^, — see on II. XV. 5.' The

Chuen says: — ' Some one accused Yuen Heuen
to the marquis of Wei. saving that he was
raising Shuh-woo to the real niarquisate, and
the marquis thereupon caused Heuon*s son,
Keoh, who was in attendance on him, to be
put to death. NotwitJtsianding this, Heuen did
not disregard the charge which he had received
from the marquis, but supported E-shuh [£ is
the hon. title of Shuh-woo, the marquis's bro-
ther] in the guardianship of the State. In the
6th month, the people of Tsin restored the
marquis, and then the officer Ning Woo [on
the marquis's part] and the people of Wei
made the following covenant in Yuen-puh:—
"Heaven sent down calamity on the State of
Wei, so that the ruler and his subjects were not
harmonious, and we were brought to our pres-
ent state of sorrow. But now Heaven ia
guiding all minds, bringing them in humility to
a mutuJEd accord. If there had not been those
who abode in the State, who would have kept
the altars for the ruler? If there had not been
those who went abroad with him^ who would have
guarded his cattle and horses? Because of
the former want of harmony, we now clearly
beg to covenant before you, great Spirits, asking
you to direct our consciences; — ^from this time
forward after this covenant, those who went
abroad with the marquis shall not presume upon
their services, and those who remained in the
State need not fear that any crime will be
imputed to them. If any break this covenanty
exciting dissatisfactions and quarrels, may the
intelligent Spirits and our former rulers mark
and destroy them I " When the people heard this
covenant, they had no longer any doubts in their
minds. After this, the marquis wished to enter
the capital before the the time agreed upon, the
officer Ning going before him [to prepare the
people]. Ch*ang Tsang who had charge of the
gate, thinking he was a messenger, entered in
the same carriage with him. Mean while the mar-
quis's brother (^h^en-keuen, and Hwa Chung,
rode on ahead of him. Shuh-woo was then about
to bathe ; but when he heard that the marquis
was come, he ran joyfully out to meet him,
holding his hair in his hand, and was killed by
an arrow from one o/* those who had rode on be-
fore. The marquis anew that he had been guilty
of no crime, pillowed the corpse on his own thigh,
and wept over it. Ch'uen-k'euen ran away, but
the marquis sent after him, and put him to death.
Yuen Heuen fled to Tsin.'

The text says that the marquis of Wei return-
ed *from T8*oo ( A ^^),* to which he had fled

in p. 7. The Chuen on p. 8, however, makea
us think that he never went so far as Ts'oo,
but stopt short in his flight, and went to Tsin.
This is also the account of him given in the

^ij SI ^' ^^*^'^<^"8 i°'e" from the j^

that it was Ts*oo which restored the mar-

quis to his State (^ ^ ^ «^); ^^^ '^^'^

was not in a condition at present to put forth

such an influence in behalf of its adherents.

Par. 18. In the 1st par. of last year we have
the viscount of Ke, son of the lady in the text,
at the court of Loo, and in p. 4, an officer of
Loo attacks Ke. The visit here was probably

212

THE CH'UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEK.

BOOK V.

undertaken with reference to the miBunder-
standing between the two States, the mother
of the viscount of the one and sister of the
marquis of the other wishing to reconcile them.
Far. 14. This was a yisit of friendly inquiry.

(HB), for which many reasons can be assigned.

A likely one is that it was a sequel to the cove-
nant at T8een-t*oO) in which both Loo and Ts'e
had taken part.

(The Chuen appends here : — * At the battle
of Shing-puh, the cattle of the army of Tsin
ran, being in heat, into a marsh, cmd were lost ;
the left flag, belonging to the great banner, was
lost; — through K^ Mwan's cUsobeying orders.
The provost-marshal caused him to be put to
death in consequence; the punishment was made
known to all the assisting princes; and Maou
Fei was appointed in his place. On the return
of the army, it crossed the Ho on Jin-woo. Chow
Che-k*eaou had gone home before, and Sze
Hwuy was temporarily made spearman on the
right. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Ping-
thin, the troops in triumphal array entered the
capital of Tsin. The spoils were presented, and
the left ears that had been cut off from the
soldiers of Ts*oo were set forth, ta the temple.
There also the marquis drank the cup of return ;
and distributed rewards on a great scale, pub-
lishing the summons for anotJuar assembly of the
States, and the punishment of those who waver-
ed in their adherence. Chow Che-k*eaou was
put to death, and his doom declared throughout
the State, so that the people were awed into a
great submission. The superior man will de-
clare that duke Wftn excelled in the use of
punishments, awing the people by the execution
of three criminals [Teen Heeh, K*e Mwan, and
Chow Che-k'eaonl. What we read in the Book
of Poetry [She, lU. u. ode IX. 1.],

'* Cherish this centre of the SUte,
To give rest to all within its
four quarters,"

is descriptive of the right use of the regular

punishments.n

Par. 15. Wftn,— see V.x.2. It had been
conferred by king Seang on Tsin, as related in
the Chuen appended to par. 4 of the 25th year.
This meeting was the one, the summons to
which is mentioned in the last Chuen. Kuh-

leang has not the characters Jwf ^^ The

meeting is memorable as the 1st of these ga-
therings of the States at which Ts^in, destined
to absorb them all, was represented.
The marquis of Ch*in, known as duke Kung

(tt '^)> ^^'^ Buooeeded to his father, whose
death is recorded in p. 12, but the father being
not yet buried, he appears here only as ' son,'
and is ranked after the earl of Ch*ing. The
Chuen says that at this meeting, measures were
taken *to punish the States which were not
submissive; meaning Heu, and perhaps also Wei.
Par. 16. Ho-yang was in pres. dep. of Hwae-
k*ing, Ho-nan,— within the territory of Wftn.

For^ Kuh has ^. The Chuen says:— * As

to the assembly here, the marquis of Tsin called
the king to it, and then with ail the princes had
an interview with him, and made him hold a
court of inspection. Chung-ne said, "For a
subject to csil his ruler to any place is a thing

not to be set forth as an example." Therefore
the text says, — " The king held a court of recep-
tion at Ho-yang." The text thus shows that here
was not the place for the king to hold a court,
and also illustrates the excellent service of the
marquis of Tsin.* In this Chuen we have a re-
markable adoussion by Confucius himsdf, that
he misrepresented facts, relating events not ac-
cording to the truth of his knowledge. I sup-
pose that his words stop at 0||, and that in W

^S -y^ -jP* we have the language of Tao-sbe^

intimating that Confucius wanted to give some
intimation — which is very indistinct indeed—
that the thing was not exactly as he said, and at
the same time to acknowledge the good intentkm
of the marquis of Tsin in the whole transactioo.
Par. 17. See on par, 10. Jin-shin was in tiie

10th month. The characters ~4^ M b^^^ pro-
bably been lost firom the oomraenoement of the
par.

Par. 18. The marquis of Wei had been per^
suaded by Ning Woo to go to the meeting at
Wftn; but the marquis of Tsin refused to allow
him to take part in it, and indeed put him un-
der guard, till he should have determined on
his guilt in the death of his brother. Ning Woo
and two other officers, K*een Chwang aid S«
Yung, accompanied thdr ruler to Wftn.

The Chuen says :— ' The marquis of Wei and
Yuen Heuen plesded against each other. The
officer K*een Chwang was rmeaeniatioe of tU
marquis^ as the defendant, with Ning Woo to as-
sist him, and Sze Yung as hia advocate. Hie
marquis's pleas could not be sustained ; and the
marquis of Tsin put Sse Yung to death, and cat
off the feet of K*een Chwang. Conaideiing that
Ning Yu [the name of Ning Woo] had acted a
faithful part, he let him off ; but he soaed the
marquis himself, and conveyed him to the capi-
tal, where he was confined in a dark room, with
Nmg Woo to attend to the supplying him with
provisions in a bag.'

Par. 19. The ^[^ here it of oourae mere-
ly ess ** was restored to his place " as minister.
Heuen had fled from Wei to Tsin, as rdated un-
der par. 1 1, to escape from the marqoia. Things
were now changed. The marquis was a prisoner,
and the disposal of the State seemed to rest with
the officer. The Chuen says: — *Yuen Heuen
returned to Wei, and raised Hea, another son of
duke Wftn, to be marquis.' We must suppose
that Heuen had the authority of the marquis of
Tsin for what he did ; but the critics are unani-
mous in condemning him. The caae of the mar-
quis was now in the king's hands, and Heueo
should have waited for the royal dedaion about
him and the affairs of the State.

Par. 20. Heu, though only a amaU State,
was the most persistent in adhering to the for-
tunes of Ts^, influenced probably by the
consideration of its own contigui^ to that States

The ^^ impliea that the princes proceeded

fh>m their meeting at Wftn and audience of tiie
king, to the attack of Heu, without returning to
their States, or engaging in any other enterprise.
Par. 21. The Chuen says:— * On Ting-chHiw
the princes all laid siege to the cental of Heu.
The marquis of Tsin falling ill. How Now, a
personal attendant of the earl of TaiKm, brihed

Tkab XXIX.

DUKE HE.

213

the officer of diyination, and got him to attribute
the marquis's illness to his dealing with Ts*aou.
"Duke Hwan of Ts*e," reprt$mted tht officer^
** assembled the princes, and established States
of different surnames from his own \e.g^ Hing
and Wei]; but your lordship now assembles
them, and extinguishes States of jour own
surname; for Shuh Chin-toh, the first lord of
TsHu>u was a son of king Wftn, and T^ang-shuh,
our first lord, was a son of king Woo. Not
only is it not proper to assemble the princes and
extinguish any of your own surname, but you
made the same promise to the earl of Ts'aon as
to the marquis of Wei, and you have not
restored the earl as you did the marquis;
— you have not shown good faith. Their crime

was the same, and their punishment is differ-
ent ;'— you do not show an equal justice. It is
by propriety that righteousness is carried out ;
it is by good faith that propriety is maintained ;
it is by equal justice that depravity is corrected.
If your lordship let these three things go, in
what position will you be placed V* The marquis
was pleased, and restored the earl of I's^u,
who immediately joined the other princes at
Heu.'

[The Chuen has here an additional article : —
*The marquis of Tsin formed three ntw columns
ofarmf to withstand the Teih. Seun Lin-foo
had the command of that of the centre; Too
Keih of that of the right, and Seen Mteh of that
of the left.']

Twenty-ninth year.

^±^

K 'M}^*

^ A.^ # K it ;^

T ^ A.3E f|^o^o¥.

XXIX. 1

#I.:S H a » « i ^.^ ^ n

2
3

In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, in spring, Eoh-loo of

Eeae came to Loo.
The duke arrived from the siege of [the capital of] Heu.
In summer, in the sixth month, [the duke] had a meet-

ing with an officer of the king, an officer of Tsin, an

Sung,
an officer of Ts'ae, and an officer of Ts'in, when they

officer of Sung, an officer

king, ai
of Ts'e,

an officer of Ch'in,

4
5

made a covenant in Teih-ts'euen.
In autumn, there was great fall a of hail.
In winter, Koh-loo of Eeae came [again] to Loo.

214

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

Par. 1. Eeae was a small State held by one
of the £ or wild tribes of the east ; — in the south

of the pres. Keaou Chow {t^ tTI)* ^^P* ^^^^'
chow. Kob-loo was the name of its chief at
this time. His coming to Loo would be equiva-
lent to a court-visit (^|}); but such visits were

not interchanged by the princes of China with
the barbarous chieftains, and therefore, we have

timply ^1^, 'he came.' The Chuen says: —

' Koh-loo of Keae came to pay a court-yisit to

the duke, and camped in the country above

Ch'ang-yeo. The duke being absent at the

meeting with the other princes^ they sent him

forage and rice ; — which was proper.'

Par. 2. Kung and Kuh both have „jV before

1^. j^ in Kung is ^tl^, Teih-ts'euen was

near the capital, — 20 ie north-east from the pres.
dis. city of Loh-yang, dep. Ho-nan. The name
was taken from that of a spring which formed a
small lake. The Chuen says : — ^ The duke had
a meeting with king Hwuy's son Hoo, Hoo Yen
of Tsin, Kung-sun Koo of Sung, Kwoh Kwei-

foo of Ts*e, Yuen T*aou-t*oo of Clrin, and the
earl of Ts'in's son Yin, when they made a cove-
nant at Teih-ts*euen ; — to renew and confirm
the covenant at Tseen-t'oo, and to consult about
invading Ching. The names of the ministers
of the difft. States are not in the text ; — ^to con-
demn them. According to rule, a minister of a
State ought not to hold a meeting with a duke
or a marquis, though he may do so with an earl,
a viscount, or a baron.' This decision of Tso-sbe
may be called in question. The view of Hoo

Gan-kwoh and others, that the title *duke (^)'

is omitted in the text to conceal the disgrace
of the marquis meeting with his inferiors, is
ridiculous.

Par. 4. Tso-shc says the hail amounted to a
plague, or great calamity ; and that therefore we
have a record of it.

Par. 5. The Chuen says :— ' He came again,
because he had not seen the duke the former
time. He was received in the court, treated with
ceremony, and feasted in an extraordinary way.
Hearing a cow lowing, he said, * She has hsd
three calves that have all been used as victims.
Her voice says so." On inquiry this was found
to be really Uie case!'

Thirtieth year.

=f%hK

^ m mM mm mm
^ AM ^Ttm mm

^.mM s.w S 5 5 f S

aE i i^ m.m

^»i 0 ^w Wx nw

rxAH XXX.

DUKE HE.

215

mz^2f W.ii ^M A^ ^ ffl.tr ^ ^ IS w W

T Aii ?|5 A H 81 i^ W.^ :5!yi A$i ^.^M U m

ZMM Z.Z ^Zm'f' ^M m

^mzmM^zt^'T^isk^m.

M.^ r- m MM ^M M.^,Z w.

t<M A 5ft ^ # J[^ ^M ^ y^M

XXX. 1

2
3

4
5

It was the [duke's] thirtieth year, the spring, the king's

first month.
In summer, the Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
In autumn, Wei put to death its great officer, Yuen

Heuen, and duke [Wfin's] son, Hea.
Ch'ing, marquis of Wei, returned to Wei.
A body of men from Tsin and one from Ts'in laid siege

to [the capital of] Ch'ing.
A body of men from Keae made an incursion into

Seaou.
In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent his chief

minister, the duke of Chow, to Loo, on a mission

of friendly inquiries.
Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to the capital, and at

the same time went to Tsin.

216

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

Par. 2. The Chuen says:— • An officer of
Tsin was condacting an incunion into Ch^ing,
to see whether that State could be attacked
with advantaae or not. The Teih took the op-
portunity of Tsin*8 being thus occupied with
ChHng, and in the summer made an incursion
into Ts*e.' Woo Ching sajs :— • In the winter of
the duke*s 28th year, Tsin proceeded from the
meeting at Wftn to besiege Heu, and yet Hen
did not submit. In the summer of the 29th
year, at the covenant of Teih-tseuen, the mar-
quis consulted about an incursion into Ch'ing,
and yet Ch*ing showed no signs of fear. And
now in the summer of this year, the Teih
seized their opportunity, and made an incursion
into Ts*e. It is plain tliat after the battle of
8hing-puh «nd the meeting of Tseen-t^ the
power of duke Wftn as leader of the States
went on gradually to decay: — ^the state of
things at this time might have led him to re-
flection 1 '

Par. 8. Compare on p. 6 of the 28th year.
By Wei we must understand the marquis of
Wei, who instigated the murder of Yuen, though
it was committed before his entrance into the
capital We haye in the Chuen : — * The mar-
quis of Tsin employed the physician Yen to
poison the marquis of Wei, but Ning Yu bribed
the physician to make the poison so weak
that his master did not die of it. The duke [of
Loo] after this inten^eded on his behalf, and
presented the king and the marquis of Tsin each
with 10 pairs of jade ornaments. The king
acceded to the duke's intercession, and in autumn
the marquis of Wei was released. He then
bribed Chow Ch*uen and Yay Kin, saying,
'If you can secure my restoration, I will
make you my high ministers." On this Chow
and Yay killed Yuen Heuen, with Tsze-teih and
Tsze-e. When the marquis was entering the
ancestral temple to sacrifice to his predecessors,
Chow and Yay were there in full dress to re-
ceiye their charge as ministers. Chow preceded,
but when he came to the door, he was taken ill,
and died, upon which Kin declined the appoint-
ment.'

Nothing is said in the Chuen on the ^ ^

J* ]^, which iu many editions is made to

form a paragraph by itself. Two questions
haye * vexed' the critics greatly. Ist, Hea had
been marquis of Wei for more than a year [see
XXVIU. 19, and the Chuen on it] ; how is it
that in the text he is simply called * duke's son'
C^-^)? To meet this difficulty, Lew Ch*ang

($9 ^; A. D. 1019-1097) denies the truth of

the statement, jj^ j^ "TT 3©' ^^ *^*® Chuen
referred to, so that Hea had never been anything
but ^^ -^ ; on which the K'ang-he editors re-
mark that the truth of the Chuen is not to be
doubted. Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks that though
Yuen Heuen had made Hea marquis as the
Chuen says, yet Hea had never accepted the dig-
nity, and only considerd himself as holding the
place of his brother, till he should be liberated
ftom his captivity; and that consequently the

j^ "T* of the text is the endorsement of his
integrity. Wang Yuen (^ -jQi in the end of

the Sung d^asty), holds that Hea had accepted
the marqmsate ^m Yuen Heuen, and was as
guilty as his minister, so that the text calls him

merely ^j^Hp*, to show that his twelve months*

tenure of dignity was only a usurpation. The
imperial editors, setting aside these three views
approve of that of Too Yu, who admits thai
Ilea had been made marquis by Yuen, but

thinks that the title of "& or 'ruler' is not

given to him, because he had not been recog-
nized by the princes at any general meeting of
the States ; and they then go on to set forth the
usage of the classic in such cases as that of Hea
and his brother more fully than Too had done.
2d, What signiflcancy is there in the record
of the death of Hea following that of Yuen, with

the connecting ^^ between them ? Should the
ruler thus follow his officer? The text indi-
cates that Hea had been the tool of Yuen, and
was involved consequently in the same fate.
Maou aplty refers to U. ii 1, where the ruler pre-
cedes the offlom with the same "H^ between: —

Par. 4. In XX VIII. 11, the former return of
the marquis to his State is described by

; here we have sf simply. The reason of

the difference in the language probably is, that
in the former case the marquis had fled from
Wei, and so left it as it were by his own act,
while in the other he had been detained fVom it
by the action of the marquis of Tsin, and against
his own wilL

Par. 5. The Chuen says : — * In the 9th month,
on Keah-woo, the marquis of Tsin and the
earl of Ts*in laid siege to Ch'ing, because of the
want of courtesy wluch the earl of it had shown
to the marquis in his wanderings [See the
Chuen at the end of the 2dd year], and because
he was with double-mindedness inclining to
Ts*oo. The army of Tsin took a position at
Han-ling, and that of TsHn one at Fan-nan.
Yih Che-hoo said to the earl of Ch'ing, <'The
State is in imminent peril. If you send Chuh
Che-woo to see the earl of Ts^in, his army is
sure to be withdrawn." The earl took the
advice, but Chuh Che-woo declined the mission,
saying, ** When your servant was in the strength
of his age, he was regarded as not equal to
others ; and now he is old, and unable to render
any service." The earl said, '< That I was not
able to employ you earlier, and now beg your
help in my straits, I acknowledge to be my
fault. But if Ch*ing perish, you also will suffer
loss." On this Che-woo agreed, and undertook
the mission.

'At night he was let down from the city-wall
by a rope; and when he saw the earl of Ts*in,
he said, "With Tsin and Ts*in both besieging
its capital, Ch'ing knows that it must perish.
If the ruin of Ch*ing were to benefit your lord-
ship, I should not dare to speak to you; — ^you
might well urge your officers and soldiers in

Ybab XXXI.

DUKE HE.

217

such a caae. But yon know the diflBculty there
would be with such a distant border, another
State intervening. Of what advantage is it to
you to destroy Ch'ing to benefit your neighbour?
His advantage will be your disadvantage. If
you leave Ch*ing to be master and host here on
the way to the east, when your officers go and
come witii their baggage, it can minister to
their necessities; — and surely this will be no
injury to you. And moreover, your lordship
was a benefactor to the former marquis of Tsin,
and he promised you Ute cities of Tseaou and
Hea; but in the morning he crossed the Ho, and
in tlie evening he commenced building defences
against you: — this your lordship knows. But
Tsin is insatiable. Having made Ching its
boundary on the east, it will go on to want to
enlarge its border on the west. And how will
it be able to do that except by taking territory
from Ts^in? To diminish Ts^in in order to
advantage Tsin:— this is a matter for your
lordship to think about."

*Tlie earl of Ts4n was pleased with this
speech, and made a covenant with the people of
Ch4ng, appointing Ke Tsze, Fung Sun, and
Tang Sun to guard the territory, while he him-
•elf returned .to Ts''in, Tsze-fan asked leave to
pursue and smite him, but the marquis of Tsin
said, ** No. But for his assistance I should not
have arrived at my present state. To get the
benefit of a roan's help, and then to injure him,
would show a want of benevolence, To have
erred in those with whom I was to co-operate
shows my want of knowledge. To exchange
the orderly array m which we came here for one
of disorder would show a want of warlike skill.
I will withdraw." And upon this he also left
Ching.

'Before this, Lan, a son of the earl of
Ch'ing, had fied from that State to Tsin. Fol-
lowing the marquis of Tsin in the invasion of
Ch*ing, he begged that he might not take any
part in, or be present at, the siege. His request
was granted, and he was sent to the eastern
border of Tsin to wait for further orders. Shih

Keah-foo and How Seuen-to now came to meet
him, and hail him as his father's successor, that
by means of him they might ask peace from
Tsin ;— and this was granted to them.'

It appears from the Chuen that the lords of
Tsin and Ts^in were both with their forces in
Ch*ing. We must suppose, however, that they
did not themselves command, and hence we

have ^ ^, ^ ^ in the text Too Tu
says the ^ were ij^ ^, 'amall men' of in-
ferior rank, but ^ need not be so limited;

and in fact we know that Tsise-fan was in the
army of Tsin.

Par. 6. SSaou appears before this in the
Chuen on III. xii. 8. It was a small State, a
Foo-yung of Sung, and has left its name in the

pres. dis. of Seaou, dep. Seu-chow (^f 7li)>
Keang-soo. Chang Heah supposes that tiie
visits of the chief of Kgae to Loo in the last
year were somehow connected with the move-
ment in the text.

Par. 7. Compare on I. ix.1.

ii here

■^ ^^» *tJ^e prime minister,' ai in IX. 2.

The Chuen says: — ^At the entertainment to him,
there were the pickled roots of the sweet flag cut
small, rice, millet, and the salt in the form of a
tiger, all set forth. Yueh [the prime minlster't
name] declined rac/i an entertainment, saying, 'The
ruler of a State, whose civil talents make him
illustrious, and whose military prowess makes him
an object of dread, is feasted with such a com-
plete array of provisions, to emblem his virtues.
The five savours are introduced, and viands of
the finest grains, with the salt in the shape of
a tiger, to illustrate his services ; but I am not
worthy of such a feast.'

Par. 8. The Chuen says : * Tung*mun S^ang-
chung l^see the Chuen on XXVL 5] was going
with friendly inquiries to Chow, when he took
the occasion to pay a similar visit in the first
place to Tsin.'

Thirty-first year.

VOL ▼.

g THE CH-UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN. BOOK

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XXXI. 1 In the [duke's] thirty-first year, we took the lands of
Tse-se.

2 Duke [Chwang'a] son, Su)', went to Tain.

3 In summer, in the fourth month, [the duke] divined a

fourth time for [the day of] the border sacrifice.

4 The divination was adverse, and so the victim was let

5 Still he offered the sacrifices to the three objects of

Survey.

6 It was autumn, the seventh month.

7 In winter, duke [Chwang's] eldest daughter — she of Ke

— came [to Loo], seeking for a wife [for her son].

8 The Teih besieged [the capital of] Wei.

9 In the twelfth month, Wei removed its capital to Te-

k'ew.

f ou iriU not be id time to get any." The offlcer
acted recording ty, and got for hit iharo of tho
territory of Ts'aau all tlie portion extending
rrnm T'aou to the south and eut a* far M Iha
Tee.' But this account of Loo's acqniiition of
Tm-w ban been niuch qoeitionea. Chaoo
K'waiif;, Lew ClJ'aiig, and many othera, dU-
carding tbe ideH of il< being a gift fhim Tiin,
hold thai tbe lerrilorj haii forrafrly belonged
to Loo. bad been taken from it by 'Ti'aoa, and
that Loo now claimed and retook it. They
make a canon, that whereTer Loo ii mentioned
aa 'taking' towns or land, and no name of a
State lo which they belonged i( given, we are
to underaland that Loo was only retaking ila
own. Mauu. according to hia wont, ia mote
bold and decisive in his view, arguing tttonglj
against the alleged grant of Tsin, and M^iog
that Loo took the opportunity of Ta'aou's diffl-

Par. I. In III. xvUI. 2 the character! ^
|)E| denote sitnply ' weat of the Tse,' but here,
and in VII. i. 8, x. 2, they muit be the name of
a certain district or tract of country, tbe exact
position of which it is now impossible to define.
AsTooYusayB,^|l^^. Tso-shesay.
that it wu a portion of the territory of Ts>aou,
which tbe Diarquis of Tsin had apportioned to
otlier Slates in the duke's 28th year; and he
tells the following story about the acquisition
of it:— 'The duke sent Tseng Wln-clmng (o
rtceive ill portion I who was passing a night at
Ch'ung-kwan, tbe people of whii^h saiil to him,
"Tsin, having recently secured the adherence
of the princes, will be most kind t<i those who
ue most respectful. If you don't make haste.

TSAB XXXI.

DUKE HE.

219

calties to attack it and deprive it of this terri-
tory. This is the proper explanation of the
text. The canon referred to is exploded by
Vn.i2.

Par. 2. Tso-she sajs that S§ang-chiing went
to Tidn to render thanks and acknowledgement
for the fields of Ts^aoa. But Loo would think
it necessary to communicate its acquisition of
the territory to the leader of the States, though
not indebted for it to his gift.

Parr. 3—5. The question of which border
sacrifice is here spoken of has been much agi-
tated. Kung-yang, followed by Hoo Gan-kwoh
and others, thinks it is the sacrifice at the win-
ter solstice, the grand sacrifice to Heaven or
God, which was proper only in the king, but
the right to ofiTer which had been granted, it is
said, by king ChMng to the duke of Chow, the
founder of the House of Loo. Maou and others
think the sacrifice intended is that of the spring,
— ^the sacrifice to God, desiring a blessing on the
grain. This is mentioned in the Chuen on II. ▼.
7; and I must believe it is that referred to here.
We cannot suppose that duke He was still, in
the 4th monUi, divining about the sacrifice
which should have been offered, if offered by him
at all, in the first. The divining was to tx the
day on which the sacrifice should be offered,

which was restricted to one of the tin (^^)

days in the month, the 1st of the 3 being deem-
ed the luckiest. Kung-yang thinks that if the
Ist till day of the 1st month was unlucky, then
the 1st of the 2d was tried, and so on to the 3d
month; but it is better to suppose that on this
occasion the 3 sin days of the 3d month were all
divined for and proved unlucky, so that a fourth
divination was made for the 1 st sin day of the 4th
month, as the sacrifice might be presented up to
the time of the equinox. When this also proved
unfavourable, the sacrifice was put off for that

year, and the victim was let go (^ Ij^ j^

•{^X Tan Tsoo (P^)^ f^ ; of the 2d half of

Che 8th centuiy) says, with regard to the spring
sacrifice: — *Two victims were kept and fed; —
one for the sacrifice to God, and one for that to
How-tseih. If the divinations in the three de-
cades proved all unfavourable, the border sacri-
fice was not offered. If the former bull died or
met with any injury, the tortoise-shell was con-
sulted about using the second in his place. If
the divination forbade such a substitution, or
that second bull also died, the sacrifice was also
in this case abandoned. When this was done,
the tortoise-shell was again consulted about let-
ting the victim, if it were alive, go; and it was
let go or kept on, as the reply was favourable or
not.'

,— see the Shoo 11. i. 7. The Wang sacri-
fice was offered by the emperor or king to all
the famous hills and rivers of the country ; and
by princes of States to those within their own
territory. What were the three great natural
objects sacrificed to in Loo is doubtful. Most
critics, after Kung-yang, make them — mount
T'ae, the Ho, and the sea. Too Yu makes them
certain stars, mth the mountains of Loo and its
rivers, — after Kea Kwei and Fuh K'een. Ch4ng
Heuen, considering that the Ho did not flow
through IjOOy substituted the Hwae for it in
Kung-yang*s explanation. The K*ang-he edi-

tors, arguing from a passage in the Chow Le,
Bk. XXII. 8-12, make the Wang sacrifices out
to be something different from those to the hills
and rivers. Kung-yang's view, or rather CIiMng
Heuen's modification of it, which Maou adopts,
is to be preferred.

The Wang sacrifices were offered at the same
time as the border, and ancillary to them ; and
might be disused when the greater sacrifice
was given up. They remain now in the sacri-
fices to the heavenly bodies, the wind, and rain,
which accompany the sacrifice of the winter
solstice, and those to the mountains, seas, and
rivers, offered at the summer.

The above lemarks on these parr, have been
gathered and digested from many sources.
Tso-she says on them : — * What is stated in all
the paragraphs was contrary to rule. Accord-
ing to rule, there was no consulting about a
r^ular sacrifice ; only the victim and the day
were divined about. When the day had been
fixed, the bull was called the victim ; and when
the victim was thus determined on, to go further
divining about the sacrifice itself, was for the
duke to show indifference to the ancient statutes,
and disrespectful urgency to the tortoise-shefi
and the mil/oiL* This view is very questionable.

Par. 6. [To this the Chuen appends a note
about Tsin : — ^ In autumn, the marquis of Tsin
held a review in Ts'ing-yuen (t.«. the plain of
Ts4ng), and formed [all his troops into] five
armies, [Xh» better] to resist the Teih, Chaou
Ts*uy being appointed to the chief command [of
the two new armies.']

Par. 7. For 1^ here see on XXV.S. The

lady has been mentioned in XXVIII. 13. The
son for whom she sought a wife was, no doubt,
the ruling viscount of Ke, mentioned in XXVII.
1, as coming to Loo, soon after his accession to
the State.

Parr. 8,9. We saw, in the 2d year of duke
Min, what injury the Teih then wrought to Wei.
They obliged the removal of its principal city
to Ts*oo-k*ew in the 2d year of duke He ; and
we find them here necessitating another re-
moval. Te-k'ew was in K'ae Chow (Bi y^\
dep. Ta-ming. As preliminary to the Chuen,
it may be mentioned that How-seang (1^ >tB')*

the 5th of the sovereigns of Hea, was obliged to
reside for a part of liis life in Te-k*ew. The
Chuen says : — * The marquis of Wei consulted
the tortoise-shell about Te-k^ew, and was told
his House should dwell there for 300 years.
Soon ajter, he dreamt that K*ang-8huh, [the 1st
marquis of Wei], said to Inm that Seang
took away from him the supplies of his offer-
ings. The marquis on this gave orders to
sacrifice also to Seang ; but the officer Ning Woo
objected, saying, ** Spirits do not accept the
sacrifices of those who are not of their own
line. What are Ke and Ts&ng [States of the
line of Hea] doing? For long Seang has re-
ceived no offerings here, — not owing to any
fault of Wei. You should not interfere with
the sacrifices prescribed by king Cli'ing and
the duke of Chow. Please withdraw the order
about sacrificing to Seang.*

[The Chuen appends here: — Seeh Kea of
Ch'ing hated Kung-tsze Hea, and the marquis
also hated him. Ilea tlierefore fled from the
State to T8*oo.']

220

THE CH*DN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

Thirty-second year.

BOOK Y.

A f 6 pg 3E -t-

9\ W,

^mmz'X^iiimum^nzm.^MmzM

" Zr.^m Z.^ m.Z.B,^ ^:k^,

XXXII. 1 It was the [duke's] thirty-second year, the spring, the

king's first month.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ee-ch^ow, Tseeb,

earl of Ch'ing, died.

3 A body of men from Wei made an incursion into [the

country of] the Teih.'

4 In autumn, an officer of Wei made a covenant vith

the Teih.

5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ke-maou, Cheung*

urh, marquis of Tsin, died.

Par. 1. [The Chnen here introduces a short
note about the relations of Tsin and Ts*oo : —
* In the spring, Tow Chang of Ts^oo came to
Tsin and requested peace. Yang Ch*oo-foo re-
turned the Tisit from Tsyw. This was the com-
mencement of communications between Tnn
and Ts*oo.]

Par. 2. For j^ Kung-yang has :^
Parr. 8,4. The Teih, it appears, had not doM
Wei so much injury in the prerioos year, si is
the time of duke Min. The Chuen sayf>^'lB
summer, when there was disorder among tk*
Teih, a body of men from Wei made an inctf^

tbak xxxm.

DUKE HE.

221

sion into their country. The Teih begged for
peace, and in autumn an officer of Wei made a
covenant with them.'

Par. 5. The marquis of Tain thus enjoyed
the dignity at which he arrived, after so many
hardships and wanderings, only for nine years.
He had several attributes of the hero about
him, and we cannot but wish that he had been
permitted a longer time in which to exercise his
leadership of the States. Confucius (Ana. XIV.
xvi.) compares him unfavourably with Hwan of
Ts'e ; but his judgment of the two men may be
questioned.

'The Chuen says: — *0n Kftng-shin, they
were conveying his cofSn to place it in the tern-
pk at K'euh-ynh, when, as it was leaving Keang,
there came a voice fW)ra it like the lowing of
an angry bull. The diviner Ten made the great
officers do obeisance to tht coffin, saying, '* His
lordship is charging us about a great affair.
There will be an army of the west passing by us ;
ve shall smite it, and obtain a great victoiy."

'Now Ke Tsze [see the Chuen on XXX. 5]
had sent information from Ching to Ts^in, say-
ing, "The people of ChHng have entrusted to
my charge the key of their north gate. If an
army come secretly upon it, the city may be
got. Duke Muh [the earl of Ts4n] consulted
Keen Shuh about the subject, and that officer
replied, * That a distant place can be surprised

by an army toiled with a long march is what I liave
not learned. The strength of the men will be
wearied out with toil, and the distant lord will be
prepared for them ;— -does not the undertaking
seem impracticable? Ch4ng is sure to know
the doings of our army. Owr soldUrSj enduring
the toil, and getting nothing, will become dis-
affected. And moreover, to whom can such a
march of a thousand le be unknown ?" The
earl, however, declined this counsel, called
for Mftng-ming [the son of Pih-le He], Se-k*eih,
and Pih-yih, and ordered them to collect an
army outside the east gate. K^een Shuh wept
over it, and said, "General Mftng. I see the
army's going forth, but I shall not see its entry
again." The earl sent to say to him, " What do you
know, you centenarian ? It would take two hands
to grasp the tree upon your grave [t.^., you
ought to have died long agoj " Keen Snuh*s son
also went in the expedition, and the old man
escorted him, weeping and saying, " It will be at
Heaou that the men of Tsin will resist the
army. At Heaou there are two ridges. On the
southern ridge is the grave of the sovereign
Kaou of the Hea dynasty; the northern it

where king Wftn took refuge from the wind and

rain. Ton will die between them. There I

will gather your bones." Immediately after

this the army of Ts*in nuurched to the east.'

Thirty-third year.

X B.

222

THE CHUN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN,

BOOK V.

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Yeas XXXIII.

DUKE HE.

223

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224

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOKT.

^. jS&» ^.

XXXIII. 1

5
6
7

8
9

10
11
12

±.m m.^ ^.)i m ±.m.^ ©
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In the [duke's] thirty-third year, in spring, in the

king's second month, an army from Ts^in entered

Hwah.
The marquis of Ts'e sent Kwoh Kwei-foo to the duke

on a mission of friendly inquiries.
In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-sze, the men

of Tsin and the Eeang Jung defeated [the army

of] Ts^in at H6aou.
On Kwei-sze there was the burial of duke W&n of

Tsin.
The Teih made an incursion into Ts*e.
The duke invaded Choo, and took Tsze-low.
In autumn, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, led an army,

and invaded Choo.
A body of men from Tsin defeated the Teih in Ke.
In winter, in the tenth month, the duke went to Ts'e.
In the twelfth month, the duke arrived from Ts^e.
On Yih-sze, the duke died in the Small chamber.
There fell hoar-frost without killing the grass. Plum

trees bore their fruit.
A body of men from Tsin, one from Ch'in, and one

from Ch'ing, invaded Heu.

Par. 1. Hwah,— see III. iii. 6. From the
lait Chuen we see that ^S ^ here denotes
* an armjr of Tsin,* not inconsiderable in num-
bers, and under commanders of no mean rank.

*yl denotes that they entered the city, but

did not keep possession of the territory.* The
Chuen says: — 'In spring, the army of Tsin
was passing by the north-gate of [the royal
city of] Chow, when the mailed men on the right
and left of the chariots [merely] took off their
helmets and descended, springing afterwards with
a bound into the chariots, — the 300 of them.
Wang-sun Mwan vm still quite young; but
when he saw this, he said to the king, *The
army of Tsin acts lightly and is unobservant of
propriety; — it is sure to be defeated. Acting
so lightly, there must be little counsel in it.
Unobservant of propriety, it will be heedless.
When it enters a dangerous pass, and is heed-
less, be^ug moreover without wise counsel, can
it escape defeat ?

* When the army entered Hwah, Heen Kaou,

a merchant of ChMng, on his way to traffic in
Chow, met it. He went with four dressed hides,
preceding 12 oxen, to distribute them among the
soldiers, and said [to the general], ** My prince,
having heard that you were marching with
your anny, and would pass by his poor city,
ventures thus to refresh your attendants. Our
poor city, when your attendants come there.

can supply them, while they stay, with one dsT*!
provisions, and provide them, when they go^ with
one night's escort." At the same time he sent
intelligence of what was taking place with sll
possible speed to Ching. The earl, [on receiving
the tidings], sent to see what was going od
at the lodging houses which had been buk
for themuxrds of TnHn, and found there buodlei
all readfy, waggons loaded, weapons sharpened,
and the horses fed. On this ne sent Hwsof
Woo to decline theur further services, and nj
to them, "You have been detained, Sirs, M
long at our poor city. Our dried flesh, our
money, our rice, our cattle, are all used ll^
We have our park of Yuen as Ts^in has its d
Ken. Suppose yon supply yourselves with deer
from it to give our poor city some rest." On
this Ke Tsze fled toTs*e, while Fung Son tod
Yang Sun fled to Sung. Mftng-miDg stk^
"Chlng is prepared for us. We cannot hope
to turprise it. If we attack it, we shall not im-
mediately lake it; and if we Uy siege to it, ve
are too far off to receive succour. Let ns t^
turn." The army oj TV'ta then proceeded to ex-
tinguish Hwah, and returned.']

Par. 2 ; In the duke's 28th year, Knog-tne
Suy went to Ts'e on a friendly mission. The
visit in the text was, probably, the response to
it. Kwei-foo was the ambassador's name. Tte
Chuen calls him Kwoh Chwang-t8ze,ortheofl*
cer Kwoh, Chwang being his honorary title.
The Chuen says:— » When Kwoh Chwang of T$t
came on his friendly mission, from his receptioo
in the borders to the parting feast and gift*

ykab xxxm.

DUK£ HE.

225

to him, he was treated with the utmost ceremony,
and also with sednloas attention. Tsang Wftn-
chung said to the duke, '* Since the officer Kwoh
administered its goYt., Ts^e has again showed

all propriety towards ua. Tour lordship should
pay a visit to it. Tour servant has heard that
submission to those who are observant of pro-
priety is the [surest] defence of the altars."'
Par. 8. After ^s, Tso-she aod Kuh-leang

have j^jjj. Heaou was a dangerous defile^ — in

the pres. dis. of Yung-ning (^ ^S}i dep.

Ho-nan. The Chuen says: — *[Seen] Chin of
Yuen said to the marquis of Tsin, " [The earl of]
Ts*in, contrary to the counsel of Keen Shuh, has,
under the influence of greed, been imposing toil
on his people ; — this is an opportunity given us by
Heaven. It should not be lost; our enemy
should not be let go unassailed. Such diso-
bedience to Heaven will be inauspicious ;— we
must attack the army of Ts4n." Lwan Che
said, "We have not yet repaid the services
rendered to our last lord by Tsin, and if we
now attack its army, this is to make him dead
indeed!'* Seen Chin replied, "Ts4n has shown
no sympathy with us in our loss, but has attack-
ed [two States of] our surname. It is Ts4n who
has been unobservant ot propriety; — what have
we to do with [former] favours? I have heard
that if you let your enemy go a single day,
you are preparing the misfortunes of several
generations. In taking counsel for his posterity,
can we be said to be treating our last ruler as
dead?"

'The [new marquis] instantly issued orders
[for the expedition]. The Keang Jung were
called into the field on the spur of the moment.
The marquis [joined the army J, wearing his son's-
garb of unhemmed mourning, stained with black,
and also his mourning scarf. Leang Hwang
was his charioteer, and Lae Ken his spearman
on the right. In summer, in the 4th month, on
8in-sze, he defeated the army of Ts4n at Heaou,
took [the commanders], Pih-le Mftng-ming-she,
Se-k'eih Shuh, and Pih-yih Ping, prisoners, and
hrought them back with him to the capital, from
which he proceeded in his dark-stained mourning
garb to inter duke Wftn, which thenceforth be-
came the custom in Tsin. Wftn Ying [duke
Wftn's Ts'in wife] interceded for the prisoners,
saying, **In consequence of their stirring up
enmity between you and him, [my father], the
earl of Ts'in, will not be satisfied even if he
should eat them. Why should you condescend
to punish them? Why should you not send
them back to be put to death in Ts*in, to satisfy
the wish of my lord there?" The marquis
acceded to her advice.

* Seen Chin went to court, and asked about
the Ts*in prisoners. The marquis replied, * My
father's widow requested it, and I have let them
go." The officer in a rage said, * Your warriors
by their strength caught them in the field,
and now they are let go for a woman's brief
word in the city. By such overthrow of the
services of the army, and such prolongation of
the resentment of our enemies, our ruin will
come at no distant day." With this, without
turning round, he spat on the ground,

*■ The marquis sent Yang Ch'oo-foo to pursue
after the liberated commanders f but when he got

to the Ho, they were already on board a boat.
Loosing the outside horse on the left of his cha-
riot, he said he had the marquis's order to pre-
sent it to Mftng-ming. Mftng-ming bowed his
head to the ground, and said, '*Your prince's
kindness in not taking the blood of me his pris-
oner to smear his drums [See Mencius, I. Pt. I.,
vii. 4], but liberating me to go and be killed in
Ts*in ; — this kindness, should my prince indeed
execute me, I will not forget in death. If by
your prince's kindness I escape this fate, in
three years I will thank him for his gift."

*' The earl of Ts'in, in white mourning garments,
was waiting for them in the borders of the capi-
tal, and wept, looking in the direction where
the army had been lost. **By my opposition to
the counsel of Keen Shuh," he said, ** I brought
disgrace on you, my generals. Mine has been
the crime; and that I did not [before] dismiss
Mftng-ming [from such a service] was my fault.
What fault are you chargeable with ? I will not
for one error shut out of view your great merits.'

The last Book of the Shoo is said to have
been made by the earl of Ts*in on occasion of
this defeat ; — see the note on the name of that
Book. The few sentences of the Chuen are
much more to the point than all its paragraphs.
The K*ang-he editors have a long note, in
which they discuss the question whether Tsin
was justified in attacking Ts4n in HSaou, and
conclude that it was so. The blame implied, as

they fancy, in the K^ of ^^ ^^, they explain

as kindly meant to hide tlie fact of the marquis
of Tsin, in deepest mourning, and his father
yet un buried, taking part in such an aflfair; but
this is unnecessary. The marquis may have
been near the defile, but all the arrangements
were made by Seen Chin who was the actual
commander in the aff\iir. The Keang Jung, re-
presented as descendants of Yaou's chief minis-
ter, came readily to the help of Tsin, because
duke Hwuy had kindly received and protected
them, when they were driven out of their old
seats by Ts4n.
Par. 5. Tso-she says the Teih ventured on

this, 'taking advantage of the mourning in

Tsin.'

Kung-yang has ^^ ;

The place must have

Parr. 6,7. For
Kuh-l($ang has

been in Tse-ning Chow (|^ ^ ^*|), dep. Yen-
chow. The Chuen says : — ' The duke invaded
Choo, and took Tsze-low, to repay the action at
Shing-hing [see p. 8 of the 22d year]. The
people of Choo did not make preparations to
receive an enemy ; and in autumn Seang-chung
again invaded it.'
Par. 8. Ke was 35 le south from the pres.

dis. city of T'ae-kuh (^ ^), dep. T'ae-yuen,

Shan-se. The Chuen says:— * The Teih in-
vaded Tsin, and came as far as Ke, where, in
the 8th month, on Mow-tsze, the marquis of
Tsin defeated them, Keoh Keueh capturing the
viscount of the White Teih. Seen Chin said [to
himself], ** [No better than] an ordinary man,
I vented my feeling on my ruler [Referring to
his spitting before the marquis], and I was not
punished; but dare I keep from punishing my-
self ?" With this, he took off his helmet, entered
the army of the Teih, and died. The Teih

TOL ▼.

226

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK V.

returned his head, when his conntenance looked
as when he was alive.

'Before this, Ke of K<ew [Sea Shin] was
passing by K'e on a mission, and saw Keueh of
K^ weeding in a field, when his wife brought
bis food to him. He showed to her all respect,
and behaved to her as he would have done to a
guest. Ke therefore took him back with him to
the capital, and told duke W&n, saying, " About
respect all other yirtues gather. He who can
show respect is sure to have virtue. Virtue
finds its use in the government of the people.
I entreat your lordship to employ him. Tour
servant has heard that outside one's door to
behave as if one were receiving a guest, and to
attend to all business as if it were a sacrifice
[Comp. Ana. XII. ii.], is the pattern of perfect
vutue." The duke said, *'But should this be
done, considering the crime of his father fSee the
Chuen at the beginning of the 24th year. Keueh's
father, Keoh Juy, had planned to murder duke
Wtn.]?" *'The criminal whom Shun put to
death," returned Ke, *'was Kwftn; and the
man whom he raised to dignity was [Kwftn's
son], Yu. The assaulter of Hwan [of Ts*e] was
Kwan King-chung, and yet he became his chief
minister, and carried him on to success. In the
Announcement to the prince of K'ang it is
■aid, 'The father who is devoid of affection, and
the son wlio is devoid of reverence ; the elder
brother who is unkind, and the younger who is
disrespectful,' are all to he punished^ but not one
for the offence of the other [See the Shoo, V. ix.
16, but tlic quotation is very inaccurato]. The
ode says [She, I. iii. Ode X.J : —

' When we gather the fung and the fe.
They should not be rejected because of their
roots.'

On this, duke Wftn made Keoh Keueh great
officer of the 3d army.

' On the return of the army from Ke, duke
Seang invested Seen Tseu-keu [Son of Seen
Chin] with the 3d degree of rank, and made him
commander of the 2d or middle army. He gave
Seu Shin the second rank, and the city of Seen
Maou, as his reward, saying, ''The promotion of
Keoh Keueh was due to you." He conferred
the 1st degree on Keoh Keueh, and made him a
high minister, restoring to him the city of K'e ;
but Keueh did not yet receive the command of
an army.'

Par. 11. See on III.zxxii.4. Too Yu says
that 'the Small chamber was the wife's chamber

(^ A ^).' The Chuen says:— 'In winter

the duke went to Ts'e to pay a court-visit,
sod to condole with the marquis on the attack
of the Tcih. On his return, he died in the Small
chamber, having retired there to be more at
rest.' Kuh-lcang and otlier critics say he ought
not to have breathed his last there.

Par. 12. For |^ Kung-yang has ^^. Le

and mei are both the nam3S of plum-trees, and
their fruits; — I do not know the specific differ-
ence between them. The 12th month of Chow
was the 10th month of Hea. To find hoar-frost
on the ground, and at the same time the grass
still vigorous, and plum-trees still bearing, was

strange; and as an unusual phsenomenon it ii
here recorded. The critics delight to dwell
upon its moral significance, and Hoo Gan-kwoh
quotes a conversation on the paragraph, with
duke Gae, ascribed to Confucius, which ii in a
similar strain.

Par. 13. Tso-she says the object of this
invasion was to punish Heu for its indining to
the side of Ts'oo.

[We have here 3 narratives in the Chuen:—
'Tsze-shang, chief minister of Ts'oo, made an
incursion into Ts'ae and Ch'in, both of which
made their submission; and then he went on
to invade Ch'ing, intending to place Hea, son of
duke WSn, as marquis in it. He made an at-
tack at the Keeh-teeh gate, when Hea wis
overturned in the pond of the Chow family.
K'wftn-ch'un, a servant of the marquis stationed
outside the walls, caught him and presented his
dead body. The marquis's wife covered it with
a shroud, put it in a coffin, and buried it near
Kwei-shing.'

' Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin made an incnrnoo
into Ts'ae, and Tsze-yang of Ts'oo came to its
relief. Their two armies faced each other with
the river Che between them. Yang, being dis-
tressed by the position, sent to say to Tsie-
shang, "The man of civil virtue will not attadc
those who are acting according to an agreement;
the man of military prowess will not leave his
enemy. If you wish to fight, I will withdraw
30 Uf till you pass over and arrange your battle^
receiving your commands as to the time, lessor
more. If you do not accept this offer, griot
the same indulgence to me. To keep our armies
here long in the field, and waste our resourcei^
is of no use." He then had the horses yoked in
his carriage to await the answer. Taze-shang
wished to cross the river, but Ta Sun-inh [ths
Ta-sin of the Chuen on IV. xxviii. 6. He vu
the son of Tsze-yuh, or Tih-shin, of Ts'oo} sai^
"No. The men of Tsin have no good faith.
If they attack us, when half our troops art
crossed over, it will be too late to repent of our
defeat. Better grant the indulgence to them."
On this the troops of Ts'oo withdrew SOk
When Yang saw this, he spread abroad the r»-
port that the army of Ts'oo had retired, and
immediately returned to Tsin. Shang-shin,
the eldest son of [the viscount of] Ts'oo, slandered
Tsze-shang |jto his father], saying, "He vst
bribed by Tsin, and got out of the way of iti
army, — to the shame of Ts'oo; there could ool
be a greater crime." On this the viaoonnt p«t
Tsz-shang to death.'

'We buried duke He; — ^the burial was Isti
[The construction and meaning here are oa-
certain]. The making the Spirit-taUet vsf
contrary to rule. On occasion of the death of
the prince of a State, when the weeping is ended,
his spirit is supposed to take its place by that
of his grandfather, with reference to which the
spirit- tablet has been made, and is now set oF
A special sacrifice goes on before this tabled
while the seasonal sacrifices and the fortunste
Siicrifice at the end of the mourning take plsoi
in the temple.']

These immediately preceding remarks are
here by some mistake in their wrong place.
They belong to the next Book, i.4, and iiS.

BOOK VI. DUKE WAN.

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I. 1 In the first year, in spring, in the king's first month, tbe
duke came to the [vacant] seat
In the second month, on Kwei-hae, the bud was eclipsed.

The king [byj Heaven's [grace] sent Shuh-fuh to be present

at the burial [of dukeHe].
In summer, in Uie fourth month, in Ting-sze, we buried

our ruler, duke He.

Tbjlk I.

DUKE WAN.

229

8
9

The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl of Maou to
confer on the duke the symbol [of investiture].

The marquis of Tsin invadeci Wei.

Shuh-sun Tih-shin went to the capital.

A body of men from Wei invadea Tsin.

In autumn, Kung-sun Gaou had a meeting with the marquis
ofTsininTs'eih.

In winter, in the tenth month, on Ting-we, Shang-shin,
heir-son of Ts*oo, murdered his ruler, Keun.

Euug-sun Gaou went to Ts*e.

TiTLB OF TH« Book.— aJT,^, *Duke Wan.'

Duke Wftn's name was Hing ( A.)> He waa

the BOD of duke He by hia wife Shing Keang

{^S ^j^X a daughter of the Houae of Ts'e.

Hia T^laated 18 jreara, B. C. 725— €08. Hia
honorary title Wftn denotes — * Gentle and

kindly, loTing the people (^ ]^ ^ f^ 0
"ir^y' ^'> 'Loyally truthful, and courteoua

Hia Ist year synchronized with the 26th of
king Seang (^ ^) ; the 2d of S€ang ( J|)

of Tsin; the 7th of Ch'aou (^} of Ts'e; the

9th of Ch*ing (J^) of Wei; the 10th of

Chwang(^)of Ta'ae; the 2d of Muh (J^)

of Ching; the 27th of Kung (^) of Ta'aou ;

the 6th of Rung (^} of Chin; the 11th of

Hwan (^} of Ke; the 11th of Ching (J^) of

Sung; the 84th of Mull of Tsin ; and the 46th

of ChHng of Ta'oo.

Par. 1. Eyerything was auspicious at the
acoeasion of duke Wftn, and therefore we have
the account of it in full, without anything to

be aaid against the ^ ^^, as in II. L 1.

Duke He indeed waa not yet buried ; but that
eircumatance waa not allowed to interfere with
the proclamation of the new rule, and the young
marquia'a reception of hia ministers, on the 1st
day of the new year.

Par. 2. Before 0 Kung-yang haa j||, Too

Yu, accepting Tao-she's text, obaerrea that the

jBB is omitted through the carelessness of the

hiatoriographers. The eclipse took place on the
26th January, B. C. 626.

Par. 8. The prince of one State sent an
officer to attend at the interment of the prince
of another SUte : but in the Ch'un Ts*ew no
record is made of the appearance of such enyoys
at Loo. The record here is because the mission
of Shuh-f uh waa a special honour done to Loo
by the king. The Chuen says that this Shuh-
fnh waa historiographer of the interior, and
adds : — * Kung-sun Gaou had heard that he was
a matter of physiognomy, and introduced his

two sons to him. Shuh-fuh said, **Kuh will
feed you; No will bury you. The lower part
of Kuh's face is large ;^he will have posterity
in the State of Loo."'

[Tso-ahe appends here:— 'Here there waa an
intercalary 8a month; — which was contrary to
rule. The method of the former kings in regu-
lating the seasons waa— to make a commence-
ment at the proper beginning; to determine the
correct beginning of Uie months fh>m the com-
mencement of the year to the end ; and to resenre
the orerplus of aays for the year'a end. By
making the commencement at the proper begin-
ning, order was secured, and there was no emr.
By determining the commencements of the
months, the people were preserved from error ;
by resenring the orerplus to the end of the
year, affairs proceeded m a natural way.]

Par. 4. The Chuen here repeats the text

without any addition, showing that the ]fiS of

the Chuen at the end of laat year belongs to
this place. The duke should have been buried
5 months after his death; but 6 had now
elapsed, or 7, if we count the intercalary month.
Parr. 5, 7. Maou was a city and territory
within the royal domain, aasigned by some to

the pres. dis. of £-yang (^ ^), dep. Ho-nan.

Its lords were earls, descendants of Shuh-ch<ing

i-Jj^ Hlp, one of the sons of king W&n; and

were, one after another, in the service of the

court The ^^ here conferred on the duke

was doubtless the 'jade token,' proper to hia
rank as marquis; — see on the Bhoo, ILL 7.
Comp. also lU. i. 6. The mission of Shuh-sun
Tih-shin waa to express the duke's acknow-
ledgmenta for this token of the royal favour;—

Tso-she says— ^ ^ ^. This Tih-ahin waa

grandson of Ya or Shuh Ta, whose death is
mentioned in ni.zxxii.8, and who was the
ancestor of the Shuh-sun clan. See the Chuen
there.

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — *ln the laat years
of duke Wftn of Tsin, the princes of the States
came [most of them] to the court of Tsin ; but
duke Ch*ing of Wei did not come; and he sent
K*ung Tah to make an incursion into Ch*ing,
attacking also Meen-tsze and K^wang. At the
end of his 1st year of mourning, duke Seang
sent word to the States, and invaded Wei.
When he had got to Nan-vang, Been Taeu-kea
said to him, *'Tou are imitating the crime [of
Wei], and will meet with caliunity. Let me
aak your lordship to go to the king's court,

230

THE CII'UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

and I will go with the army." On this the mar-
quis paid a court-visit to the king in W&n,
while Seen Tseu-keu and Seu Shin prosecuted
the invasion of Wei. On Sin-yew, the Ist dny
of the 5th month, their army laid siege to I's'eih,
took it on Mow-scuh in the 6th month, when
the officer Sun Ch'aou was taken prisoner.'

Par. 8. The Chuen says .- — ' The people of
Wei sent to inform Chin of their circumstances.
Duke Kung of Ch4n said, ^^ Attack Tsin again.
I will speak to the marquis [in your behalf].* On
this K'ung Tah of Wei led a force, and attacked
Tsin. The superior man will say that this was
the ancient method. The ancients passed from
their own to take counsel with another State.'

Par. 9. Ts'eih was the city of Wei, the cap-
ture of which is mentioned in the Chuen on par.
6. It was 7 U north of the pres. city of K^ae

Chow (B9 4f|)i ^ep* ^ Ta-ming. The Chuen

Bays: — *In autumn, the marquis of Tsin was
laying ont the boundaries of the lands of Ts'eih,
ftnd there Knng-sun Gaou had an interview
with him.' The K*ang-he editors observe that
this is the first instance in the text of the classic
tli great officers taking it on themselves to hare
meetings with the princes.

Par. 10. For j^ Kung and Kuh have ^.

The Chuen says: — **At an earlier period, the
▼isoount of Ts'oo, intending to declare Shang-
vhin his successor, consulted his chief minister
T«Be*8hang about it. Tsze-shang said, ''Your
loiHlship is not yet old. You are also fond of
many [of your children]. Should you degrade
him hereafter, he will make disorder. The suc-
cession in Ts'oo has always been from among
the younger sous. Morever, he has eyes [pro-
jecting] like a wasp^s, and a wolf's voice ; — he
18 capable of anything. You ought not to raise
him to that position." llie viscount did it
however. But afterwards he wished to appoint
his son Chih instead, and to degrade Shang-
fehin. Shang-shin heard of his intention, but
waa not sure of it. He therefore told his tutor
P'wan Ts'ung, and asked him how he could get
certain information. Ts'ung said, " Give a feast
to her of Keang [The viscount's sister], and be-
Juive disrespectfully to her." The prince did
BO, when the lady became angry, and cried out,
**You slave, it is with reason that the king
wishes to kill you, and appoint Chih in your
place." Shang-shin told this to his tutor, say-
ing, "The report is true.' Ts'ung then said,
" Are you able to serve Chih ? " " No." ** Are
you able to leave the State?" "No." "Are
|rou afble to do the great thing? " " Yes."

' In winter, in the 10th month. Shang-shiu,
with the ifuards of his palace, held the king in
siege. The king begged to have bear's paws to
eat before he dii-d, wliich was refused him ; and
on Ting-we he strangled himself, llie prince
[immediately] gave him tlie title of Ling, but
his eyes would not shut. He changed it to
Ch'ing, and they shut. [Shang-shin] took his
place, [and is known as] king Mub. He gave
the house where he had lived aa the eldest son
to P*wan Ts'ung, made him grand-tutor, and
commander of the palace guards.'

Par. 11. The Chuen says: — 'Muh-pih [The
hon. title and family place of Kung-sun Gaoo]
went to Ts^e on a mission of friendly inqairy at
the commencement [of the duke's rule] ; — which
was right. On the accession of princes of States^
their ministers should go everywhere on such
friendly missions, maintaining and cultivatlog
old friendships, and forming external alliances
of support. Attention to the services which are
due to other States, in order to defend one's own
altars, is the course of leal-heartedneas, good
faith, and humble complaisance. Leal-beaned-
ness is the correct manifestation of virtue. Good
faith is the bond of virtue. Humble compliis-
ance is the foundation of virtue.'

[The Chuen turns here in conclusion to the
affairs of Ts4n:—* After the battle of Heaou,
when the people of Tsin had returned the ctp-
tive genei^s to Ts4n, his great officers aod
others about him said to the earl, " This defest
was all the fault of Mftng-ming ; you must put
him to death." But the earl said, "It vai
owing to my fault. They are the words of the
ode of (the earl of) Juy of Chow [She, HLiii
Ode HI 18]:—

* Great winds have a path; —
The covetous men try to subvert their

peers.
If he would bear ray words, I would epeik

to him ;
But I can [only] croon them over, as if I

were drunk.
He will not employ the good.
And on the contrary causes me fhii

distress.'

It was by [my] covetousness. The ode ii
applicable to me. It was my catetomn»
which brought the misfortune on him. Wid
crime had he ?" Accordingly he again emploTv^
[Mftog-ming] in the conduct of the gorem*
ment.']

Second year.

#^.#.

Tkab II.

DUKE WAN.

231

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232

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

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11. 1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second

month, on Keah-tsze, he marquis of Tsin and the army
of Ts'in fought a battle in P*&ng-ya, when the army of
Ts4n was disgracefully defeated.

2 On Ting-ch*ow, [the duke] made the Spirit-tablet of duke

He.

3 In the third month, on Yih-sze, [the duke] made a covenant

with Ch*oo-foo of Tsin.

4 In summer, in the sixth month, Eung-sun Gaou had a

meeting with the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in,
the earl of Ch'ing, and Sze Hwoh of Tsin, when they
made a covenant in Ch*uy-lung.

5 From the twelfth month [of the last year] it had not rained

until the autumn [of this] in the seventh month.

6 In the eighth month, on Ting-maou, there was the great

[sacrificial] business in the grand temple, when [the
tablet of] duke He was advanced [to the place of that of
duke Min].

7 In winter, a body of men from Tsin, one from Sung, one

from Ch'in, and one from Ch^ng invaded Ts'in.

8 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts*e, with the mar-

riage ofilerings [for the duke].

Tear II.

DUKE WAN.

233

Par. 1. The site of P'ftng-ya (in Kung-yang,

^^ ^f") is not well ascertained. Probably it

was in Ts^n, — as Rung and Kuh say. Accord-
ing to Too, it should be found 60le to the
north-east of the pres. dis. city of Pih-shwuy

(Q 7k)» ^®P*- T*ung-chow, Shen-se. The
Chuen says: — * In the 2d year, in spring, M&ng-
ming She of Ts*in led an array against Tsin, to
repay his defeat at Heaou. In the 2d month,
the marquis of Tsin went to meet him. Seen
Tseu-keu commanding the army of the centre,
with Chaou Ts'uy as his assistant. Woo-te of
Wang-kwan acte^ as charioteer, and Hoo Kuh-
keu was spearman on the right. On Keah-tsze
they fought in P*ftng-ya, when the army of
Ts'in received a severe defeat, the men of Tsin
calling it the army with which Ts'in acknow-
ledged their marquis's gift [See Mftng-ming*s
language at the end of the Chuen on p. 3 of the
d3d year of duke He]. At the battle of Heaou,
I.»eang Hwang had been charioteer, and Lae
Keu the spearman on the right. On the day
after it, duke Seang had one of the prisoners
bound, and ordered Lae Keu to kill him with a
spear. The prisoner gave a shout, and Keu
dropt the spear, on which Lang Shin took it up,
killed him, and, taking his left ear, followed the
marquis's chariot, who made him the spearman
on the right.

* At the battle of Ke, Seen Chin degraded Lang,
and appointed Suh Keen-pih in his place. Lang
was angry, and one of his friends said to him,
** Why not die here?" He replied, "1 have here
DO proper place to die in." '* Let me and you do
a difficult thing," said the friend [Meaning
that they should kill the general]; but Lang
replied, *' It is said in one of the histories of Chow,
* The brave who kills his superior shall have no
place in the hall of Light.' He who dies doing
what is not righteous is not brave; he who dies
in the public service is brave. By bravery I
sought the place of spearman on the right ; I am
degraded as not being brave; — it is my present
place. If I should say that my superior does not
know me, and did that which would make my
degradation right, I should only prove that he
did know me. Wait a little, my friend."

* At P^ftng-ya, when the army was marshalled
for the battle, Lang Shin, with his own followers,
dashed into the army of Tsin, and died. The
army of Tsin followed him, and gained a great
victory. The superior man will say that Lang
Shin in this way proved Iiimself a superior man.
It is said in the ode [She, II. v. ode IV. 2] : —

" Let the superior man be angry.
And disorder will be stopt ; "

and again [She, III. i. ode VII. 5] :—

'* The king rose majestic in his wrath,
And marshalled his troops."

When Lang in his anger would not be guilty of
disorder, but went on to do good service in the
army, he may be called a superior man.

*Tbe earl of Ts'in, [notwithstonding this
fresh defeat], still employed Mflng-niing, who
paid increased attention to the government of
the State, and made great largresses to the peo-
ple. Chaou Ch4ng fCh*ing is the hon. title of
Chaou Ts*uy] said to the officers of Tsin, " The
army of Ts*in will be here again, and we must
get out of its way. He who in his apprehenisiou

increases his virtue cannot be matched. The
ode says [She, III. i. ode 1. 6] :

" Ever think of your ancestors,
Cultivating your virtue."

It is in this way that Mftng-ming thinks.
Thinking of his virtue, without remitting his
efforts, can he be resisted ? " '

Par. 2. Tso says that this records the wrong
time at which the thing was done. Here belongs
the greater part of the 3d par. in the Chuen at the
end of He's last year. According to Maou, the
practice of the Chow dynasty on the death of
the prince of a State was this: — 1st, The spirit-
tablets of the former princes were all taken
from their shrines, and laid up for 5 months
in the 'grand apartment,' during which time
no sacrifices were offered to them. 2d, When
the time at the end of those months came to
place the tablet of the recently deceased prince
by that of his grandfather, a procession was
made with it to take the other tablets from their
repository, and replace them in their shrines.
The new tablet was placed in the shrine of the
deceased's grandfather, and a sacrifice was
offered to them two. 3d, After this, the new
tablet was carried back to the chamber where
the prince had died, where sacrifices were offered
to it, while all the others were left in their
shrines, and sacrificed to as usual [As the Chuen

4th, At the conclusion of the mourning, the new
tablet was taken to its proper shrine in the
temple, and one of the older ones was removed ;
— in the form and order prescribed.

This account seems to be correct. Kung-yang
thinks that, after the burial, a tablet of the
wood of the mulberry tree was made, and sacri-
ficed to in the chamber; and that, at the end of
a year from the death, this was changed for a
tablet made of the wood of the chestnut tree.
If it were so, and the 2d tablet be here spoken
of, yet the time for making and setting it up
had long gone by.

Par. 3. The Chuen says:— * The people of
Tsin, because the duke had not paid a court
visit to their marquis, came to punish him. On
this he went to Tsin ; iitd in snmmer, in the 4th
month, on Ke-sze, Yang Ch*oo-foo was commis-
sioned to make a covenant with him. This waa
done to disgrace the duke. The words of the text
*made a covenant with Ch*oo-foo of Tsin,' in-
dicate dissatisfaction with that individual. The
duke's visit to Tsin is not recorded; — purposely,
to keep it concealed.' The Chuen correctly gives
the day Ke-sze in the 4th month, instead of the
3d month of the text.

Par. 4. Kub-leang gives @(f for w^ ; and

both Kung and Kuh give ^^ ^f^ for ^
Ch'uy-lung was in the north east of the pres.
dis. of Yung-tsih, dep. K'ae-fung.

The Chuen says: — *The duke had not arrived
[from Tsin]; and in the 4th month, Muh-pih
had a meeting with the princes named, and Sze
Hwoh, minister of Works in Tsin, at Ch*uy-lung,
with reference to Tsin's punishment of Wei.
The marquis of Ch'in begged that Tsin would
accept the submission of Wei, and also seized
K'ung Tab, in order to please Tsin.' Tso-she
interjects that Sze Hwoh is here mentioned by

TOL T.

234

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

bU name and lumaiue, became of bia ability for
bi« work.

Far. 5. Ohaoa F^ftnic-fet contrasts tbe way
in wbich so many months of drought are here
summarilv mentioned with the notices under
duke He in V. ii. 5, iii. 4 ; — which see.

Par. 6. The * great business ' here is what is
called the 'fortunate te sacriflce' in iy.ii.2,
where its nature has been sufficiently explained.
Here, as there, it was performed 3 months before
the proper time; and this coincidence might lead
Qs to think that some new regulation affecting
the date of the serrice had been adopted in
Loo. The stress of the paragraph, however,
is in the conclusion, — the advancing the tablet
of duke He into the place which haid been for
more than 80 years occupied by that of his
brother and predecessor, Min. This has given
rise to numerous subtle and perplexing discus-
sions. The account of it in the Chuen is the
following: — ^This was contrary t« the order of

sacrifice [^| iiH). Too explains the phrase

thus: — '*He was the elder brother, and they
could not be placed as father and son ; he had
been the subject of Min, and his proper place
was beneath him. But now his tablet was
placed above Min's; — hence the expression

t& )nB "^' ^" ^^^^ Hea-foo Fuh-ke, who was
then director of the ancestral temple, wished to
honour duke He, and told what he had seen,
saying, "I saw the new Spirit great, and the
old Spirit small. To put the great one first,
arid the small one after it, is tbe natural order.
And to advance him who was sage and worthy,
is the act of intelligence. What is according to
natural order and intelligence has a principle of
reason in it.'^ But the superior man must con-
sider the act to have been contrary to the
propriety of the ceremony. In ceremonies
everything must be in the proper natural order;
Itnd sacrifice is the great business of the State.
How can it be called propriety to go contrary
to the order of it ? The son may have been
reverend and sage, but he does not take pre-
cedence of the father, who has enjoyed the
sacrifice long. Thus it was that Yu did not
takeprecedence of Kwftn, nor T*ang of Seeh,
nor Wftn and Woo of Puh-chueh. The emperor
Yih was the ancestor of the House of Sung, and
king Le the ancestor of that of Ch*ing; and
notwithstanding their bad character, they keep
ta the temple$ their superior position, llius oho
in the Fraise-songs of Loo [She IV. ii. Song
IV. 8] we have,

'*In spring and in autumn, without delay,
He presents his offerings without error,
To the great and sovereign God,
And to his great ancestor How-tseih;"

the superior man thus in effect saying, ** Here
is the order of ceremony ; tho' How-tseili be
near in relationship, yet God takes the pre-
cedence in the sacrifice.** Another ode says
[She, I. iii. ode XIV. 2.] :—

"I will ask for my aunts,
And then for my sister ;*'

the superior man thus saying, *' Here is the
order of ceremony; tho' the sister be the near-
est in relationship, yet the aunts lake the pre-
cedence of her." Chung- ne said, " There were

three things which showed Tsang Win-chiing's
want of virtue, and three which showed bis want
of knowledge. His keeping Chen K*in [Lew-h€a
Hwuy] in a low position ; his removing the six
gates ; and his making his concubines weave nuh
mats far sale : — ^these showed his want of virtue.
His making vain structures [See Ana. V. xviL] ;
his allowing a sacrifice contrary to the proper
order [Tbe case in the text] ; and his sacrificing
to the xnen-kew [A strange bird] : — these show-
ed his want of knowledge.**'

The reader will probably think that this long
note does not make the text plainer tlian it was
before. — ^It was explained on IV. ii. 2, and on the
19th chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean, that
in the ancestral temple the shrines were ar-
ranged in two rows, on either side of the shrine
of the founder of the House. On one side were
the shrines of fathers fronting the south. These

were cUed ciW (^). On the other lid^

fronting the north, were those of sons. They

were called muh (^B). Of oourae the sons

were fathers in their turn ; bnt tlie sitnatkio in
the row was determined by reckoning from tbe
founder. His grandson was the Ist cA'aos, his
son the 1st faiiA, and so on. Bat what was to
be done when brothers followed one another in
the succession, as here in the case of Min and
He? Some critics say their tablets went all in-
to the same shrine; but this is not tbe orthodu
view. That holds that they were placed joit
as if they had been father and son, and tbs
theory of the arrangement was overtunisd.
Now when the tablet of Min got its place in tbs
temple, he was a ch*'ai»iL, That of He slioaid
have gone into the other row, opposite to it|
pushing out the muh which was at the to|k
But duke Wftn wished his father to have tbe
more honourable ch*cam place; and so Mio's
tablet was removed to the aiaiA row, and He's
took its pUce at the bottom of the cA*ao«s. Tbs
director of the temple lent himself to this ia-
fringement of the rule. He was in reality older
than Min ; but Min had taken precedence of
him in the succession, as the son of daks
Chwang's wife, preferable to an elder biutber
who was only the son of a concubine.
[Teo-she's own remarks in the Choen b^

»t^^l^^3^l8 Hei.a.ef
-^p or * superior man * there. The other two

^9* -7- are to be take as the aathon of tbi

odes which are quoted, adduced by Tso-sbeii

confirmation of his own view. Tbe PnuM-

song of Loo was made after the time of dnks
He.]

Par. 7. The Chuen says:— 'In whiter, Sees
Tseu-keu of Tsin, Kung-tsxe Ch*ing of Soofi
Tuen Seuen of Ch^n, and Kung-tsae K«ei*
sftng, of Ch*ing, invaded Tsin, when they tsok
Wang and P-ftng-ya, and returned. The olgeel
of the expedition was to repair Tsin for thi
compaign of P*Ang-ya. The ministers are not
named in the text, [and they are only csDtd

^], on account of duke Muh [of Tshn], out

of regard to the honour of Ts*in ; — an exampk
of the respect paid to virtue.' [This last les-
tence is merely Tso-she^s own erroneous criti'
cism of the text.]

Tba« nL

DUKE WAN.

235

Par. 8. The marrUge of the duke with a

daughter of Ts'e is recorded in IV. 2. The pre-

aeniing the offerings of silk, denoted bj CK,

was subsequent to the ceremonies of the engiige-
ment, and therefore I think, notwithstanding
the protest of the K'ang-he editors, that Too's
Tiew is reiy likely, — that the engagement had
been made before the death of dnke He, and
that, as soon as the oonclosion of the mourning

permitted, Wftn proceeded to take the next
step. The Chuen says :— *This risit to Ts*e of
SSang-chung was according to rule. When a
prince comes to the rule of a State, he shows
his afflBction for the States whose princes are
related to him by affinity, caltiyates all relation-
ships by marriage, and ti^es a head wife, to
attend to the grain -yessels of the templ& This
is filial piety, and filial piety is the beginning
of propriety.'

Third year.

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THE cnrs TSEw; with the tso chuen.

BOOK VI.

^ n li m.'9'.^.z «i Ml «t /h ^ « w.^ -m

* T 5C.3E W^]i/^;A::!^H* ^.^ ifc.A

ifi ^ ife « jt^ ^.-^.a ii.^ ^ 0 » w ^ IS
2.i«.^ e 1^ ^ w ^ f? m.^ ^ n ^ Pi: ^

HL 1 In the [doke's] third year, in spring, in the kinc:'s first

month, Shuh-son Tih-shin joined an officer of Tsin. an
officer of Sung, an officer of Ch*in, an officer of Wei,
and an officer of Ch4ng, in invading Shin, the people
of which dispersed.

In summer, in the fifth month, king [He's] son, Hoo, died.

A body of men from Ts4n invaded Tsin.

In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo besieged Keang.

It rained locusts in Sung.

In winter, the duke went to Tsin; and in the twelfth
month, on Ke-sze, he made a covenant with the mar-
quis of Tsin.

Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin led a force, and invaded Ts*oo, in

2
3

4
5
6

order to relieve Keang.

1. Shin WBS a toudl State, whose lords
vere TJaooonta^ vith the samaine of the House

of Chow; — in the pres. dia. of Joo-yaog (YXT
mg)» dep. Joo-ning, Ho-Dan. Tso-«he mjb

that ChwaDg-ahnh [^ ^; Chwang is the

bon. title giveo to Shoh-snn Tlh-shin] joined
the annies of the States ia this expedition, he-
cause Shin had submitted to Ts'oo.' He adds,

explanstion of the term yS', that 'the

people's flying and deserting their superior is
uidicated by that term, while th^ ruler's

fleeing is expressed by ^^.' The first meaning

giren to ^m in the diet is 'a large body of
water rushing away by a new channel.' Such
is the dispersion of the people fleeing from an
enemy.

[The Chuen appends: — *The marquis of Wei
went to Ch*in, to express his acknowledgments
for the peace with Tsin,' — obtained by the medi-
ation of Ch*in ;— -see the Chuen on par. 4 of last
year.]

Par. 2. Tso-she says: — 'In the 4th month,

on Yih-hae, the king's uncle, duke Wftn

(3!^^; the hon. title giren to Hoo) died.

A messenger came to Loo with the announce-
ment, and condolences were sent to Chow as on
the death of a prince who had covenanted with
the duke.' The Hoo in the text was the * king's
officer' of V.xxix.8, who covenanted with duke
Ht in Ttih-ts'Suen. The news of hii death

was sent therefore to duke W&n, as being He'i
son, and condolences were returned to Chow, si
if Hoo had been the prince of a State. As the
Chuen says he was Idng Seang's uncle, he nmsK

have been a son of king He {^^ ^)l Enb-

leang wrongly identifies him with the Sbok-
fuh of L 3, who was not yet dead.

Par. 3. The Chuen says : — ' The eari of Tiin
invaded Tsin, and burned his boats wheo be
had crossed the Ho. He then took Wang-kvu
and Keaou ; and as the troops of Tsin did not cooe
out against him, he crossed the Ho at the ford
of Maou, collected the bodies in Heaon [See V.
xxxiiLS], raised mounds over them, ain tben
returned to Ts*in. In consequence of this ex-
pedition, he was acknowledged as their letdff
by the Western Jung, and continued to empk^
Mftng-ming. From this the superior mtn le-
cognizes the style of ruler that duke Muh of
Ts'in was;^ — ^wbat entire ooi^denoe he repo«d
in the men whom he employed, and with vhat
single-heartedness he stood by theoL Ht notf
Rues also the qualities of MAng-ming, how diiigeot
he was and able, from his anxiety to exercise hii
thoughts monmyfiabfy; and the byslty>a4
of Tsze-sang PThe Kung-sun Che, who tint re-
commended Mftng-ming], well knowing loeBt
and introducing the good to the notice of hit
prince. What is intimated in the ode [She, I i*
ode 1. 8J,

" She goes to gather the white southernwood,
By tike ponds, by the poods;
And then she employs it,
In the business of our prinoe,"

was found in duke Muh. ^oom, the wofdi»
[She, III. iii, ode VL 4],

Year TV,

DUKE WAN.

237

" Never idle day or night.
In the service of the one man,"

were exemplified in Mftng-ming. And those
[She, m. Lode X. 8],

*' His counsels reached on to his descendants,
To give happiness and strength to his posteri-
ty,"
were exemplified in Tsze-sang.'

Ace to the Chuen, the earl of Ts4n himself
was in this expedition. Still the ^S ^ of

the text shows that he onlj accompanied it, and
that the command was held by one of his minis-
ters. The conclusion of this expedition does
seem a more fitting occasion for the Speech of
the earl of Ts^n which concludes the Shoo than
the defeat at Heaoii, to which it is commonly re-
ferred.

Par. 4. Keang, — see V. ii. 4. From the time
of the meeting recorded in that par., Keang,
notwithstanding its proximity to Ts'oo, had
continued to adhere to the northern States, and
was now to su£Fer the consequences from its
powerful neighbour. Ts*oo was, no doubt,
emboldened to recommence its aggressive move-
ments by the long continued hostilities between
Tsin and Tsin. The Chuen says that, on this
occasion, ' Seen Puh of Tsin invaded Ts'oo in
order to relieve Keang.'

Far. 5. ^|r.—see II. v. 8. The Chuen says
that these * locusts fell down and died.' This
seems to be Tso-she's explanation of the text
that * it rained locusts.' This would be a prodigy,
and not a calamity or plague, as Kuh-leang
makes out the visitation to have been. Sung
was noted for such strange appearances; — see
V. xvi. 1.

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — *They were ap-
prehensive in Tsin that they had behaved
uncourteously to the duke [In the matter of the
covenant, par. 8 of last year], and asked him to
make a new covenant. The duke went accord-
ingly to Tsin, and made a covenant with the
marquis, who feasted him, and sang tiie ode
beginning,

*' Abundant grows the aster-southern-
wood " (She, II. iu. ode II.).

Chwang-shuh [See on par. Ij] descended the
steps with the diike, that he might acknowledge
[the honour done to him], saying, ** My smidl
State having received the orders of your great
State, I dare not but be most ciu^ul in my
observances. Your lordship has conferred on
me a great honour, and nothing could exceed my
happiness. The happiness of my small State is
from the kindness of your great one." The mar-
quis also descended the steps, and declined the
acknowledgments [which the duke was going to
make]. They then re-ascended the steps, when
the duke bowed twice, and sang the ode beginning
" Our admirable, amiable Sovereign " (She, III.
ii. ode V).'

Par. 7. The Chuen says : — * In winter, Tsin re-
presented the case of Keang to the court of Chow.
In consequence, Wang-shuh, the duke Hwan, and
Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin, invaded Ts^oo in order
to relieve Keang. They attacked Fang-shing,
and having met with Tsze-choo, duke of Seih,
they returned.' This narrative of the Chuen is
not clear. Tsze-choo was the commander of the
expedition of Ts*oo against Keang. He retired
before the troops of Tsin, and then the reliev-
ing force also withdrew, having accomplished
its object very imperfectly. Kung and Kuh
leave out the |^ before JJ^. The K'ang-he
editors enter here into a defence of the conduct
of Tsin in this transaction, against the condemna-
tion of Hoo Oan-kwoh and other critics. Too Yu
says that the duke Hwan in the Chuen was a
son of duke Wftn, king's son Hoo, whose death
is recorded in the second par. If it was so, then
the Wang-shuh (^ -Jj^) in the Chuen here

must be taken as a dan-name and not as»
'the king^s uncle.' I have so translated the
characters in the former Chuen, because the
relationship of Hoo seems to be determined bv
his being called both 'king's son,' and king's
uncle.'

Fourth year.

238

THE CH'tJN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

IV.

•it JWi

fii A f§

B.K.
It

.«..!# ifi as tf

It rTn ira

H flS iS

^ ^ ^

2
3
4
5
6

In his fourth year, in spring, the duke arrived from Tsin.

In summer, [the duke] met his wife Keang in Ts'e.

The Teih made an incursion into Ts*e.

In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo extinguished Keang.

The marquis of Tsin invaded Ts*in.

The marquis of Wei sent Ning Yu to Loo on a mission of

friendly inquiries.
In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jin-yin, the wife [of

duke Chwang], the lady Fung, died.

Par. 1. [Tlie Choen appendf here three short
notioes: — 1st, 'In spring they returned K^ng
T*ah from Tsin to Wei [See the Chuen on II. 4],
considering him to be Wei's good man, and
thtrefore letting him go.' 2d, ' In summer, the
marqnis of Wei went to Tsin to make his
acknowledgments [for the restoration of K*nng
Tah].' 8d, 'The earl of Ts'aou went to Tsin to
haTe an understanding about the contributions
[to the marguis, as the leader of the States.]'

Par. 2. This par. has reference to duke
Win's marriage, — his bringing home to Loo the
daughter of Ts'e^ on whose account Kung*tsae
Buy conreyed the marriage gifU as related in
IL8. There are difficulties, however, in the
interpretation and translation of it, arising from
therv being no subject of the verb expressed,

and from the phrase ^^ fS^ instead of the re-
gular one ^ ^;— oomp. n. ill 6, and HI-

zxiT. 8. Tso-she holds that the subject of ^
is some person of mean rank, who was employ-
ed on this mission. The Chuen savs :— ^ A high
minister did not go to meet the lady ; — which
was contrary to rule.' It is then added ' The
superior man, knowing from this that Ch*vJi
Keang (so the lady was afterwards styled)
would not be trusted in Loo, might say, ** A
man of noble rank acted at h«r betrothal, and a
mean man met her [at her marriage]. While
she was becoming duchess, she was treated as
mean, and in the act of establishing her sbe was
disowned. Th€ duke threw awi^ his oonfldenoe

Tkar (V.

DUKE WAN.

239

in her, and her authority as mistreM of the
harem was oTerthruwn. This was a sure pre«
sage of disorder in the State, and of ruin in the
family. Rif^ht was it that she should not he
trusted. What is said in the ode (She. IV.i. [i.]
ode VII.),

" Revere the majesty of Heaven,
And ever preserve its favour,"

may he considered as spoken of the reverence
to be accorded to the mistress of the harem.'

Kung-yanf? sees in this notice the indication
of the indifference with which the lady was
treated, and supposes she was not a daughter of
the marqnis of Ts^e, but only of one of his offi-
cers, of the same surname as the ruling House.
But there can be no doubt the lady was a
daughter of the marquis. Kuh-leang would

supply ^^ as the subject of ^^. The duke

went in person to Ts*e for his bride, as duke

Chwang is said to have doneJn Ill.zxiv.S.

There the j^ is expressed, while here it is

wanting ; but we hare found it wanting in the

same way in more than a score of other para*

graphs. Here, therefore, I must agree, as the

K*aug-he editors do, with Kuh-leang rather

than with Tso. The duke went hims elf to Ts*e

to receive his bride.

But how have we A^ j^, instead of i|^

^r, as in III xxiv.3? Tso-she does not meet
this questi<m, but Too repeats the explanation of
the term ijj^, which is given under y.xxv. 8.
Kuh-leang also adduces it, but I do not see how
it can be admitted in this case. And there is
no necessity for it. The duke went toTs'e, and
in his impatience completed the marriage
there, instead of escorting his bride to Loo, and
there going through the ceremonies proper to
the occasion ; — as he ought to have done. In-
stead of ^g. simply, we might have ^» ]^
as in II. iii. 6,8, el a/.; but it is needless to find
either praise or blame in the omission of the

Par. 3. See V. xxx. 8. These northern hordes
leem to have become more and more restless and
daring.

Par. 4. The relief of KSang in the end of
last year proved of little value. The Chuen
lays: — 'When Ts'oo extinguished Keang, the
earl of Ts4n wore mourning an account of it ;
removed fn>m his proper bed-chamber ; and did
not allow his table to be fully spread : — going
beyond the regular bounds [of sorrow]. One of
his great officers remonstrated with him, but he
said, **When a State with whose lord I had
covenanted is extinguished, although I could
not save it, I dare not but feel compassion.
And I fear for myself." The superior man will
say that the words of the ode (She, Ill.i. 0<le
VII. i;

* There were those two dynasties.
But they failed in their government.
Throughout all the States in all the kingdom,
He examined, he exercised consideration.'

might be spoken of Muh of Ts'in.'

Par. 5. Tso-she says that in this invasion the
marquis of Tsin besieged Yuen and Sin-shing,
to repay Tsin for the campaign of Wang-kwan ;'
— see the Chuen on par. 8 of last year. The
marquis of Tsin conducted the invasion in
person. It is absurd to seek for any other
reason for the text's saying so, and yet the
K'ang-he editors express their agreement with
Chang Heah in the view that the marquis's
title is here given to indicate the sage's emphatic
condemnation of his persistence in hostilities !

Par. 6. The Chuen says:—- 'King Woo of
Wet having come to Loo with friendly inquiries,
the duke was feasting with him, and luid the

" Heavy lies the dew," (She, II. ii. ode X.)
and the '*Red Bows" (She, ILiii. ode I), sung
on his account He did not protest against
these odes, nor did he make answer with any
other. Tlie duke sent the officer of communi-
cation with envoys from other States to ask
him privately [the resson of his conduct]. He
replied, **I supposed that the musicians, in
practising their art, happened to come to the
two pieces. Formerly, when princes of States
sppeared at the king's court to receive instruc-
tions about their government, and the king
gratified them with an entertainment, then
the * Heavy lies the dew' was sung, the
son of Heaven being the sun [There spoken
of], and the princes receiving his commands,
[As the dew is afifected by the sun]. When
they had battled with any against whom the
king was angry, and were reporting their success-
ful services, the king gave them a red bow with
a hundred red arrows, and a black bow with a
thousand arrows, to show how the feast was
one of recompense. Now I, an officer of a State,
am here to perpetuate the old friendship between
Wei and Loo; and though his lordship conde-
scends to bestow them, how dare I accept such
grand honours to bring on myself the charge of
crime? " Confucius has celebrated the virtue of
Ning Woo in the Ana., V. xx., and especially a

* stupidity that could not be equalled.' The critics
are fond of finding in the narrative of the Chuen
an illustration of that stupidity.

Par 7. Tso says that *in winter Ch*ing Fung
died,' Ch4ng being the title or epithet by which
she was called after death. She had been a con-
cubine of duke Chwang, and she is mentioned
in two Chuen: — that in V.xxL5. and the 2d
one appended to IV. ii. On her son's coming to
be marquis she partook of his nobility (-m: J^

-7- tt )* ^'"^ '^*® ^^'^ appears as ^^ ^^ or

* wife * of duke Chwang. She was of the House
of Jin i\^), which had the surname of Fung.

240

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK TI.

Fifth year.

-^ IE

# ^ ^..^.r^ 0.3s^ w J^ :^ es A

^ ^ s.

V. 1

m zmm z.km mm^.

ffij tfii ^ ;S.]f # ^.# iJ.

A J.
A E

In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month,
the king sent Shuh of Yung, with mouth-jewels and «
carriage and horses [for the funeral of Ch'ing Fung.]

2 In the third month, on Sin-hae, we buried our duchess,

Ch'ing Fung.

3 The king sent the earl of Shaou to be present at the burial.

4 In summer, Kung-sun Gaou went to Tsin.

5 A body of men from Ts'in entered Job.

6 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo extinguished Luh.

7 In winter, in the tenth month, on Keah-shin, Yeh, baron of

Heu, died.

Par. 1. Corop. I. i.4, and III.i.6. On the
former of these passage RW is explained, ^f

into the mouth of the corpse ( f] W> A ToX
Shnh was the king's messenger, mentioned in tw

was the name of certain jewels,— Too calls them | second passage referred to, as well as here: bot it
n; -ft.i 'pearU and gems,' — whicli were put could not be the same man. The messengit^

Tbar VI.

DUKE WAN.

241

this occasion was probablj a sob of the former.
On that passage, Too Yu says that Tung was the

J^ or dan-name. Here Fan Ning says that

Tung Shnh was a great officer of the 1st rank
in the service of the king, and that Tung was the

name of his ^& Bij or the territory from which

he derived his revenue. This is probably
correct, but the name of the territory became

the dan-name of the family. The H between

^ and m intimates, ace. to Kung and Kuh,

that the two gifts were distinct, and that each
should have been conveyed by its proper envoy,
wMle here they were both entrusted to Tung
Shuh ; — contrary to rule. But this critidsm is
more than doubtfuL The K'ang-he editors,
after a host of critics, see, in the omission of

^^ before ^p, a strong expression of the

sage's condemnation of the king in thus sanc-
tioning the elevation of duke Chwang's concu-
bine to the rank of wife. This criticism is no
more valuable than the former.

Par. 2. Ckmip. III. xxii. 2. As the lady Fung
was now regarded as duke Chwang's wife, there
is no difficulty with the terms of this paragraph.
Hoo Gan-kwuh, indeed, says that this would
involve a further departure from the rules of
propriety, as there would be the spirit-tablets
of two wives to go into duke Chwang's temple-
shrine. It is admitted tliat in the shrine of a
king only the tablet of !iis proper queen could
be placed; but the tablets admissible into the
shrines of great officers were not so limited;
and what the rule was in regard to princes of
States and their wives is not ascertained. See
Maou K'e-ling in hoc.

Par. 8. For ^ ^|^ Kuln-leang has ^ >{|^.

The earl of Shaou was a minister of the king,
who derived his revenue from Shaou, in the

present dis. of Tnen-k^eoh (Jg ^), Keang

(^1k>w (j|^ jj^\ Shan-se. Tso-she says his
mission was according to rule, as well as that
of Tung Shuh, in par. 1 ; — an opinion vehement-
ly disputed by many of the critics

Par. 4. The Chuen says nothing about this
mianon. Kaou K'ang (^ BS) and other

critics dwell with justice on the court Loo paid
to Tiin, while no messenger went to Chow to
acknowledge all the king's favours.

Par. b. Joh was at this time a small State
in the south-west of the pres. dis. of Neu-heang

(^ ^1^ ^^ Nao-yang, Ho-nan. It was

afterwards removed by Ts^oo farther south, to
the dis. of £-shing ( j|[ ^) dep. Seang-yang,

Hoo-pih. See the Chuen on V.xxv. 6. The

Chuen here says : — * Before this. Job had revolt-
ed from Ts'oo, and become an adherent of
TsMn. Now it was inclining again to Ts^oo,
and in the summer, a body of men from Ts^in
entered it.'

Far. 6. Luh was a small State. — ^in the pres.

Chow of Lnh-gan (-^ V* J4J), Gan-hwuy.

Its lords were Tens ('fS), lepresentatives of

the andent Kaou-yaou. The Chuen says: —
' The people of Luh had revolted from Ts*6o, and
joined the £ of the east. In autumn, therefore,
Ching Ta-sin and Chung-kwei, of Ts'oo led a
force and extinguished Luh. In winter, Kung-
tsze Seeh of Ts*oo extinguished Leaou. When
Tsang Wftn-chung heard of the extinction of
the two States, he said, " Thus suddenly have
ceased the sacrifices to Kaou-yaou T*ing-keen
[See on the title of Bk. iii.. Ft. IL of the Shoo) I
Alas that the virtue [of their lords] was not
established, and that there was no help for the
people !" '

Par. 7. This was duke He ; he was succeed-
ed by his son, Seih-go (^^ ^x)* 17^® Chuen

appends here: — 'Tang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin had
gone to Wei on a mission of friendly inquiries,
and on his return passed by Ning. Ting of Ning
followed him, but returned when they had got
to W&n. His wife asked him [why he had left
Tang ChH)0-foo so soon], and ne replied, " Be-
cause of his hard rigour. In the Shang Shoo
[See the Shoo, V.iv.lTJ it is said, «For the
reserved and retiring there is the rigorous
rule; for the lofty and intelligent there is the
mild rule.' This officer is all for rigour ; — ^he
will probably not die a natural death. Heaven
displays the virtue of rigour, yet not so as to
disturb the seasons; — how much more should
this be the case with men I Moreover, round a
man of flowers without fruit resentments will
collect. Coming into collision with men, and
the object of many resentments, he will not be
able to maintain hirasdf. I was afraid I should
not share in advantages he might secure, but
would be involved in his difflcultiei, and so I
left him." '
There is added an additional short notioe: —
^At this time, the officers of Tsin, Chaou Ch<ing
[Chaou Ts*uy, general of the 1st army], Lwan
Ch'ing [Lwan Che, general of the 8d army J,
Hoh Pih [Seen Tseu-keu, general of the army of
the centre], and K*ew Ke fSeu Shin, assistant-
general of the 8d army], all died.']

Sixth year.

TOL T,

242

THE CHIJX TS'EW, WITH THE T80 CHUEK.

BOOK VL

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Ymam VL

DUKE WAN.

243

.J.A. Ua 32^ t%M aL r^mi rzr j:S% ^r^

VI. 1

2
3
4

6
7
8

m <&.73r ^ ^ 5^ ^,tk

^MAM,mn-u

In the [duke^s] sixth year, in spring, there was the burial
of duke He of Hecr.

In summer, Ee-sun H&ng-foo went to Ch4n.

In autumn, Ke-sun Hfing-foo went to Tsin.

In the eighth month, on Yih-hae, Hwan, marquis of Tsin,
died.

In winter, in the tenth month, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy,
went to Tsin, to [be present at] the burial of duke
Seang of Tsin.

Tsin put to death its great officer, Yang Ch*oo-foo.

Hoo Yih-koo of Tsin fled to the Teih.

In the intercalary month, [the duke] did not inaugurate
the month with the usual ceremonies, but still he ap-
peared in the ancestral temple.

■ ^M ± m

* Jgt it 3^ yj>

^ :f Sg IE .

sfe ^ ^ ??5 S

Par. 1. [The Chaen appends here:-*' In the
6th jrear, in spring, Tsin had a military re?iew
in £, and disbanded two of its rflre] armies
[See the Chuen after V. zxxi 6. The death of
so many of its great officers, mentioned in the
prerious notice, rendered this disbandroent ne-
cessary]. The nutrquis appointed Hoo Tih-koo
to the command of the 2d or army of the centre
[In room of SSen Tseu-keul with Chaou Tun as
assistant commander. When Yang Ch'oo-foo
came from WAn [See the first Chuen at the end
of last year], there was a second reriew at Tung,
when these appointments were dianged. Yang

had been attached as assistant to Ch*ing-ke
[Chaou Ts*uy, the father of Tun. ChHng is the
hon. title, and Ke is the designation], and was
therefore a partisan of the Chaou family. Con-
sidering, moreover, the ability of Chaou Tun,
he said that to employ so able a man would be
adTantageous to the State. On this account
Tun was adranoed abovo [Yih-koo], and now

he, the officer Seuen (*j^ was afterwards Tun's

honorary title), began to administer the gOTom*

ment of the State. He appointed regular rules
for Ms various departmmta oj business ; adjusted

244

THE CH'UN TS»EW, V^ITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

the laws for the various degrtu of crime; re-
gulated all criminal and civil actions at law;
searched out runaways; ordered the employ-
ment of securities and bonds; dealt with old
ordinances that had fallen into foul disorder;
restored to their original order the distinctions
of rank; renewed according to their normal

gattem offices that had fallen into disuse;
rought out men whose path had been stopped,
and who were in obscurity. When he had
completed his regulations, he delivered them to
tlie grand-assistant, Yang, and the grand-master,
Kea T*o, that they might have them carried
into practice in the State of Tsin, aa its regular
laws.']

Par. 2. Too says that this H&ng-foo was the
grand-son of Tew, who is first mentioned in III.
zzv. 6, and who subsequently played a most im-
portant part in the affairs of Loo. He was either
bis grandson, or great grandson ; — which of the
two ia uncertain. The Chuen says :— * Tsang Wftn-
chung, looking at the good relations of Ch*in
and Wei, wished to seek the friendship of Ch'in
[for Loo]. In summer, therefort, Ke Wta [Wftn

ras H&ng-foo's posthumous title ; see Ana. V.
xix.] went on a friendly mission to Ch4n, marry-
ing there himself at the same time.'

[lliere is a narrative about Ts'in appended
here: — ' Jin-haou, the earl of Ts'in, died, and
the three sons of Tsze-keu, Yen-seih, Chung-
hang, and K'een-hoo, were buried alive along
with him. They were known as the three good
men of Ts'in; and the people bewailed their
fate in the strains of the ode called '' The Yel-
low Birds (She, I. xi. VI.)." The superior man
says, ** It was right that Muh of Ts4n shdnld not
be master of covenants [t.e., leader of the States] I
In his death he threw away the Uves of his peo-
ple. When the ancient kings left the world*
they yet left behind them a pood example ; —
would they ever have snatclied' away from it its
good men? The words of the ode (She, III. iii
odeX.5),

' Men there are not,
And the empire must go to ruin
and misery,'

have reference to the want of good men. What
shall be said of this case when such men were
taken away? The ancient kings, knowing that
their life would not be long, largely established
the sagely and wise [as princes and officers];
planted their instructions in the soil of the man-
ners [of the people] ; instituted the several modes
of distinguishing rank and character; published
exoellent lessons; made the standard tubes and
measures ; showed [the people] the exact amount
of their contributions ; led them on by the rules
of deportment; gave them the rules of their own
example; declared to them the instructions and
statutes [of their predecessors] ; taught them
to guard [against what was evilj and obtain
what was advantageous; employed for them the
regular duties [of the several officers] ; and 1^
them on by the rules of propriety : — thus secur-
ing that the earth should yield its proper in-
crease, and that all below them might svAcient-
ly depend on them. It was a&r they had
done all this that thote ancient kings went to
their end. Succeeding sage kings have acted in
the same way. But now, granting that duke
Muh had no such example to leave to his pos-
terity, yet when he proceeded to take away the

good with hun in his death, it would have been
hard for him to be in the highest place. The
superior man might know from this that T8*in
would not again march in triumph to the eaat." '
Alas for this prognostication of Tao-she, so

falsified by the future history of Tsin!]

Par. 3. The Chuen says : — * In autumn, when
Ke W&n was about to go on a mission of friend-
ly inquiries to Tsin, he caused inquiry to be
made for him into all the observances to be
practised on occasion of a death [Having heard
that the marquis of Tsin was ill.J One of his
people said to him, *'Of what use wiU it be?"
when he replied, " To be prepared befordiand,
so as to have no occasion for anxiety, is a good
old lesson. To have to seek for the rules, and not
be able to find them, would be a hard case. If
I go beyond what is necessary in searching for
them now, what harm can it do ?" ' Too and
other critics find in this an illustratioo of Ke
W&n's ' thinking thrice,' which is mentioDed in
the Analects.

Far. 4. The Chuen says: — *When duke
Seang died, his son, duke Ling was still young,
and the people of Tsin, fearing the diffllcnlties
that might arise, wished to have a grown up
ruler appointed. Chaon M&ng [BlAng was the
designationof-^ht^l^Tun] said, <«Let us ap-
point duke Wdn^s sot, Yung. He is fond ol
what is good, and is grown up; our former
marquis loved him ; \s is near at hand in Tsin;
and Tsin is our ol/ friend. By the appoint-
ment of a good mai, the State will be strength-
ened. In seryinsrthe elder, we shall follow the
natural order, /n calling the loved son to the
State, we ac< a filial part. And by faindiog
anew the old ties of friendship, we shall secuv
our repose. Because of the difllcnlties with wkkk
the State is threatened, we wish to call a grown
up ruler to its head, and with Yung, possessed ol
these four advantages, those difficulties wiU be
removed." Kea Ke [Hoo Yih-koo] said, " Our
better plan will be to appoint duke Win*s son,
Loh. Shin Ying enjoyed the favours of two mar-
quises [See the Chuen to V. xxiiL 4] ; if we raise
her son to be our ruler, the people will repose
under him." Chaou Mtag replied, <« Shin Ymg
was mean, her rank being only ninth in the
harem; — what feeling of majesty can her son
inspire? And she was the favourite of two
marquises; — therein was lewdness. He, more-
over, though the son of our former marquii,
was unable to find the patronage of a grest
State, but went out to a small State, a k»g
way off. His mother lewd, and himself fsr
away, without majesty. Chin small and distant,
incapable of helping him, what grounds are
there for reposing under him ? The lady K^
of Too [The mother of Yung], out of regard to
our marquis fust deceased, yidded her ]^aee to
to K*eih of Pih [duke Scang*s mother] ; and oat of
regard to the [Kindness shown to duke Win by
the] Teih, she yielded again in favour of Ke Wo,
making herself onhf the 4th in the haron. Oa
these accounts our former ruler loved her soo,
and sent him to serve in Tsin, where he hss
been a minister of the second rank. Conside^
ing that Tsin is a great State and near at hand,
able to afford him aupport; considering alio
how the righteouanesa of hia mother and tlw
love of his father are sufficient to awe the peo-
ple, will it not be right to call him to the head

Tkjls vn.

DUKE WAN.

245

of the Sute ?** After this, Tun sent Seen Meeh
and Sze Hwuj to TsMn to bring the prince
Yung to Tsin, while Kea Ke sent also to call
prince Loh from Ch4n. Ch*aou M&ng, however,
caused Loh to be put to death [on the way] at

Pe.* For ^ Kung-jang has ^.

Par. 6. The K*ang-he editors make this into

two paragraphs, the second beginning with yE.

Tso-she, howeyer, considered the whole as one,
as is evident from his brief note, that ' Seang-
chung went to Tsin, to bury duke Seang.'

Parr. 6,7. The K'ang-he editors give these
paragraphs as one, but I think it is better to fol-
low the arrangement of Kuh-leang. He also

has ^^ instead of aa". Tbe Chuen says:—

'Kea Ke resented Yang's causing him to be
superseded in the command of the army of the
centre [See the Chuen after p. 1] ; and knowing
that he nad not fHends to succour him in Tsin,
in the 9th month, he employed Sub Kuh-keu
rpelonged to a branch of the Hoo family] to
kill him. The language of the text, that * Tsin
put to death its great officer;' is because Yang
had interfered with the offices of others. In the
11th month, on Ping-yin, Tsin put Suh K'een-pih
[Kuh-keu] to death, on which Kea Ke fled to the
Teih. Chaou M&ng [Called the officer Seuen ; see
the Chuen after p. 1.1 6y and b^ employed Yu
Peen, to escort his family to join him there.
Now at the grand review in £, &ea Ke had dis-
graced Yu Peen, whose people wished on this
occasion to put all Ke's family to death in re-
payment of that injury. But he said, '* No. I
have heard that it is contained in an old book,
that neither kindness nor wrong can be repaid
in the persons of a man's children ; and that is
a principle with leal-hearted people. My mas-
ter [Chaou Mftng] is behaving courteously to
Kea Ke, and woiUd it not be bad if I took ad-
yantage of his favour to myself to avenge my
private wrong? To depend on another's favour
f to do this] would not show brayery. In satis-
fying my own resentment, to increase the num-
ber of my enemies [By making Chaou M&ng
his foe] would not show knowledge. To injure
the public service for my priyate ends would
not show loyalty. If I let go these three quali-
ties, wherewith should I do service to my mas-
ter ?" So he collected all the members of Kea
Ke's family, his household stuff, and his treas-

ures, led the protecting force in person, and
conveyed them to the borders [of the Teih].*

It appears from the Chuen that the death of
Yang Ch*oo-foo was procured by Hoo Yih-koo;
and it is difficult to account for the language ox
the text which ascribes it to 'Tsin,' — to the act
of the State. Tso-she's explanation is altogether
unsatisfactory. In advising duke Seang to
supersede the less able by the abler man, Yang
had only done his duty ; and whether it were so
or not, his action affords no explanation of the
ascription of this death to Tsin. Kaou K'ang
says the record of the flight of Hoo Yih-koo^
immediately after that of the death of Yang,
sufficiently shows that he was the murderer;

but this does not account for the ^^ jH[.

Kung-yang relates that duke Seang told &ia
Ke that he superseded him on the representation
of Yang; and some, accepting this account, hold
that by the *Tsin' we are to understand duke
Seang, who was now deceased! I can suggest
nothing myself as a solution of the difficulty.

Par. 8. Tso-she says: — *Not to inaugurate
solemnly the first day of the intercalary month
was an infringement of the proper rule. The
intercalary month is intended to adjust the
seasons. The obaervcmee of the seasons is neces-
sary for the performance of the labours of the
year. It is those labours by which provision is
made for the necessities of life. Herein then
lies the caring for the lives of the people. Not
to inaugurate properly the intercalary month
was to set aside the reg^ilAtion of the seasons;
— what goyemment of the people could there be
in such a case ?'

The inauguration of the month intended
seems to be the offering of a sheep, alluded to
in Ana. III. xviL After this ceremony, the
duke, it would appear, presented himsdf before
the shrines of his ancestors, with what cere-
monies we are not told; and this oyer, he
Sroceeded to give audience to his offloers.
faou K*e-ling thinks that that audience and
the attention to the government which it implied

is what is here intended by 3^ ^P ^S ; but

I cannot think so. The ^ indicates that the

ceremony which follows was less important
than that which precedes it, which could not be
said of attention to the business of the govern-
ment.

Seventh year.

AEPB

246

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

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Tsar VII.

DUKE WAN.

247

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A^II. 1 In his seventh year, in spring, the duke invaded Choo.

2 In the third month, on Keah-suh, he took Seu-k^eu, and

went on in consequence to wall Woo.

3 In summer, in the fourth month, Wang-shin, duke of

Sung, died.

4 The people of Sung put to death [some of] their great

officers.
6 On Mow-tsze, an army of Tsin and one of Ts'in fought a
battle at Ling-hoo.

6 Seen Meeh of Tsin fled to Ts^n.

7 The Teih made an incursion into our western borders.

70 / o

with other princes and a great officer of Tsin, when
thev made a covenant in Hoo.

248

THE CH'IIN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

9 In winter, Seu invaded Keu.
10 Kung-8un Gaou went to Keu to superintend a covenant.

Par. 1. Tso says the duke made this move-
ment, * taking the opportunity of the difllcultiea
of Tain.'

Par. 2. Seu-k<eii (Kung-yang has ^ |6}),

—see V.zzii. 1. It was originally a Foo-yung of
Loo. Choo had taken and appropriated it;
and duke He took it from Choo, as related in
that par., and restored its proper ruler. Choo,
it would seem, had taken it a second time, and
duke Wftn again reclaimed it, but not to restore
it to its orinnal holders. * He placed over it,'
says the Chuen, *a son of duke W&n [of
Choo]; — which was contrary to rule.' Tnis
scion of Choo had fled from his own State,
where he had attempted to overtTim the gorem-
ment, and taken refuge in Loo. He was
now made governor <rf Seu-k*eu, absorbed
by Loo, which thus extinguished the sacrifice
that had been there maintained to Fuh-he.
Woo was a town of Loo, — ^in the south-east
of Uie dis. of Sze-shwuy, dep. Yen-chow. Loo
now proceeded to wall it, as a precaution
against reprisals from Choo.

Par. 8. For ^ g^ Kuh-leang has -^ ^,

We have no subsequent entry of this duke's
burial, probably because of the confusion into
which Sung feU after his death, in which the
ceremony was irregularly performed. Wang-
shin became duke Ch'ing.

Far. 4. The Chuen says :— ' In the 4th month,
duke Ch*ing of Sung died. At this time, duke
Chwang's son, Ch'ing, commanded the army of
tiie right, and Kung-sun Yew [A Sonof Muh-e;
—see the narrative at the end of V. viii.] that of
the left ; Loh Yu was minister of War ; Lin Kwan,
minister of Instruction ; duke Hwan's son. Tang,
minister of Works; and Hwa Yu-sze, minister
of Crime. Duke Ch^aou [Who had succeeded to
bis father] wished to make away vrith some of
the sons of former dukes, but Loh Yu said to
him, *'No. The rarious clans of the ducal
House are its branches and leaves. If you re-
move them, the root and trunk will have no
shelter or shade. Even the dolichos and other
creepers can give sheltering protection to their
root and stem, so that the superior man could
use them by way of comparison [See the She,
I.vi. ode VII]; how much more should rulers
€d States do sol Your project is like what the
common saying describes, * He should protect it,
and he allows the measuring line and axe to cut
it down.' It is entirely to be condemned.
Cherish them by your kindness, and they will
be arms and legs to you ; — which of them will
dare to cherish disaflfectioh? Why should you
think of removing them out of the way ?" ITie
duke would not listen to this counsel. The
dans therefore of Muh and Seang [i, e., the de-
scendants of those two dukes] led the people of
the State to attack the duke, and killed Kung-
sun Koo and Kung-sun Ch*ing in his palace.
The six ministers succeeded in bringing the
ducal house to harmony, and Loh Yu resigned
bis office as minister of War, in favour of the
duke's brother. Gang. Duke Ch*aou then
took the seat of his father, and buried him.
The text says that the people of Sung put their
great officers to death, without mentioning the

names o/tko§e who did so, or of the sufferers, beeaiue
they were many; it intimates also that the
sufTerers were not criminala.' Tao-ahe's explana-
tion of the terms of the text is not aatisfactoiy.
Maou K*e-ling says better, <The text does not
give the names of the slayers and the slain, the
historiographera having ascertained neither vbo
the former were, nor for what cause the latter
suffered. Hence the sommarinesa of the Isn-
guage.' I have made the fcranalation in aoooiti-
anoe with this criticism.

Far. 5,6. For ^ Kung-yang has ^, tod
before^ he has the characters J^^. Liag-
hoo was in Tsin,*in the pres. dia. of £-sbe (jB

P^\ dep. PHxMshow, Shan-se. The Chnea

says:—* Duke K*ang of Ta<in sent an escort with
duke Win's son Yung to Tsin, saying, "When
duke Wftn entered Tsin [In the 24th year of
duke He], he had no tuffldent guard with him,
and hence came his difficulties from Leu and
Keoh.** He therefore gave Yang a numerous
guard of troops.

' In the meantime, Muh Ying carried her son,—
the eldest son of the laie marqui»,'—eTery day in
her arms to the court, and wei^ there, sayings
*' What crime had the late marquis? and wfait
crime has this child, his heir? In passing by
the proper heir, not raising him to his father's
place, and in seeking a ruler from abroad, what
will you do with this child?" When sbe left
the court, she carried her son to the mansion of
the Chaotu, and with her head bowed to the
ground before Chaou Seuen, she said to him,
"The late marquis took this child, and com-
mitted him to you, saying, 'Should this child
turn out a man of ability, I ahall receive it as
your gift. Should he not do so, I shall have
have occasion to resent Fyour neglect of his
training].' Now, though the marquis be deceas-
ed, his words must still be in your ears; — hov
is it that you liave abandoned hia son ?" Chaoa
Seuen and the other great officera were troohled
by thie conduct of Muh Ying, and were aftiid
of pressure Jrom the people (Taking sides with
her]. They accordingly turned their backs oo
Seen Meeh [and his mission to Ts'in], dedarad
the child — duke Ling, — successor to the Stste,
and took measures to oppose the army of Ttfn.

* Ke Ch^ing remained at the capital in cfasise
of the government. Chaou Tun himself went is
command of the army of the centre, with Sees
K'ih as assistant commander. Senn Lia-lbo
went with the 1st army, its assistant oommaader
[Ke Chlng, who had the chief command of it
remaining at court]. Seen Medi [Having re-
turned to Tsin] was in command of the 8d annj,
and Seen Too was the aaaistant oommscder.
Poo Chaou was charioteer, and Jong "Mn wsi
spearman on the right.

'When tiiey came to Kin-yin, Chaon Seaet
said, '* If we were to receive [Yimg whom] Tsii
[is escortmg], Ts4n would be our guest If
we do not receive him, TsHn ia our invader. Af
we do not receive him, if we be further diUtoiy
in our measures, Ts'in will be led to tospect
us. To be beforehand with others takes the

vn.

DUKE WAN.

249

hewt out of them; — ^this is a good plan in war.
To drive out an invader as if we were pursuing
fugitives ; — this is a good rule of action.** He
instructed the soldiers therefore to sharpen their
weapons and feed their horses, to take a good
meal on their beds, and, with all arrangements
for silence and secrecy, to start while it was yet
dark. In this way^ on Maou-tsze he defeated the
army of Ts'in at Hoo-ling, and pursued it to
K'oo-show. On Ke-ch'ow, Seen MSeh fled to
Ts4n, and Sze Hwuy followed him.

* When Seen Meeh was sent on his mission to
TsHn, Seun Lin-foo had tried to stop him, saying,
* The [late marquis's] wife and son are still here,
and we are seeking a ruler abroad-; this scheme
will not succeed. What do you say to declining
the mission on the plea of illness ? If you do
not do so, you will meet with calamity. Get
another special minister to go in your place; —
why must you go ? Officers of the same depart-
ment are comn^es; I have been your comrade,
and feel compelled to advise yon thus with all
mv heart.'* Meeh would not listen to this, and the
other sang to him the Sd stanza of the Pan ode
[She, IILiL Ode X.] Still he would not hear
nim. When he became a fugitive, Seun Pih
[Liu-foo] escorted to him in TsHn all his family,
with his household stuff, and treasures, saying,
'* It is because of our comradeship." Sze Hwuy
was in TsHn for 3 years without seeing Sze Pih
[Seen Meeh]. One of his people said to him,
** You could become a fugitive with him from
Tsin, and you cannot see him here I What is the
reason of this?" Sze Ke [Ke was Hwuy*8
designation] replied, " I was in the same con-
demnation with him; it was not because 1
deemed him righteous [that I followed him] ; —
why should I see him?'* And up to the time of
his return to Tsin, he did not see him.'

Par. 7. The Chuen says: — * On this occasion,
the duke sent word of the incursion to Tsin.
Chaou Seuen sent a messenger, who, by means
of Kga Ke, asked Fung Shoo [The chief minister
of the Teih] about it, and reproved him. ^Fung
Shoo asked Kea Ke which was the superior of
the two, Chaou Ts*uy or Chaou Tun. Kea Ke
replied, "Chaou Ts*uy was the sun of a winter's
day [To be cherished]; Chaou Tun is the sun of
a summer's fTo be shrunk from]." '

Par. 8. Hoo was in ChHng,— in the north-
west of the pres. dis. of Yuen-woo, dep. K*ae-
fung. The Chuen says: — *In the 8th month,
the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the mar-

?uis of Wei, the marquis of ChHn, the earl of
Ihing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou,
had a meeting with Ch*aou Tun of Tsin, when
they made a covenant in Hoo ;-*having refer-
ence to the accession of the new marquis of Tsin.
The duke arrived afterwards, and therefore the
text does not say with whom he met In all
eases of any of our dukes meeting with other
princes, when it is not said who these were, it
must be understood that the duke came late.
The reason why in such case the States are not
given is to conceal the duke's want of diligence.'
The canon which Tso here lays down for the
explanation of the text has been called in ques-
tion by Lew Ch*ang and Sun Keuh. Most of
the critics, however, accede to it. To me it
seems very questionable.

Par. 9. Too Yu accounts for the brevity of
this par., where only the name Sou is given
without any mention of the leader, on the sup-

position that the historiographers recorded the
notice as it was received from Sen, which was
too barbarous a State to draw up an announce-
ment of the kind in the proper form. Lew
Ch'ang, however, argues, from the statement in
the Chuen on the next par., that Ken sent, on
the invasion of Sen, to ask a covenant with Loo,
and that the announcement came from it ; — which
is much more likely, and suflBciently accounts

for the brevity of the notice.

P«.10. Kmw «d K«h h.Te IJI for ^.

The Chuen says: — *Muh-pih [Kong-sun Gaou]
had married a wife from Keu, called Tae Sze

[^ in the text should probably be PA

who bore to him Wftn-pih. Her sister Shing*
Sze bore him Hi^ruy-shuh. On the death of
Tae Sze he made proposals for another wife
f^om Keu, but the party concerned in Keu de-
clined them on the ground that Shing Ke was
still alive, on which he made the proposal, on
behalf of ^lis cousin] Seang-chung [Kung-tsze
Suy]. This winter, when Seu invaded Keu,
they sent from Keu to Loo, bagging for a cove-
nant, arid Muh-pih went to Keu to superintend
the making of it, and at the same time to meet
the lady for iS^^-chung. When he got to Yen-
ling, having gone up on the wall of the city, [he
saw her that] she was beautiful, and married
her himself. Chung asked leare to attack hun
from the duke, who was about to give his consent,
when Shuh-chung Hwuy-pih [A grandson of
Kung-tsze Ya, who was murdered in Chwang's
32d year; a brother of Shuh-sun Tih-shin of I.
7. From him came the Shuh-chung family]
remonstrated, saying, " Your servant has heard
that hostilities within the State produce rebellion,
while hostilities from without are from enemies.
In dealing with enemies, you have still to do
with strangers ; in dealing with rebels, yon are
arrayed against yourself. Now a subject is go-
ing to prepuce confusion, and your lordship does
not hinder him; and when the thing goes on to
lead to hostile attacks [from without], what can
be said ?'* The duke on this stopped Chung's
movement, and Hwuy-pih reconciled the two
ot&cers, advising Chung to give up his claim to
the lady, and Kung-sun Gaou to send her back
to Keu, and that they should again be brothers
as before. They followed his counsel.'

[The Chuen appends here : — * Keoh Keueh of
Tsm said to Chaou Seuen, ** Years ago, Wei be-
ing on bad terms with us, we took part of its
territory [See the 1st year, par. 7]. Now it is on
good terms with us. and we may restore the ter-
ritory. When a State revolts from us, if we do
not punish it, how can we display our ma jestv ?
When it submits, if we do not deal kindly with
it, how can we display our indulgence ? With-
out that majesty and uidulgence, how can we
display our virtue ? And without virtue, how
can we preside over the covenants [of the
States] ? You are our chief minister, the di-
rector of all the princes; and if you do not
make it your object to manifest such virtue,
what will be the consequence? It is said in
one of the Books of Hea [or Yu; see the Shoo,
II. ii. 7], ' Caution them with gentle words; cor-
rect them with the majesty of ktw ; stimulate
them with the nine songs : — in order, that your
success may never suffer diminution.' There are
the virtues seen in the nine services, all of

TOL T.

250

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

which may be sung; and they are called the
nine songs. There are the six magazines and
three businesses, which are called the nine ser-
rices. Water, fire, metal, wood, earth, and
grain, are called the six magazines. The recti-
fication of the people's virtue, the conyeniences
of life, and the securing abundant means of sus-
tentation, are called the three businesses. The

accomplishment of them with righteoosness
shows the possession of propriety. The want
of this propriety, leading to dissatisfactioii, is
what produces revolt. If the virtae of yoo, Sr,
cannot be sung, who will be attracted by you?
Why not ma^e those who are now on good
terms with you sing you?" Chaou Seooi wis
pleased with this counseL']

Eighth year.

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DUKE WAN.

251

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VIII. 1

2
3

It was the [duke's] eighth year, the spring, the king's

first month.
It was summer, the fourth month.
In autumn, in the eighth month, on Mow-shin, the king

[by] Heaven's [grace] died.
In winter, inthetenthmonth,on Jin-woo, duke[Chwang's]

son, Suy, had a meeting with Chaou Tun of Tsin,

when they made a covenant in Hang-yung.
On Yih-yew, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, had a meeting

with the Loh Jung, and made a covenant with them

at Paou.
Kung-sun Gaou left to go to the capital, but he retraced

his steps before he got to it. On Ping-seuh he fled

to Eeu.
There were locusts.
The people of Sung put to death their great officer, the

minister of War. The minister of Works of Sung

came to Loo a fugitive.

Par. 1. [The Chuen gires here the sequel of
the narratiye at the eud of last year: — 'In spring,
the marqais of Tsin sent Heae Yang to restore
to Wei the lands of K'wang and Ts'eih [See the
Chnen on I. 61. He also surrendered the ter-
ritoiy, with which duke Wdn had inyested his
son-in-law, Ch*e, from Shin to the border of
Hoo-laon.]'

Par. 2. [The Chuen appends here: — 'In
summer, a hody of men from Ts'm invaded Tsin,
and took Woo-shing; — ^in return for the affair
at Hoo-ling.n

Par. 8. Tso obsenres that this was king
8eang. He was succeeded by his son Jin-shin

(-^ g£), known as king K*ing (tj^ ^).

Par. 4. Hftng-yung was in Ch'ing, — near to
Hoc, mentioned in p. 8 of last year. The Chuen
says: — 'A body of men from Tsin came to
puniah us on account of the covenant at Hoo [For
which the duke arrived too late]. In winter,
Seang-chung had a meeting with Chaou Tun,
when they made a covenant in H&ng-yung; — in
satisfaction for [the duke's negligence in the
matter of] the covenant at Hoo.'

Par. 6. For ^f| Kung-yung, and also Tso's

Chuen, have ^^S^- 1^» tribe of the Jung

had its seat in the pres. dep. of Ho-nan.
Paou was in Ch4ng. It could not be far
from H&ng-yung, for Yih-yew was only the 3d
day after Jin-woo, when Suy covenanted with
Chaou Tun. Tso-she says that from that cove-

nant Suy took occasion to go on, and made
a covenant with the Jung of £-loh. They, it is
supposed, had assembled with the intention of
attacking Loo. Suy became aware of this, and
took it upon himself, without waiting for in-
structions from the duke, to go on, and treat
with them, inducing them to give up their
purpose. Probably, the case was so. But Tso
goes on to say that Suy is mentioned here as
*duke*s son,* to indicate the excellence of his
proceeding, while in other places the same
* duke's son ' must be held to indicate condem-
nation I

Par. 6. Kung-yang leaves out the jfn be-
fore '^[. Tso-she says : —' Muh-pih proceeded

to Chow to express the duke's condolences on
the king's death; but before ho got there, he
fled to Keu, to follow the lady Sze, taking the
offerings which he carried with him.' The lady
is the Sze mentioned in p. 9 of last year, whom
Gaou had been induced to send back to Keu.

jK ^ tfn ^B means that he stopt short in

his way to the capital, retraced his steps so far,
and then went to Keu. Many of the critics
understand the phrase as indicating that Gaou
refused altogether to comply with the duke's

order for him to go to Chow; — a view which
the K*ang-he editors rightly condemn.

Par. 7. Here, as elsewhere, Kung-yang has
Mi for ^. See on 11. y,S,eiaL

BOOK VL

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In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the earl of Maou came

to Loo, to ask for [a contribution of] money.
The duke's wife, the lady Eeang, went to Ts*e.
In the second month, Shuh-sun Tih-shin went to the capital
On Sin-ch'ow there was the burial of king Seang.
The people of Tsin put to death their great officer S6en Too.
In the third month, the duke's wife, the lady Eeang,

arrived from Ts*e.
The people of Tsin put to death their great officers, Sze

Hwoh and Ke Ch*inff-foo.
A body of men from Ts*oo invaded Ch4ng. Suy, duke

[Chwang's] son, joined an officer of Tsin, an officer of

Sung, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Heu, to relieve

Ch'ing.
In summer, the Teih made an incursion into Ts^e.
In autumn, in the eighth month, Seang, earl of Ts^aou,

died.
In the ninth month, on Kwei-yew, there was an earthquake.
In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo sent Ts3aou to Loo on a

mission of friendlv inquiries.
An officer from Ts'm came to present grave-clothes for

duke He and Ch^ng Fung.
There was the burial of duke Eung of Ts'aou.

[Contimihig the narratiye at the end of last
▼ear, the Cbnen proceeds: — *In spring, in the
king's first month, on Ke-ySw, [the conspirators]
em^yed mfBans to kill Seen K*ih. On Tih-

ySw the people of Tsin put to death Seen Too

and Leang Tih-urh.']

Par. 1. TheearlofMaon, — see on 1. 5. Comp.
the whole par. with I.iii.4. The ^ here and

mt there seem to he two names for the same

thing. Too says [Ezpandins the Chnen] thai
the money was sought to help in the ezpendi*

254

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

tare for the king*8 burial. Though this was the
beginuing of a new year since the death of the
king, yet, he being not buried, the text does not
8ay that the messenger was sent by the new
king. The mission, Tso further says, was ' con-
tnuy to rule ' and the earl's name was ' WeL'

Par. 2. The lady Keang went to Ts'e to yisit
her parents. This all the critics admit ; but as
such visits were regularly made, and matters of
custom and routine are held not to be entered in
the Ch'un Ts'ew, they hazard various conjec-
tures to account for this record; with which the
student need not be troubled.

Parr. 3,4. These are treated in the Chuen as

one paragraph. — * Chwang-shuh (^£ was Tih-

shin's posthumous title) went to Chow, to the
burial of king Seang. Too says that it was ac-
cording to rule for a minister to go to Chow on
•uch an occasion ; but it was not so. — ^The duke
ought to have gone himself.

Par. 5. The fact here recorded is given in
the Chuen at the beginning of the year, and
is said to have occurred on the day Tih-yew.
Now Tih-yew was the 19th of the Ist month of
this year. Here is a discrepancy between the
text and the Chuen for which it is not easy to
acoount.

Par. 6. This record is remarkable as being
the only instance in which the return of a mar-
chioiiess of Loo from a visit to her paternal
State is entered. Fourteen times the leaving of
Loo is recorded ; but only on this occasion is the
solemn celebration of the return in the ancestral
temple mentioned.

Par. 7. See the Chuen at the end of last
year, and the beginning of this. Here the
Chuen merdy repeats the text, with the addi-
tion of the name of K*wae Tih. The omission
of that in the text, as of the name of Leang Tih-
urh in p. 5, is probably to be accounted for from
the inferior rank of the two criminals. A canon

is made to account for the use of ^l here and
in p. 5, and some similar passages, that it is
used when the punishment of criminals is
spoken of; — as if the execution were with the
oonsent of all the people. It does not, however,
always hold. Kuh-leang has many followers in

thinking that the ^j^ implies that Ch*ing-foo

was involved (S^ ^^) in crime and its conse-
quences by Sze Hwoh; but so much stress need
not be laid on the term. Maou K4-ling says, ^^

Par. 8. Ts^ had now pretty well recovered
from the defeat at Shing-puh 16 years before
this, and here resumes its attempts against the
northern States. The Chuen says : — * Fan Shan

5 A great officer of Ts'oo] said to the viscount of
fs^oo, " The ruler of Tsin is quite young, and
has no thought about the States; — you may
take measures now for the land of the north.'*
Accordingly the viscount took post with an army
at Lang-yuen, to [direct] the invasion of Ch*ing.
He made prisoners of Rung-tsze Keen, Kung-
tsse Mang, and Loh Urh, after which Ch'ing
made peace with Ts^oo. Duke Chwang's son,
Suy, joined Chaou Tun of Ts'in, Hwa Ngow of
Sung, K'ung Tah of Wei, and a great officer of
Heu, in order to relieve Ch*ing, but they did

not come up with the army of Ts'oo. The
text does not give the names of the ministers
[of the several States] because of their dilatori-
ness, — to punish their want of sincerity.'

Par. 9. With Ts*oo pressing on them from
the south, and the Teih, ever active and restless
on the north, the States of the Middle kingdom
were in an evil case.

[The Chuen gives here two additional notes
about Ts*oo — * In summer, Ts^oo made an in-
cursion into Ch4n, and reduced Hoo-k*ew;—
because of its submission to Tsin.'

* In autumn, Kung-tsze Choo of Ts^oo invaded
Ch^in by the way of the eastern £. The troops
of ChHn defeated him, and captured Kung-tsse
Fei. This success made Ch4n afraid, and it
made peace with Ts'oo.]

Par. 11. Too says: — *It is the way of the
earth to be still; its moving was accounted
strange, and therefore recorded.' Jin Kung-

foo (^2 ^& $S} ^7^* — *^^^ more than a
hundred years before this we have no record
of an earthquake; but from this time to king
Gae, there are four earthquakes recorded;—
nature's response to the prevailing confusion in
the kingdom, the princes disobedient to the son
of Heaven, and their officers disobedient to the
princes.'
Par. 12. For |^ Kuh-leang has ^. The

Chuen says : — ' Tsze-yueh Tseaon came to us oa
a mission of friendly inquiries, and carried lus
offerings in a careless, arrogant manner. Shah-
chung Hwuy-pih said, ''This man is sure to
cause the extinction of all the dan of Joh-gaou.
Treating thus insolently his ancient lords [In
whose temple he had received the offerings for
his mission], their Spirits will not bless him.*"
The rule in the case of friendly missions wsi
that the rank of the sender should be mentioned.
In a former mission from Ts'oo [see IIL xxiiL
5], the rule is not observed ; but here and after-
wards, in the only other mission of this Idod
from Ts'oo, we have the viscount of TsHmi
Ts*oo has now come into the category of the
other States. Its progress in civilization sod
influence was acknowledged. The K*ang-lie
editors very unnecessarily recount the vazioiii
methods of the critics to account for the *coa-
mendation' which they think is indicated I7
the title.

Par. 18. i^ Bgrave-cbthes, or the preses-
tation of them for the use of the dead (h ^S

common between neighbouring States which were
in friendly relations. In this case they ctme litti
but we have a similar gift sent in the same vsj ^
Loo by the king in I. L 4. Tso-she says :— ' Thii
offering was according to rule. 'The Ststei
presented to one another their oondolenoei sad
congratulations. Although their gifts mi^
not correspond to the circumstances, yet if tbef
were according to rule, they were recorded,
that the old friendship [thus signified] rsa^
not [subsequently] be forgotten*' Ts'in tnd
Loo had tsJcenpart in Uie same oovensat ^
Teih-ts'euen. The former State now took id-
vantage of that to cultivate iu friendly relstiooi
with the States of the * Middle kingdom.'

EAB X.

DUKE WAN.

Tenth year.

255

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2
3

In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's third
month, on Sin-maou, Tsang-sun Shin died.

In summer, Ts'in invaded Tsin.

Ts'oo put to death its great officer, E-shin.

From the first month, it did not ruin till autumn in the
seventh month.

256

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

The [duke] made a covenant with the viscount of Soo at

Joo-leih.
In winter, the Teih made an incursion into Sung.
The viscount of Ts'oo and the marquis of Ts*ae halted in

Eeueh-mih.

tbat the yiaoount of Tb'oo's halting at Keneh-
mih was with a design against Song, wasted by
the incorsion of the Teili. The Chuen says^-
* The marqois of Ch*in and the earl of Chlng
had a meeting with the Tisooont of Ts'oo In Seih ;
and in the winter, [the riscoant] and the msr-
quii of Ts*ae halted at Keueh-mih, with the in-
tention of thence attacking Sung. Hwa Ta-
sze of Song said [to the dnke], ** Ts'oo wishes
to display our weakness; — ^had we not better
show first that we know it ourselTes? Why
most we let the Tiscoont challenge ns? We
hare no ability [to cope with him];— of what
crime have the people been guilty [that yoa
should iuTolve them in hostiltaes ?]" On this the
duke went to meet the Tiscount, gare largess to
his troops, and professed submission to his com-
mands. He then led the way to hunt in Ming-
choo.

*The duke of Sung led the party on ths
right, and the earl of Ch'ing that on ths
left Fuh-suy, duke of Ke-sze, was director
of the hunt for the right, and Tsze-ofaoo sod
Wan-che Woo-wei were directors for the kft.
Orders were given [to the princes present]
to hare their carriages yoked early in the morn-
ing, and [for each] to carry an instrument for
raising fire with him. The duke of Sung dis-
obeyed [the latter of] these commands, on which
Woo-wei caused his charioteer to be flogged, to
show to all the hunt [the offence the duke hsd
been guilty of]. Some one said to Tsse-chor
(Woo-wei) that the ruler of a State ought sol
to be so disgraced; but he replied, ^Acting tf
my office requires of me, what hare I to do wilh
the position [of the offender] ? As the ode
says (She^ UL iiL ode VI. 5),

6
7

Par. 1. Tsang-sun ^in, — see on HI. zxriii.
7. See also Ana. V. zrii. He must have been
an important minister of Loo for nearly half a
century. Too says that his death is recorded
here, because the duke went to be present at the
dressing and preparing of his body for the coffin

Par. 2. The Chuen says : — * In spring, a body
of men from Tsin attacked Ts^in, and took
Shaou-leang. In summer, the earl of Ts'in
invaded Tsln, and took Pih-ching.* In common
with a host of th6 critics, the K*ang-he editors
contend that the simple Ts4n here is condem-
natory of that State for keeping up the long
series of hostilities with Tsin, and thereby allow-
ing Ts'oo to develope its power and aggressions
on the * Middle kingdom.* But according to the
Chuen, Tsin bad been the offender, and was
responsible for the continuance of the animosity

of Tsin. The simple ^^ in the text merely

indicates that it was not known in Loo who in
particidar had commanded in the invasion.

Par. 8. The Chuen says: — *In earlier years,
Tih-sse, a soothsayer of Fan, had said that king
Ch*ing [Of Ts*oo], Tsze-yuh, and Tsie-se [The
E-shin of the text], would all die violent deaths.
After the battle of Shing-puh, the king thought
of this, and sent to stop Tsze-yuh, telling him he
should not put himself to death, but the message
came too late (See on V. xxviii. 6). [The king
also sent] to stop Tsze-se. He had attempted
to hang himself, when the rope by which he was
suspended broke. Just then the message arrived,
and his suicide was stayed. After this Ch*ing

S pointed him duke of bhang. Sailing down the
m and ascending the Keang, he was about
to enter Ying. The king was in his island
palace, and seeing Tsze-se below, he was afraid,
and refused an interview, but the other said,
'*Your servant [formerly] escaped dying, but
tliere have been slanderers again saying that I
am going to run away ;7-I am coming back to
die at the hands of the minister of Crime.*' King
Ch'ing then made him director of the workmen ;
but aner this he proceeded to plan with Tsse-kea
the death of king Muh, who heard of their
design, and in the 5th month put them to death ;
—both Tow £-shin and Chung-kwei (The above
Tsze-kea).'

Par. 4. See on 11. 6.

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — *In autumn, in
the 7th month, we made a covenant with the
viscount of Soo, at Joo-leih, on account of the
accession of king King.* A viscount of Soo ap-
pears in the Chuen, after HI. xix. 4, and on V.x.
3. See the note on the latter paragraph. There
the State of Wftn or Soo is described as annihi-
lated; but king Seang had probably restored it.
The viscount of Soo in the text would be a son of
the one in duke He's time, llie site of Joo-leih
is not ascertained.

Parr. 6,7. These two pai:agraphB are some-
times edited as one, the reason, no doubt, being

* He does not eject the hard
Nor does he devour the soft;'

and again (She, IIL iL ode IX. 8),

'Give no indulgence to deceit and obl^
quiousness,
To make carefUl those who pay no regsn
to the rule.'

These passages show that one \» not to ahriok
*from dealing with the powerfuL Dare I ^^
the duties of my office to t>e thrown into disorder
rather than to die?"'

Tso adds that the viscount of Keun vithdie*
secretly from this meeting at Kcueh-mib. 1^
site of that place does not seem to be ascertsioei

Kung-yang has Jg for Jj||^.

BAB XI.

DUKE WAN.

Eleventh year.

257

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KI. 1 In the [duke's! eleventh year, in spring, the viscount of

Ts'oo invaded Keun.

2 In summer, Shuh-chung P'&ng-s&ng had a meeting with

Keoh Keueh of Tsin in Shing-k*wang.

3 In autumn, the earl of Ts'aou paid a court-visit to Loo.

4 Duke Chwang's son, Suy, went to Sung,

5 The Teih maae an incursion into Ts'e.

6 In winter, in the tenth month, on Eeah-woo, Shuh-sun

Tih-shin defeated the Teih in Heen.

VOL ▼.

258

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WTTH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

Par. I. K^un (Knng-yang has ^|)i was a

■mall State, whose lords were viscounts, — in

the pres. dis. of Yun (^H) dept Yun-yang,

Hoo-pih. Its chief town was Seih-heueh

(^ 5^). The last Chuen relates how the

Tiscount of Keun withdrew from the meeting at
Keueh-mih ; we have here his punishment. The
Chuen says: — *In spring, the viscount of Ts^oo
invaded Keun, and Ch'ing Ta-sin [Son of Ch*ing
Tili-shin, who was defeated at 8hing-puh]
defeated the army of Keun at Fang-choo.
P*wan TsHing QSee the Chuen on 1. 10), again
invaded Keim, and advanced as far as to &ih-
heueh.*

Par. 3. Kung and Kuh have no ^ib after

and they have ^ instead of ^^, Shing

k*wang was in Sung, — SOU to the west of

the dty of Suy Chow (||| ^), in the

dep. of Kwei-tih. Shuh-chung PHUig-sftng
is the Shuh-chung Hwuy-peh, whom we have
met with in the Chuen more than once. He
was the hrother of Shuh-sun Tih-shin, and son
of Kung-sun Tsze, or Tae-pih, mentioned in the
4th year of duke He ;~see the note on 1. 7. llie
object of the meeting, Tso-she says, was to con-
sult about the adhesion given in by several of
the SUtes to Ts^oo. The K'ang-he editors
observe that this is the first instance of a meet-
ing by great officers of difft. States between
themselves, to deliberate about public affairs; —
showing how the power was gradually sliding
out of the hands of the princes of the States.

Par. 8. This was a son of duke Kung, whose
death and burial are chronicled in the 9th year.
Tso observes that he was himself duke W&n,
and this visit was on the occasion of his succeed-
ing to the earldom, to have an interview with
his neighbour.

Par. 4. The Chuen says:— *S&ing-chttng
went on this friendly visit to Sung, when he
mentioned the case of Tang E-choo, [Sung's]
minister of Works (SeeVin.8X and prociued
his restoration, taking occasion also to ooDgra-
tulate Sung on its not having suffered f^m the
army of Ts*oo.*

Par. 6. This Heen was in Loo,— difft. from the
place of the same name in V.xiii.8. The
Chuen says.— * [The Teih of] Sow-mwan made
an incursion into Ts*e, and then came on to at-
tack us. Tlie duke consulted the tortoise-shell
about sending Shuh-sun Tih-shin to pursue
them, and received a favourable reply. How

Shuh-hea was charioteer to Chwang-shnh [T!h-
shin]; Meen Fang-sftng was spearman on the
right ; and Foo-foo Chung-stog went also in the
same chariot.' In winter, in the tenth month,
on Keah-woo, the general defeated the Teih in
Heen, and captured a giant called K*eaoa-joa
Foo-foo Chung-sftng smote him in the throat with
his spear, and killed him. They boried his
head by the Tsxe-ken gate, and the genersl
named one of his sons, known afterwards as
Seuen-pih, after him.

* Before this, in the time of duke Woo of Smw
[Earlier than the period of the Chhin Ts'ewj,
the Sow-mwan invaded Sung, and the minister
of Instruction, Hwang-fooCh*ung-8hih ledaforae
against them, with (jrh Pan as his charioteer,
Kung-tsze Kuh-sftng the spearman on liis ri^t,
and New-foo, the minister of Crime, in the same
chariot He defeated the Teih at Ch'ang-k'cw,
and captured a giant, called Tnen-aie. 'Hie two
[other officers], and Hwang-foo, were killed

[^ :$^ ;$: n ^,^ ii; b«ii ««*

suppose that the Knng-tsse Kuh-sing and New-
foo were sons of Hwang-fbo], and the doke of
Sung rewarded IJrh Pan with the retennes
collected at one of the barrier gates, from
which he was called Urh-mun.

* After Mtf, when Tsin extinguished Lo(K
[92; in the 15th year of doke Senen], Fnn-joob

a younger brother of K'eaou-j<x», was taken.

* In the 2d year of duke Seang of Ts^ rThe
16th of our duke Hwan], the Sow-mwan had in-
vaded Ts^e, when Ch'ing-f oo, a king's son who was
serving in Ts^, captured Yong-joo, a younger
brother still, and buried lus head by the north
gate of Chow-show ; and afterwards Uie people
of Wei captured the third younger brother,
Keen-joo. After all these captures, the Sow-
mwan became extinct.'

[Ying-tah says that all these stories about
giants are to be doubted. Too gives the hei^

of K'eaon-joo as thirty cubits! IntheBB^,

iS §^> 'T\t art 16, there is a atory abool

the people of Woo consulting Confndus aboot
a large bone which they had found, which the
sage pronounced to be that of a giant killed by
the great Yul He speaks there also of the
4ong Teih ' of his days.]

[The Chuen appends here : — ' Choo-joov thi
eldest son of [the eari of] Shing took hii smb
in Foo-chung; and the people of the Stats dii
not yield him obedienoe.3

Twelfth year.

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260

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

m.m m.r^ ^.m n^ jhf ii -i^.]!!! B.m m.m
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m.M a^nf w^.# mmm A^ m

In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, the earl of Shing came a fugitive to Loo.

The eari of Ke came to Loo on a court-visit.

In the second month, on E&ng-tsze, duke [He's] daughter—
the second one — died.

In summer, a bodv of men from Ts'oo laid siege to Gh^aoo.

In autumn, the viscount of T^S.ng came to Loo on a court-
visit

The earl of Ts4n sent Shuh to Loo on a mission of firiendly
inquiries.

In winter, in the twelfth month, on Mow-woo, the troops
of Tsin and those of Ts4n fought at Ho-k*euh.

Ee-sun H&ng-foo led a force, and walled Choo and Yon.

2
8

4
5

Far. 1. For |CjJ Kang-/ang has ^. Shing,

-^flee L T. 8. We bare in this par. the sequel

to the Chuen with which the last year concludes.

Tso-she says here, 'In the 12th year, in spring,
the earl of Shing died, and the people raised
another in his place. His eldest son tiien came
a fugitive to Loo, surrendering to the duke the
cities of Foo-chung and Shing-kwei. The duke
met him with the honours due to the prince of
a State; — ^which was contrary to rule. Hence
the text calls him " earl of Shing," nor does it
mention the places As narender^ in deference
to him as a prince.'

In III. yiii. 8, we read that Shing surrendered
to Ts^e, but that surrendering cannot have been
equivaleut to the extinction of the State, as
Kung-yang supposes, else we should not resd of
it here. The account which Tso gives of the
statement in the text, however, is much con-
tested by the critics. Ace. to a rule, of which
we have met with several instances, the son of
the prince of a State^ though succeeding quietly
to his father, could not be named in the text by
his title till a year had expired; and yet here is
the son flying fh)m the State, immediately
after his father's death, acting, moreover, a
traitor's part, and he is denominated 'earl.'
Then, say the critics, a prince who has lost his
State, is mentioned by his name, and there is
no name here. The text is silent further about
the fugitive's treachery, in deference to him.
What comes of all the canons about the * praise '
and *' condemnation ' which the structure of the
paragraphs is supposed to convey ?

Par. 2. In V. xxvii. 1, the prince of Ke ap-
pears as viscount only. Here he has regained
one degree of the former rank of the House.
The Chuen says :~* This visit of duke Hwan of

Ke was the first time he had beoi to the oout
of Loo since the duke's accession. Moreover hs
[now] begged that the engagement between him
and [duke He's] second daughter might be st
an end, while yet Us intermarTying [with the
House of Loo] should not be so ; — to which the
duke agreed.'— See on next par.

Par. 8. The Chuen continues i-^^Jn the Sd
month, duke [He's] second daughter died, it li
not said — '< of Ke," because her engagement of
marriage with the earl of Ke had been broken o£
The terms ''second daughter Qjj^ jB)* tell

that she was not a girl, [but had been betrothed].'
According then to Tso-she, this was the la^
who had been engaged to the earl of Ke wImd
his mother came to the court of Loo in the 81it
year of duke He, seeking a wife for him. Sw
had remained in Loo, as being too young to be
married until this time ; and the caui ofKe flnd-
ing, when he came in the previous month to Loo^
that she was iU, begged that his engagement
with her might be considered at an end, and
that he might have a younger sister instead.
The K*ang-be editors do not yentore to reject
this account of Tso, though they intimate that
opinion that his identification of the lady ii
wrong, and that his view was constmcted hf
himself in consequence of his connecting this
paragraph and the former too closely together*
Tso's remark as to the force of the charactKf

•jjS^ ffi I do not understand. Tog's expbaa-

tion ofit, that ' the deaths of young prinoeieei,
who had not been engaged to be mairied vers
not recorded,' would apply to the whole enUji
and not to those terms.

tbab xn.

DUKE WAN.

261

As to the meaning of the -7* before jj^ jjB

there U no consent of the criticB. Kung-yang
says the lady is so termed by way of distinction.

( -S- A^\ as being dnke Wftn^s full sister, but

how the "^r marks snch distinction it is diffi-
cult to peroeive. I can make nothing of it.

Par. 4. Ch'aou was a small State, lying be-
tween Woo (^) and Ts<oo. It has left its name

in the pres. ms. of Ch^aon, dep. Leu-chow, Gan-
hwuy. The Chuen says: — *0n the death of
Ta Sun-pih [Often mentioned before this in the
Chuen as Ch4ng Ta-sin ; the son of ChHng Tih-
shin, who was defeated at Shing-puh. The Ta

( ^) here, appearing as a surname I don't un-
derstand], chief minister of Ts'oo, Ch*ing Kea
took his place. [At this time] the dlfft. Shoo
Stakes, revolted from TsHx); and in summer
T8ze-k*ung (the abore ChHng Kea) seized P4ng,
viscount ^ Shoo^ and the viscount of Tsung,
and went on to lay siege to Ch'aou.'

Par. 6. Tso observes that this was another
case of a first court-visit to duke W&n. Ke

Pun (^ ^ ; Ming dyn., 1st half of 16th cen-
tury) says that since the seizure of duke Seuen
of T^ftng by Sung in the 19th year of duke He,
the State had adhered to Sung ; but that now,
taking advantage of the troubles of Sung, it re-
turned to its former preference for Loo.

Par. a Kung-yang has ^ for ||^. The
Chuen says:— *The earl of Tsln sent Se-k<eih
Shuh on this friendly mission, and to speak of his
intention to invade Tsin. Seang-chung (Kung-
tsze Suy) declined to receive the jade symbol
[which he had brought], saying, * Your ruler, not
forgetting the friendship between his father and
us, has favoured Loo with this mission, giving
its altars the assurance of his protecting and
soothing care, and signalizing the importance
of this mission with this grand instrument; but
my ruler ventures to decline receiving it." The
other replied, **This poor instrument is not
worth your declining it" Thrice, however,
[Suy], as the host, refUsed it, and then the guest
replied, '* My ruler wishing to obtain the favour
of the duke of Chow and [his son], the [first]
duke of Loo^ by his service of your prince, sent
me, with this poor instrument of his fathers,
to deliver it to you, the manager of this negotia-
tion, to be an auspicious symbol for the oon-
firtnation of our good agreement. It is to me
the proof of my ruler's commission to tie the
bond of friendship between our two States.
This is why I presume to deliver it to you."
Seang-ehung said, ** Without superior men, can
a ruler order his State? Yours is no unculti-
vated State." He then sent Shuh away with
rich presents.'

[Se-k*eih Shuh was one of the leaders of the
army of Ts*in in the expedition which terminated
80 fatally at Heaou ;— see the Chuen at Y .

8. His present mission was part of a scheme,
on the part of Ts4n, to detach the States gener-
ally from Tsin.]

Par. 7. Ho-k'guh was in Tsin,— near the

pres. dep. city of P<oo-chow (^S 44j). The

Chuen says: — * Because of the affair at Ling-hoo
ryil. 5), this winter, the earl of Ts^in invaded
Tsin, and took Ke-ma. The troops of Tsin
went out to meet him. Chaou Tun commanded
the army of the middle, with Seun Lin-foo as
assistant. Keoh Keueh led the 1st army, with
Yu Peen as assistant. Lwan Tun led the 8d
army, with Sen Keah as assistant. Fan Woo-
seuh was charioteer [to Chaou Tun]; and in
this order they followed the army of Ts*in to
Ho-keuh. Yu Peen said, ''Tsin cannot remain
here long. Let us merely show a strong front,
with deep entrenchments, and await his move-
ments." Chaou Tun followed this counseL
The troops of TsMn wished to fight, and the earl
asked Sze Hwuy how a battle could be brought
about. " Chaou Tun," said Hwuy, " has recently
brought out his adherent Yu Peen, and it must
be he who has coimselled this measure, in order
to weary our army. [But] Tun has a cousin,
named Ch^uen, a son-m-law of the [late] mar-
quis. Being a favourite, and young, he has
not been employed in military affairs, but he is
fond of showing his bravery and is excitable.
He is angry, moreover, at Yu Peen's being em-
ployed as assistant-commander of the Ist army.
If you send a small body of troops to flout [the
army of Tsin], a battle may be brought about."
On this the earl prayed to the Ho with a />et%y
about the battle [that would ensue].

* In the 12th month, on Mow-woo, [a portion
of] the army of Tsin made a sudden attack on
Tsm's 1st army, [and retired], pursued by
Chaou Ch'uen, without his being able, to over-
take it When he returned, he said, in anger,
"We took our provisions in our bags, and
donned our armour, surely to look for our
enemies. What are we waiting for that we do
not strike the enemy when he comes?" His
officers said, ** We are waiting for an opportuni-
ty." "I do not know," he repliecl, "their
plans, but I will go forth alone;" and forth he
went with his followers. Chaou Seuen (Tun)
said, " If Tsin capture Ch'uen, it will capture a
high minister. If its army return with such a
victory, what shall I have to show in return?"
With this the whole army went forth to battle,
when there ensued a gentle encounter, and then
both sides drew off.

' A messenger from the army of Tsin came to
that of Tsin at night with a warning challenge^
saying, "The soldiers of our two armies are not
yet satisfied; — ^please let us see one another to-
morrow." Yu Peen said to Tun, " The messeng^s
eyes kept moving about, and his words were
incoherent; they are afx^ of us, and will be
going off. If we attack them at the Ho^ we are
sure to defeat them. Sen Shin and Chaou Ch^en
[went andlcried out, at the gate of the entrench-
ments, "While the dead and the wounded
are not gathered in, to abandon them is not kind.
Not to wait for the stipulated time, but to attack
men while they are in a perilous position, is not
brave." The design was consequently abandon-
ed, and in the night the armpr of Tsin withdrew,
made an incursion into Tsin in another direction^
and entered Hea.

268

THE CmJK TSEW, WTTD THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK TL

I bkve IraoiUted ^ ^, 3fe ^, by 'the
troops of Tiin ttpd thoae of Ti-io.' Tbe K'uig-
he cdJUr* bold that the simple K^ it coadem-
nktorj of both Uie hoetile Statea, especially u
there it no ^^ between the phraaea.

Par.8. ^,aeem.uix.G. YuDCKunghaa

JM) wae alao a town in Loo, — iii the nonh irf
Ihepi«i.di«.otB-th«ay(2^^),dep.E-«hov.
Loo now walled tbem u a precautiim ag^Mt
atlempU od tbe part of Keu. Tao-ah« uyt (be
thing ia recorded to «how ' tbe tinelineaa of the
proceeding.'

Thirteenth year.

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XIII. 1

DUKE WAN.

263

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It was the [duke's] thirteenth year, the spring, the king's

first month.
In summer, in the fifth month, on Jin-woo, Soh, marquis

of Ch4n, died.
K*eu-8eu, viscount of Choo, died.
From the first month it did not rain till autumn, in the

seventh month.
The roof of the permanent shrine-house went to ruin.
In winter, the duke went to Tsin; and the marquis of

Wei had a meeting with him in Tuh.
The Teih made an incursion into Wei.
In the twelfth month, on Ke-ch*ow, the duke and the

marquis of Tsin made a covenant. The duke was

returning from Tsin, when the earl of Ch*ing had a

meeting with him in Fei.

Par. 1. [The Chuen appends here that this
spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Chen Kea to
reside in Hea, to guard all the border of T^aou-
lin.]

Par. 2. [The Chaen enters here the following
narrative about the affairs of Tsin : — * The people
of Tsin were distressed by the use which Tsin
made of &se Hwny ; and this summer, the six
high ministers had a meeting together about
the subject in Choo-fow. Chaou Seuen said,
" Hwuy of Suy [Suv was the name of the town
whence See Hwuy had derived his revenue] is
in Ts*in, and Kea Ke is among the Teih; dif-
ficulties come upon us every day in consequence ;
— what is to be done?" The officer Hwan [who
had had the command] of the Middle column
[This was Seun Lin-foo, who had received com-
mand of the Ffl /T> one of the five armies of

Tsin; see on V. zxxL 6. ttf ^ is nearly

equivalent to a surname. Hwan was Lin-foo*8
posthumous title.] begged that Kea Ke might
be recalled, saying he would manage their exter-
nal affairs [with the Teih], and out of regard
to the old services [of his family]. Keoh Ch4ng

[Keoh KStteh; J^ was his posthumous title]

said, *^ Kea Ke is too insubordinate, and he was
guilty of a great crime. He is not like Hwuy
of Say, who maintains his self respect even in a
menu position, is mild and not insubordinate, and
whose wisdom fits him for employment. More-
over, Hwuy had committed no crime.** On this,
fit was resolved] to send 8how-yu of Wei [to
T8*in]; on the pretence that he had revolted
with the city and lands of Wei, to beguile Sze
Hwuy [back to Tsin]. They accordingly seized
his family in Tsin, and made him abscond at
night.

[Having got to Ts^in], he begged to transfer
his allegiance to it, and the earl accepted his
offer. At the court of Ts*in, he trod on Sze
Hwuy's foot [To give him a hint of his object].
The earl took post with a force on the west of
the Ho, and the men of Wei were on the east.
Show-yu then said, '* Let me beg the company
of some man from the east who* will be able to
speak with my officers, so that I may go before
with him." Sze Hwuy was appoint^ to go,
but he refused, saying, ** The people of Tsin are
tigers and wolves. If they prove false to their
word, your servant will die [there], and my wife
and children will be put to death [here]. There
will nothing, moreover, be gained by your lordship;

264

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

and regrets [for tbe whole thing] will be of no
avail.** The earl said, *' If they prove false to
their word, I swear by the waters of the Ho,
that I will send your family back to Tsin.** On
this, Sze Hwuy went with Show-yu. [As he
was going], Jaou Chaou (an officer of Ts'in)
presented to him a whip, saying, ** Do not say
that there are no men in Ts^in. f Ton get away],
because my counsel has not at this time been fol-
lowed." When Uiey had crossed the Ho, the men
of Wei [received Uiem] with a shout, and
returned ; but Tsin sent Hwuy's family back to
Tsin. Some [of his surname] who remained
there took the surname of Lew.']

Far. 8. Kuh-leaug has

instead of

The Chuen says :—' Duke Wttn (Wftn

was is^eu-seu's posthumous title) consulted the
tortoise-shell about changing his capital to Yih.
The officer [of divination] said, ^* The removal
will be advantageous to the people, but not to
their ruler." The viscount said, ** If it be advant-
ageous to the people, that will be advantageous
to me. When Heaven produced the people, it
appointed for them rulers for their profit.
Since the people are to get advantage [from
the removal], I shall share in it.** His attend-
ants said, "If your life may so be prolonged,
why should you not decide not to remove?'*
He said, *'My appointment is for the nouris^g
of the people; my death sooner or later has a

{fixed] time. If the people are to be benefited,
et us remove, and nothing could be more for-
tunate.'* The capital was accordingly removed
to Yih; and in the 5th month [of this year, 5
years after his accession], duke Wftn died. The
superior man may say that he knew [the secret
of] life.'

Far. 4. See X. 4^ and II. 5.

Far. 6. The text here adopted is that of
Kung-yang. Kuh-leang has H^ ^, and the
same is found in the Chuen. Kung says : — * By
•jti* ^^ is meant tlie shrine-house of the [first]
duke of Loo. That of the duke of Chow was
called ^ &\ that of the duke of Loo [Pih-

k*in, son of the duke of Chow], M^ ^^ ; those

of other dukes were simply called ^. The

JH^ ^^ indicates that from generation

name

to generation the spirit-tablet of Fih-kHn was
not remored.' While Knh-iang h« ;^ «id

not W", he yet distinguishes between Hg^ JS

the temple of the duke of Chow, and Hg^ ^^,
that of Fih-k*in, agreeing so far with Kung-
yang. And Hg^ and igh are often inter-
changed, especially in the phrases Hg^ -7* and

Itf* •^r. Ferhapa Tso-she was of the same
opinion, for he simply says that < the roof of the
H^ ^^ went to pieces, and the fact was re-
coiled, because of the want of reverent atten-
tion [to the structure] which waa im^ed in it.
Too Tu, however, explains the Hg^ ^g by HgT

Jm. Whosesoever the shrine-houae was, the
fact of its roof going to ruin showed great care-
lessness on the part of the duke and his officers,
— great carelessness where they might have
been expected to be most carefuL
Parr. 6,8. In p. 6, Knng-yang wants the ^

after 'l^. In p.8 both Kung and Knh omit

the j^ before ^. For M^ Kung has S^

Where Tab was is not ascertained. Fei was in

Ch*ing, — ^25 U east of the pres. dis. city of Sin-

Ch4ng, dep. K*ae-fung.

The Chuen says: — *In winter, the dnke went

to Tsin, paying a court visit, and renewing his

covenant with the marquis. The marquis of
Wei had a meeting with the duke at Tab, tod
begged his mediation to make peace with Tsin;
as he was returning, the earl of Ch*ing met him
at Fei, and begged from him a similar service.
The duke accomplished the thing for them both.
The earl of Ch'ing and he feasted at Fei, vben
Tsze-kea (an officer of ChHng) sang the Etag
yen (She, IL iiL ode VII.> Ke W&n (an officer
of Loo) said, **My ruler has his share in that,"
and he sang the &ee yueh (She, II. v. ode X.>
Ts2se-kea then sang the 4th stanza of the T^m
ch'e (She, I. iv. ode X.), and Ke Wftn responded
with the 4th of the Ta'ae ufe (She, IL i. ode VII.>
The earl of ChHng then bowed his thanks to
the duke, and the duke returned the bow.'

Fourteenth year.

^M 4^ <g^#.

Ybab XIV.

DUKE WAN.

265

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266

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOE VL

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Xiy. 1 In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month,

the duke arrived from Tsin.

2 A body of men from Choo invaded our southern border;

[and] Shuh P'&ng-s&ng led a force, and invaded Choo.

3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Yih-hae, PSvan, mar-

quis of Ts*e, died.

4 In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the

duke of Sung, the marquis of Chin, the marquis of
Wei, the earl of ChHng, the baron of Heu, the earl of
Ts'aou, and Chaou Tun of Tsin ; [and] on Kwei-yew
they made a covenant together in Sin-shing.

5 In autumn, in the seventh month, there was a comet,

which entered the Northern Bushel.

6 The duke arrived from the meeting.

7 The people of Tsin undertook to establish Tseeh-tne

as viscount of Choo, but did not do so.

8 In the ninth month, on Keah-shin, Kung-sun Gaou died

in T8*e.

9 Shang-jin, a son of duke [Hwan] of Ts*e, murdered his

ruler. Shay.

10 Tsze-gae of Sung came to Loo, a fugitive.

11 In winter, the earl of Shen went to Ts*e; and the people

of Ts'e seized him and held hipi prboner.

12 The people of Ts^e [also] seized the second daughter of

our house, who was there, and held her prboner.

TsAx xrv.

DUKE WAN.

267

Pat. 1. [The Chtieii sppends here:— 'This
tjpft^ king K*mg died. Taeh, duke of Chow,
Aid Wimg-sun Soo were contending which shonld
gelt the government into Ins hands ; and therefore
tto inldigence of the erent came oiBcially
to Loo. The deaths Of kings and princes <n
States which Were not announced were not
recorded, and the same nile ohtained in regard
to CTents pvos^eroui or calamitous; — as a
method of reprormg the want of reverence im-
plied |ln not making those conmrnnlcationfi}.']

Par. 2. The Chuen sa7s:'*On the death of
dttke Wftn of Choo [See Xm. 8], the duke sent
his oottddences hy an officer, who did not behave
respectfully ; and a body of troops from Choo came
to puufeh [the slight], and invaded our southern
border. In consequence of this, Hwuy-i^h in-
vaded Choo.' Shuh P*ftng-8ftng is the same as
the Shuh-chtmg P*ing-sftng of XI. 2.

Par. 8. This P'^an— duke Ch^aou— had made*
himself marquis of Ts'e, in the 28th year of
duke He, by the murder of the son of his
hrotlier, duke Hiaoo. The Chuen says:— 'A
second daughter of one of omr dukes was the
wife of duke Ch'sou of Ts^e, uid bore him Shay.
She was not a favourite with him, however, and
Shay was devoid of any dignity. Shang-jin, a
tkOk of duke [Hwan], gave frequenti largesses to
the people, and collected about him many
followers. When he had exhausted his own
resources, he borrowed from the duke and
[various] officers [for the same purpose]. In
rammer, in the 5tb month, duke Ch<aou died,

and Shay succeeded him.'

Par. 4. Sin-shing was in Sung, — ^in the south-
west of the pres. dis. of Shang-k*ew, dep. Kwei-
iih. "For the ptorase h flft, see on IILzvL 4.

The use of it here is favonrable to tlie 'dew of
its meaning given there by Tso-she. He says
here that this meeting and covenant were to
celebrate the submission [to Tsin] of the States
which had [for a time] followed Ts'oo, and to
consult about Choo.

[The Chuen appends here about Ts^: — *In
autumn, in the 7th month, on the night of Tih-
maou, Shang-jin of Ts'e murdered Shay, and
offered to yield the State to [his own elder
brother], 7uen. Yuen said, *'Vou have been
seeking it for a long time. I can serve you;
but you are not the man in whom to awaken
fVirther dissatisfaction and resentment. Would
you in tliat case spare me? Take you the
marquisate.']

Pal^. 5.

'a comet.' The

meaning of S: is variously explained. K*ung
Tingi^tah says the comet is so called from the re-
semblance of its motion to that of a broom (iMl

^^^^1^^). Then as a broom

sweeiw away what is old to give place to some-
thing new, a comet is supposed to presage
changes. With regard to this comet, the Chuen
relates tliat Shuh-fuh, the historiographer of
the Interior, of Chow, said, * In not more than
7 jeaan, the rulers of Sung, Ts'e, and Tsiri will
all die amidst the disorder of their States.' The
' northern Bushel' is Ursa Major.

Par. 7. For :^ Kung has :^. The Chuen

says : — < The first wife of duke Wftn of Choo was

a Keang of T8*e, who bore to him [KHroh-tseu,
who became] duke Ting. His second wife vf&i
a Ke of Tsin, who bore to him Tseeh-tsze. Oi^
his death, the people of Choo raised K'woh-tsed
to his father's place, and Tsdeh-tsze fled to Tsin.
Chaou Tun of Tsin then undertook, wifh thel
airmies of several of (he States, — a force [in all]
of 800 chariots, — to place him in the marquisate.
But the people of Choo refused to receive him^^
saying, <' K*woh-tseu is the son of [Keang of}
Ts*e, and the elder of the two." Cnaot Seuen
said, ** They have reason fo^ their refusal ; and it
we do not accept it, our Conduct will be of evil
omen." He accordingly returned to Tsin.'

The K*ang-he editors say that the concluding
words of the par.— A y^ jfflbr— are expres-
sive of approbation, and the ^^ in ^^ ^^ oi

condemnation. We can see that if the under-
taking were bad, then its abandonment wais
good and right; but the approbation is not iii'
the characters, but in the lact. There is diffi-
culty with the ^, as stccording^ io the Chueik^

the forces of many Sliates took pari In the ex-
pedition. To be sure they were all engaged in
It in the interest and at the summons of Tsin^

and therefore I prefer to translate ^^ ^^ here

by *the people of Tsih,' rather than by *an;
officer of Tsin,' or ^ a body of troops from Tsin.'

[The ChUen appends here two narratives. The
1st continues tntit after par. 1 : — 'The duke of
Chow and Wang-sun Soo being about to argue
tlieir differences before Tsin, the [new] king
turned against Wang-sun Soo, and sent the
minister Tin aud T'an K*e to explain the case of
the duke of Chow. Chaou Seuen pabified thd
royal House, and brought the parties to theii^
former relations.'

The 2d is about the affairs of Ts'oo: — *0n
the accession of king Chwang [Son of king Muh],
Tsze-k*ttng and P*wan Ts'ung, intending to
surprise ^e various Shoo States, appointed Kung-
tsze Seeh, and Tsze-e, to remain in charge [of the
govt.], while th^ themselves invaded Shoo-lSaou.
These two officers, however, made an insurrec-
tion, proceeded to wall Ying, and employed a
ruffian to kill Tsze-k'ung, who returned without
succeeding in that attempt. In the 8th month,
they carried off the viscount, intending to go to
Shang-meih; but Ts4h-le of Leu and Snuh-keun
beguiled them [to Leul and put them to death,—
both Tow K'ih [Tsze-el, and Kung-tsze Seeh. At
an earlier time. Tow K*ih had been a prisoner in
TsHn, which sent him, after the defeat at Heaou,
back to Ts'oo, to ask for a settlement of its dif-
ferences with that Slato. This was effected,
but he did not get his wish (in the shape of re-
ward^. Kung-tsze S^h had sought the office
of chief minister, but did not obtain it. These
were the reasons why the two raised an insur-
rection.*]

Par. 8. The Chuen says :— * Wlien Muh-pih
[went to Keu], following the lady Sze [See the
Chuen on VIiI.6], they in Loo made nis son
Wttn-pih [The Kuh hi the Chuen on I. 8] head
of the clan [in his room]. He begat two sons
in Keu, and then he asked to be allowed
to return to Loo, getting Wftn-pih to make
intercession for him. Seang-chung [agreed to
his return] on condition that he should not
appear in the court, which condition he ao-

268

:the ch*un ts*ew, with the tso chuen.

BOOK VL

oepted, returninff to Loo, and not leaving his
own house. After three years, however, he
again went to Keu, taking all his household
with him. W&n-pih fell iU, and begged [the
duke] that [hts brother] No might succeed
him, as his son was stUl young; which was
granted. This No was Hwuy-shuh. Again
Muh-pih begged to be allowed to return once
more to Loo, backing his application with large
bribes. Hwuy-shuh also interceded for him ; and
the thing was conceded ; but, when he was about
to come, in the 9th month he died in Ts*e.

{^Hwuy-shuh] announoed his death, and asked
eave to bury him [with the honours of a high
minister] ; but this was refused.*

Par. 9. The murder of Shay took place in
the 7th month [See the Chuen after par. 4], but
it is supposed tnat no communication about it
was received from Ts*e until now ; and the fact
Is recorded under the date at which the informa-
tion arrived. The Chuen says : — ' The people of
Ts*e having settled [the succession of] duke £
[Shang-jin], they sent to Loo to announce the
troubles which they had had. Hence we have
the record under the 9th month. Duke £'s
brother Tuen, dissatisfied with his administra-
tion of the government, never spoke of him as
"The duke,- but as "So and so. No. 6.**

The critics are perplexed by shay's being here
denominated ruler, seeing the year in which
his father died had not expired. Too, Maou
K*e-ling, and others, argue that five months had
elapsed since duke Ch'aou's death, and that
he was buried, and that therefore Shay might

now be styled 'ruler (^);' but they do not
take into consideration that Shay was murdered
in the 7th month. Another perplexity arises
here fh>m Shang-jin being mentioned with hii
rank of * duke's son ;'— see on L iv. 2.

Par. 10. The Chuen says: — *Eaoa Gae of
Sung was the border- warden of Seaou, and was
appointed a high minister. Disapproving of
the duke of Sung, he left the State, and then
came a fugitive to Loo. His appearing in the
text as "Tsze-gae" is in honour at him.' To
this criticism on the designation the K*ang-he
editors make some demur.

Parr. 11,12. These two paragraphs have oc-
casioned much perplexity and controversy.
Duke Ch^aou of Ts*e had been a son-in-law of
Loo. His wife, it is understood, was the * 2d
daughter of the House of Loo^' in p. 12, — the
mother of the murdered Shay, and whom Loo
now wished to rescue from Ts'e.

The Chuen says: — *Seang-chung sent an an-
nouncement to the king, begging that of his
favour he would require Ts^e to deliver up Ch'aou
Ke, saying, " Having killed the son, what use
have they for the mother? Let us receive her,
and deal with her guilt." Li winter, the earl of
Shen went to Ts^ and begged that they would
give up the lady; but they seised and held him
as a prisoner, doing the same also with her.'

Here Tso-she understands li ^h> ^ in HI.

L 8, which see. The K'ang-he editors, agreeing

with the majority of the critics that IS ^ti

was an officer of Loo, reject here altogether Tso-
she's narrative. The views of Kung and Kuh,
that Shen Pih had a criminal intrigue with the
lady, they reject on other grounds. I think,
however, Tso-<he's view is correct.

As to ^ ;^ i|5f,— gee on XIL 8. The

lady here ctf course is difft. firom the one whose

death is there recorded. Their being desig-
nated in the same way is certainly perplesdng ;
and we do not know enough about them to ex*
plain and reconcile satisfactorily the two texts.

Fifteenth year.

-^Ck

m 0

TiAS ZV.

DUKE WAN.

269

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J70

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHITEN.

BOOK VL

m ^M T t* A^

XV. 1

6
7

9
10

mM,^ iA H A.^ W MM

In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, Ee-sun U&Dg-foo
went to Tsin.

In the third month, Hwa-sun, minbter of war, of Sung,
came and made a eovenant.

In summer, the earl of Ts^aou came to Loo on a court-
visit.

The people of Ts'e sent back to Loo the coffin of Rung-
sun Gaou.

In the sixth month, on Sin-ch^ow, the first day of the
moon, the sun was eclipsed. Drums were beaten, and
victims were offered at the altar of the land.

The earl of Shen arrived from Ts*e.

Eeoh Eeueh of Tsin led a force and invaded Ts^ae; and
on Mow-shin, he entered [the capital of] Ts*ae.

In autumn, a body of men from Ts'e made an incursion
into our western borders.

Ee-sun H&ng-foo went to Tsin. •

In winter, in the eleventh month, [many of] the States
made a covenant at Hoo.

In the twelfth month, an officer of Ts'e came to Loo with
the second daughter of our House.

The marquis of Ts'e made an incursion into oui^ western
borders, and then proceeded to invade Ts'aou, entering
within the outer suburbs of its capital

Par. 1. Tso-she says that this itiiMion was
on accoiint of [the injoiy done by Ts'e to] the
earl of Shen, and the second daughter <n the
House of Loo. The duke thought that the fear
of Tdn. might influence Ts*e more than the
king's authority.

Par. 2. The Chuen says :^< Hwa Ngow of
Sung came to Loo and made a oovenant, accom-
panied by the ofltors of his department. The
text speaks of him with his office—** Hwa-sun,

minister of War, of Sung "—to do him honoor.
The duke was going to feast along with hin,
but he declined the honour, saying, ''Your lord-
ship's former servant, my ancestor Tnh, wsi s
criminal with duke Shang of Sung (See n. ii 1>
His- name is in the records of all the States.
Charged as I am with his sacrifices, dare I dit-
graoe your lordship [so] ? Let me receiTeyoiir
commands firom one of your officers of the rank
bidow that of a high minister." Hie people of

TsA» XYI.

DUES WAN.

271

Loo coniidered him [in tbU qioech] to be
zeroectful and exact.'

Hwa Ngov waa, no donbt, made minister of
War in Snng, after the death of dnke Ch'aoa'a
brother, Gang, aa relate^ in the Chnen on VIII.

8. The ^& Ib here added to hia surname jnst

MwehaTeinLoo^^,|d^^&a Am

he ia not said in the text to nare been sent

(^^) on the miaaion l^ the dnke of Bung, the

isrmct diacoas the pc^t, rery firoitleMlj, whether
he came to Loo as an envoy, or on hia own
motion.

Par. 8. Tao-ahe aaja, on thia par., that 'it
waa an ancient regolation that the p4ncea of
States should interchange these oourt-yisits
once in 5 years, in order to their better observ-
ance of the king's commands.' But the subject
of such visits is involved in obscurity. See on
I. zi. 1.

Par. 4. On p. 8 of last year it was stated that
the duke ref us^ permission to have the body of
Gaou brought to Loo to be buried. Here we find
that the thing was finally brought about The
Chuen says: — ' Some one in Ts^e gave counsel in
regard to the circumstances of the Mftng family
[The descendants of KHng-foo, the Chung-sun
dan, were sometimes call^ the Mftng ana the

Mftng-sun (^^, ^<^^), »ying, "[The

House of] Loo and you are of kin. Get the coffin
aU ready with its decorations, and place it in
T^ang-fow. Loo will be sure [to wish] to take it
away." This counsel was taken, and the com-
mandant of Peen sent word to the court fof where
tiie coffin was]. Hway-shuh, still with all the
symbols of deepest sorrow, took the opportunity
to prosecute his j^former] request, and stood in
the court to await the duke's commands. The
duke granted his request, when he took the
eoffln, and went through the ceremony of en-
shrouding the body [in the grand chamber of
the MAng family]. An officer of Ts^e escorted
the coffin. What the text says, that an officer
of Ts'e brought the coffin of Kung-sun Gaou,
was recorded out of regard to the MAng family,
and its consanguinity with the ducal House.
The buriid was after the example of that of
Kung-chnng (KHng-foo; with inferior honours
to those due to a high minister). Shing Sze,
(Gaou's first wife) did not go to see the coffin,
but wept inside the screen hi the hall. Seang-
chung wished not to weep, but Hwuy-pih said
to him, ** With the mourning there is an end of
one's [living] relationship. Although vou [and
he] could not [be on good terms] before, you
may be so now that he is gone. The historio-
grapher Yih said, *Bretnren should display
aU the beauty [of kindly regard], relieving one
another's wants, congratulating in prosperity,
condoling in calamity, in sacrificing reverent,
in mourning really sad. Although th^ may
he unable to agree, they do not abandon the
relative affection which should subsist between
them.' Do not you. Sir, fail in this point ; — ^why
should you cherish such resentment?" Seang-
chnng was pleased, and conducted aU his brethren
to weep for Gaou.

* Years after, Gaou's two sons came [teom
Ken] to Loo, when the affection of M&ng Heen
[The grandson of Gaou, and son of Wftn-pih,
Chung-shuh Heih, then Head of the familyjfor

them bepajne spoken of through the Stat^ Sooif
one slandered them to him, saying that they would
kill him. He told this to Ke Wftn : an4 the tw«
young mffa [having heard of it], said, "His love
for us is weu known, and it is talked of that w^
mean to kill him. Would this not be far from
what is right? It is better that we should die
thiui beconsidered so far removed from propriety.'*
One of them, accordingly, died, defendmg the
gate of Kow-mftng, and the other died, defending
the gate of Le-k*ew.'

Par. 5. This eclipse took place at sunrise, on
April 20th, B. C. 611. On the ceremonies

which were now observed— |^, W (U^ J*

jjj^-^Tso-die remarks that they weie 'con-
trary to rule,' adding, 'On occasion of an
eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven should not
have his table spread so full as ordinarily, and
should have drums beaten at the altar of the
land, while princes of States should present ot"
f erings of silk at the altar of the land, and have
drums beaten in their courts; — thus showing
how they serve the Spirits, teaching the people
to serve their ruler, and exhibiting the different
degrees of observance. Such was the way of an-
tiquity.'

The text here, with the exception of the name
of the day, is the same as that in the account
of the eclipse in III. xxv. 8. Tso-she there says
that the ceremonies were 'unusual;' here, that
they were * contrary to rule.' The K'ang-he
editors explain the difference of these criticisms
by saying that the * 6th month ' in III. xxv. 8 is a
mistake for the 7th month, while the 6th month
of tlie text is correct Now tlie 6th month of
Chow was the 4th month of Hea, or the 1st
month of the natural summer, when according
to Tso-she, the ceremonies mentioned in the
Chuen were appropriate. In the eclipse of
duke Chwang, they were 'unusual;' the month
was not the time for them. In this eclipse of
duke W&n, they would have been right, if they
had only been performed * according to rule.'
Perhaps this is a correct explanation of the dif-
ference of Tso-she's decisions in the two cases ; —
ingenious it certainly is. But see what I have
said on III. xxv. 8 about the distinction which
Tso would make out between eclipses in the 1st
month of summer, and at other times.

Par. 6. Here we have 13 ^jb again, and

the par. is appealed to as decisive of the ques-
tion about the individual so described, whether
he belonged to Chow or to Loo. Evidently, it
is said, he belonged to Loo. Ordinarily the return
of officers from their missions was not chronic
ded. The only exception was in the case of
such as had been seized and imprisoned in the
exercise of their functions. We have two casef
in point, in X xiv. 1, and xxiv. 2 ; and here in
the text is a third. The argument cannot be
lightly set aside ; but why should not the king's
commissioner, who had endured on behalf of

Loo as iS ^1^ ^^ done, go to that State on

his liberation, and be received by the duke in
the ancestral temple. Such a visit perhaps waa
necessary in order to the liberation of Loo'a
daughter, which is related in the 11th paragraph.
Tso-she says here:—* The people of Ts*e granted
what the earl of Shen requested, and liberated
him, that he might oome to Loo, and report

272

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

the fulfllment of his mission. The Iftnguage of
the text—* The earl of Shen came fh)m Ts'e '—is
modelled to honour him.'

Par. 7. The Chuen says:— *TB*ae took no
part in the covenant at Sin-shing fSee p. 4 of
last year], and now Keoh Keneh, with &e Ist
and 8d armies, invaded Ts^ae, saying, **Our
ruler is young; — ^we must not dally over our
work." On Mow-shin, he entered [the capital
of] Ts^ae, obliged [the marquis] to make a
covenant with him close by the wall, and re-
turned.' Tso-she adds that when a State was
[entirely] conquered, [the conquerors] were said
to * extinguish it,' ana when a great city was
taken, they were said to 'enter it.'

The form of this par. indicates two operations
on the part of the general of Tsin ; first the
invasion, and next, when that failed to produce
the submission of T*sae, the capture of its
capitaL

rarr. 8, 9. Tso-she connects these two para^
graphs together, saying that Hftng-foo's visit
to Tsin was to inform that leading State of the
injury received from Ts'e.

Par. 10. Hoo,— see Vri.8. The Chuen says:
— * In winter, in the 1 1th month, the marquis of
Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the
marquis of Ts'ae, the marquis of Ch*in, the earl
of Ch4ng, the baron of Heu, and the earl of
Ts'aou, made a covenant at Hoo, renewing that
at Sin-shing, and to consult about invading Ts'e.
The people of Ts'e bribed the marquis of Tsin,
and he returned without doing anything against
that State. At this time the duke was not
present at the meeting because of his difficulties
with Ts'e. The text says that "the princes
covenanted at Hoo, [without specifying them],"
because they were able to do notiiing.' This is
Tso's judgment, and may be questioned. He
adds, 'In general, on occasions of meetings of
the States, when the duke of Loo was not present,
the names are not specified, to conceal the duke's
remissness! When he was present, and yet the

names are not specified, it is because he came
Ute!'

Par. 11. Tso says that Ts'e thus sent the
lady to Loo at last, ' because of the king/ t. e.,
in deference to his request or requirement.

Par. 12. The Chuen says that the former
part of this paragraph tells the inability of the
other States [to control Ts'e] ; and the movement
of Ts^ against Ts'aou was to punish it because of

the earl's visit to Loo (in p. 8). ^i is defined

as ^^ WRt 'the extension of the suburbs;
Lew Ch'ang observes that to penetrate thus far
was nearly to enter the city itself (^| ^^ 7^).
The Chuen continues:— 'Ke Wftn said, *'The

marquis of Ts^ will not escape his doom.
Himself regardless of propriety, he punishes
those who observe it, sayug, 'Wh^ do you
practise that rule?' [Now], gropnetv is to
express aooordanoe with^Heavenyit ^11 ♦''** ^*f
m Heaven. He sets himself against Heaven,
and goes to punish others [for obeying it] ; — ^it
will be hard for him to escape his doom. The
ode says (She, II. iv. ode X.3},

' Why do ye not stand in awe of one another?
Ye do not stand in awe of Heaven.'

The superior man does not oppress the young or
the mean, because he stands in awe of Heaven.
It is said in the Praise-songs of Chow (She, IV.

i. [i.] vn.),

'I revere the majesty of Heaven,
And for ever preserve its favour.' '

By villainy he got his State. Though he were
to tiy to keep it by all the rules of propriety,
without the tear of Heaven, how can he preserve
himself? I fear he would not be able to do sa
Doing many things contraiy to those rules, ht
cannot live [long]." '

Sixteenth year.

urn

T«AK XVI.

DUKE WAN.

273

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VOL T.

274

THE CHUX TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VL

XVL

m m M n m ^.m n A

5
6

In the [dukes] sixteenth year, in spring, Ke-sun Hang-

foo had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Yang-

kuh ; but the marquis would not make a covenant

with him.
In summer, in the fifth month, the duke for the fourth

time did not give audience to his ministers on the

first day of the moon.
In the sixth month, on Mow-shin, duke [Chwang's] son,

Suy, and the marqub of Ts% made a covenant in Se-

k'ew.
In autumn, in the eighth month, on Sin-we, [duke He's]

wife, the lady Eeang, died.
[The duke] pulled down the tower of Ts'euen.
A force from Ts*oo, one from Ts*in, and one from Pa,

extinguished Yung.
In winter, in the eleventh month, the people of Sung

murdered their ruler, Ch'oo-k*ew.

Ptr. 1. The Chnen says: — ' In the Ist month
of this year, [Loo] and Ts^ agreed to be at
peaoe. and the duke being ill, he sent Ke Wftn to
have a meeting with the marquis of Ts*e iu
Tang-kuh. Ke Win requested a coyenant, but
the marquis was unwiUing to make one, and
said, ** Allow me to wait till your ruler is
better."' It is to be understood that the mar-
quis of Ts^ did not believe that the duke was
really illj and many of the critics suppose that
the illness was in some measure at least feigned.
Yang-kuh — see V. iii. 5.

Par. 2. Tso says that tliis neglect of the
duties of the 1st day of the moon was owing

to the dnke*s illness. The phrase IfB tffl is a

pregnant one. Ace. to Maou. the first day of
the moon was inaugurated by the sacrifice of a
sheep in the ancestral temple, after which the
prince Announced to his ancestors the arnval of
the day, ac(^ording to the calendar which he had
received from the king, and asked their pennFs-
sion to go on to the duties of the month. Ail

tliis was called -^^ tffl. When these cere-
monies were over, heproceeded to giye audience
to his ministers, and arrange, so far as could be
done, for the business of the month, and this was

^^^^ ^ ^ ^"^ ^ ^- ^^^^ ^^® ^^
month to the 5th this business had now been
left undischarged. I do not see why we should
not simply receive the reason assigned for it
by Tsu-she; but the critics are as unbelieving
in the duke's illness as the marquis of Ts^e
was. Kaou K'ang says that if the non-ob-
servance was from illness, it was nothing ex-
traordinary, and would not have been reconled;
—the resl reason wai* the duke's indolence, and
inattention to the duties of liis position. Hwang

Chung-yen (^ ^ j^ ; Sung dyn., Itt hstf

of 13th century) even finds in the text an in-
timation that for 4 months on end the duke had
neglected all the affairs of the gOTt.

Par. 8. For 9| Knng-yang hat j^, and
Kuh-leang has ^jg. Se-k*ew was in Ts'e,^
somewhere in the pret. dta. of Tung-o (W

P^), dep. T'ae-gan.

The Chuen says that the covenant wsi
brought about by the duke's sending SesBf-
chung (Kung-tssse Suy) with bril>e8 to the msr-
quis of I's^e.

Parr. 4,5. This lady Keang was Shing Kesag

(Mt ^fe), the widow of duke He, and mother

of Wftn. Kung-yang says that *■ the tover of
Ts^euen * was the name given to that built it
I^ng by duke Chwang in his 3lst year. The
Chuen says : — * There came out from the palsGe
of Ts^euen, and entere<1 the capital, 9erpent%
as many as there had been marquises of Loo
[No fewer than seventeen]; and when Shing*
keang died on 8in-we in the 8th month, [the
duke] caused the tower to be pulled down.' If
this story were true, we must suppose that the
people believed there was some connection be*
tween the appearance of the serpents and the
death of the duchess, who perhaps lived ia the
imlace of Ts'euen.
Par. 6. Pa was a considerable State, wboM

lords were viscounts, with the Chow sanMOC
of Ke. It has left its name in Pa, the princi-
pal dis. of the dep. Ch'ung-king (^^ B)>

Sze-ch'uen. Of Yung little is known. Its chief
town was 40 It east from the pres. dis. city o(

Thab XVI.

DUKE WAN.

275

Chuh-Bhan (^^^ lij^' ^®P- Yun-yang (]p^^)>
Hoo-pih. The Cliuen says :->' There was a
great famine in Ts'oo, and the Jung invaded it
on the south west, advancing as far as the hill of
Fow, and taking post with their army at Ta-lin.
Another body of them invaded it on the south-
east, advancing as far as Yang-k*ew, and thence
making an incursion to Tsze-che. The people
of Yung, [at the same time], headed all the
tribes of the Man in a revolt against Ts'oo,
while those of Keun led on the many tribes of the
Puhf and collected at Seuen, intending to in-
Tade it. On this the gates of Shin and Seih on
the north were kept shut, and some in Ts^oo
counselled removing from the capital to Fan-
kaou. Wei Kea, however, advised against such
a step, saying, "If we can go there, the rob-
bers also can go there. The best plan is to in-
vade Yung. Keun and all the Puh think that
we are unable from the famine to take the field,
and therefore they invade us. If we send forth
an army, they are sure to be afraid, and will re-
turn to their own country. The Puh dwell
apart from one another, and when they are hur-
riedly going off, each tribe for its own towns, who
among them will have leisure to think of any
body but themselves?" An army accordingly
was sent forth, and in 15 days there was an end
of the attempt of the Puh. The army went on
from Leu, throwing open the granaries, from
which officers and men shared alike, until it halt-
ed at Kow-she. From there Ts^h-le of Leu was
sent to make an incursion into Yung, as far as to
Fang-shing, when the people drove him and his
troops away, taking prisoner Tsze-yang Ch'wang.
He managed to escape on the third night after,
and said. "The troops of Yung are numerous, and
all the Man are collected. We had better return
to the army [at Kow-she]. Having raised the
king's troops, and effected a junction with them,
we may then advance.'* Sze-shuhsaid, "No. Let
us for a time keep meeting the enemy, to make
them presumptuous. When tliey are presump-
tuous, and we have become angry, we shall
conquer them. This was the way iu which
our ruler aforetime, Fun-maou Prhe father of
king Woo of Ts*oo], subdued Hing-seih."
Accordingly seven times the}* met the Jung,
and seven times they fled. Only the men of
P*e, Yew, and Yu were employed to drive
them off, so that the men of Yung said that
Ts^oo was not worth fighting with, and gave up
making any preparations against an attack.
llie viscount of Ts'oo then hurried, with relays
of horses, to join the army at Lin-p'tn. He
divided it into two bodies, with one of which
Tsze-yueh proceeded to invade Yung by Shili-
k^, while Tsze-pei led the other by Jin. A
body of men from TsHn and another from F^
came to join Ts^oo. The result was that the
tribes of the Man made a covenant with the
viscount, and he proceeded to extinguish Yung.'
The above narrative is important, showing
how TsSm, itself but half-civilized, was encom-
passed by tribes still more barbarous than itself,
and in danger from them.

The

Par. 7. For ifc Kung-yang has
Chuen says : — ' Paou of Sung, son of duke [Ch*ing,
and half-brother of duke Ch*aou], courteously
entreated the people of the State. In a time
of famine he exhausted all his stores of grain,

lending freely. To all who were 70 years old and
upwards he sent [supplies of food], presenting
them with more and rarer dishes at the [com-
mencement of the] several seasons. There was
no day when he was not a frequent visiter at
the gates of the six high ministers ; to all the men
of ability lie professed service and respect, and
to his kinsfolk, from the descendants of duke
Hwan downwards, he expressed sympathy and
regard. Paou was beautiful and handsome, and
the widow of duke Seang [Duke Ch'aou's grand-
mother and also Paon's; as having been the prin-
cipal wife of their grandfather] sought a criminal
intrigue with him ; and though this proved im-
practicable, she helped him to bestow his favours
[more widely!. In consequence of the unprinci-
pled course of duke Ch*aou, th? people wished to
raise Paou to the dukedom, on the ground of
the wishes of the grand-duchess.

• At this time, Hwa Yuen was master of the
right, and Kung-sun Yew of the left; Hwa
Ngow, minister of War; Lin Kwan, minister of
Instruction; Tang E-choo, minister of Works;
and theduke's brother, Chaou, minister of Crime.
Before this, wlien Tang [the last] minister of
Works died, [his son! Kung-sun Show, declined
the office, and begged that it might be given to
E-choo, [his son]. Afterwards, he told people,
saying, " Our ruler is so unprincipled, that, as
the office would bring me near him, I was afraid
of calamity coming on me. By putting the office
from me, I may seem to leave my kindred with-
out prote(<!tion. My son is a second self, but by
means of him I could postpone my death for a
while. Although I abandon him, I shall still
not abandon my kindred."

*By and by, the grand-duchess wished to send
the duke to hunt at Mftng-choo, and have him
put to death there. The duke came to be a-
ware [of the plot], and set out carrying all his
treasures with him. Tang £-ch(X) said to him,
" Why not go to some other State?" He replied,
" Since I have not been able to satisfy the great
officers, nor my grandmother, nor the people,
who of the princes of the States will receive me?
And moreover, since I have been a ruler, than
that I should go on to be a subject it is better
for me to die." With this he distributed all
his treasures among his attendants, and made
them go away. The grand-ducliess sent word
to the minister of Works that he should leave
the duke, but he said, "If, having been his
minister, I should now skulk away from him In
his calamity, how should 1 appear before his
successor?'*

*In winter, In the 11th month, on Keah-yin,
duke Ch*aou was going to hunt at M&ng-choo;
but before he arrived at the place, the grand-
duchess, a lady of the royal House, had him
killed by the directors of the hunt. Tang E-choo
died with him. The words of the text— "The
PEOPLB of Sung murdered their ruler, Ch*oo-
k»giv^ w—ahow that the ruler was devoid of all
principle. Duke Wftn [The above Paou] suc-
ceeded him, and made his own brother Sen
minister of Works. Hwa Ngow died, and [the
son of Tang E-choo], Tang Hwuy, was made
minister of War.'

The K*ang-he editors enter here into a long
discussion on the explanation which Tso-she
gives of the text's assigning the murder of duke
Ch*aou to the people of Sung, of which it is.
worth while to give the substance.— They say:

r^t

Ti-TW. VTTE TfiT TBC» CHTTK.

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DUKE WAN.

277

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In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, an officer of
Tsin, an officer of Wei, an officer of Uh*in, and an
officer of Ch'ing, invaded Sung.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Kwei-hae, we buried
our duchess, Shing Keang.

3 The marquis of Ts'e invaded our western borders. In
the sixth month, on Kwei-we, the duke and the mar-
quis of Ts'e made a covenant in Kuh.

4 [Several] of the States had a meeting in Hoo,

5 In autumn, the duke arrived from Kuh.

6 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e.

XVII. 1

Par. 1. Tso-she saya : — * This spring, Seun Lin-
foo of Tsin, KHing Tah of Wei, Kung-sun Ning
of Ch*iii, and Shih Ts'oo of Ch^ing, invaded Sung.
[Coming] to punish it, thej said, "For what
cause did je murder your nUer?" but yet they
recognized duke Wftn, and returned. The
names of the ministers are not given in the
text, indicating that they failed in what [they
had undertaken].* Too observes that from the
time of duke Aun, precedence is always giren
in the accounts of meetings, &c., to Ch'in over

Wei, while in this instance we have |Sr K^

before |m[ ^, He supposes the reason to be
that Kung-sun Ning was a minister of lower
rank than K*ung Tah.

Par. 2. See on III. xxxii. 2. Kung-yang gives
^ for ®t. Tso says the burial took place
late, in consequence of the troubles of liOO with
Ts*e.

278

THE CHUN TS'EAV, WITH THE TSO CUVEN.

BOOK VI.

Par. 3. KuK— Me in.viL4. T«o sajg:—

*llie marquis of Ti-e invaded our northern

border. Seang-clmng [on behalf of duke W&n]

begged a covenant, and in the 6th month, a

coTenant was made in Kuh.' The * western*

border of the text is the 'northern' in the

Chuen. Ting-tah tliinks . the text is wrong,

beoanse Kuh lies north of Loo.

Par. 4. The Chaen says: — 'The marquis of
Tsin had a grand review in Hwang-foo, and
proceeded to assemble the States again in Hoo;
— ^for the pacification of Sung. The duke was
not present at the meeting, because of the dif-
ficulties with Ts'e. I1ie text says [simply] '* the
▼arioos princes,** [without further specifying
them], because they accomplished nothing. At
this meeting, the marquis of Tsin did not see
the earl of Ch'ing, and concluded that he was

E again] inclining to Ts*oo. Tsze-kea of Ch4ng,
being aware of this], sent for the carrier of
despatches, and gnve him a letter, in which
he hud the following statements before Chaou
Seuen: — ''In the 3d year of my ruler, he called
the marquis of Ts^ae, and agreed with him that
tliey should serve your State. In the 9th month,
the nu&rqois came to our poor city on the way
to Tsin. But at that time we were occupied
with the troubles caused by How Seuen-to, and
my ruler was not able to go along with him ; but
in the 1 1th month, having succeeded in diminish-
ing [the power] of Seuen-to. he followed the
marquis that he might appear at your court
before you the manager of its affairs. In his
12th year, [I], Kwei-sftng, assisted my ruler's
eldest son, £, in persuading the marquis of
ChHn to separate from TsHw, and go to the court
of your ruler. In his 14th year, in the 7th
month, my ruler further appeared at your court
to complete the business of [the submission of]
Ch4n. In his 15th year, in the 5th month, the
marquis of Ch'in went from our poor city to
the court of your ruler. Last year, in the 1st
month, Chuh Che-woo went to present E at
your court; and in the 8th month, my ruler
appeared there himself. That Ch'in and Ts'ae,
near as they are to Ts'oo, have not wavered [in
their adherence to Tsin], is all through our
influence with them. But considering only
our own service of your ruler, how is it that
we do not escape [such an imputation as is
brought against us] ? Since his accession, our
marquis paid one court-visit to duke S^ng,
and has twice appeared before your present
ruler. [His son] £, and more than one of us,

his ministers, have been one after another to
Keang. No other State has been more assiduous
than ours in its service of I'sin. And now your
great State says [to Clring]. "You do not
satisfy my wishes! There is ruin for our poor
dty; we are at the last extremity.

* There is a saying of the ancients, "Fearing
for its head and fearing for its Uil, there is tittle
of the body left [not to fear for]." And theie
is another, ^ The deer driven to it^ death doei
not choose the [best] place to take shelter in.**
When a small Sute serves a large one, if dealt
with kindly, it shows the gratitude of a man;
if not dealt with kindly, it acts like the stag.
That runs into danger in its yiulent hurry,
for how in its urgency should it be able to
choose where to run? [The State], driven by
the commands to it without limit, in the same
way only knows that there is ruin before it
We will raise all our poor leyies. and await you
at Tew, — just as you, the director of affkin,
may command us. Our [former] duke Wiu in
his second year, in the 6th month, on Jin-shin,
acknowledged the court of Ts*e, but in his 4th
year, in the 2d month, on Jin-seuh, because Ts^
ma<)e an incursion into Ts'ae, he [felt obliged
to] obtain terms of peace from I's'uo. SituUed
between great States, is it onr fault that we
must follow their violent orders? If your great
State do not consider these things, we will not
seek to evade the command you shall lay upon
us (tie., Ch4ng would meet Tsin in arms, if the
necessity were laid upon it).**

* [After the receipt of this letter], Knng Soh
of Tsin went and settled the difficulties with
Ch*ing, Ch'aou Ch*uen, and Ch'e, son-in-law of
duke Wan, going there as hostages.*

Par. 5. [The Clinen appends here two brief
notices : — * In autumn, Kan Ch'uh of Chow sur-
prised the Jung in Shin-sh'uy, while they were
drinking spirits, and defeated them.'

* In winter, in the 10th month, E, the eldest
son of the earl of Ch'ing, and Shih Ts*oo, be-
dlne hostages in Tsin.*]

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — * Seang-chosg
went to Ts'e to express our acknowledgmeoti
for the covenant at Kuh. When he retoined,
he said, *■ I heard the people of Ts^e [say] tbey
will eat the wheat of Loo, but according to my
view they will not be able to do so. The wordi
of the marquis of Ts'e are rude; and Tssog
Wftn-ohung remarked that when a people's lord
is rude, he is sure to die.'*'

Eighteenth year.

X%AMJ!^^,

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Yea* XVIII.

DUKE WAN.

279

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THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

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El xvm.

DUKE WAN.

281

III. 1

2
3

7
8
9

In his eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's second
month, on Ting-ch*ow, the duke died, [in a chamber]
beneath [one] of his towers.

Ying, earl of Ts'in, died.

In summer, in the fifth month, on Mow-seuh, the peo-
ple of Ts*e murdered their ruler, Shang-jin.

In the sixth month^ on Kwei-yew, we buried our ruler,
duke Wan.

In autumn, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, and Shuh-sun
Tih-shin, went to Ts'e.

In winter, in the tenth month, the [duke's] son died.

The [duke's] wife, the lady Keang, went back to Ts'e.

Ke-sun HSng-foo went to Ts*e.

Keu murdered its ruler, Shoo-k^e.

jr. 1 . See on IH. xxxii. 4, and V. xxziii. 11.
-leang says here that duke Wftn did not die
€ plaice where he should have died ; but all
Hiuen, and the critics also, are provokingly
t as to what or where the place was. Only
X) Tung-kaou's ' Tables of the great matters

• Ch'nn Te'ew (^W^M'^^A

^^, tS -{^ ^ "~^)' have I found any-

1^ bMring on the subject. He says that the
r was that of Ts*euen, mentioned in XVI. 6,
ower in the palace of Ts'euen. It is there
that the duke pulled the tower down, and
adds that he pulled down the palace as
Tet it happened that he died somehow
e the tower had been, showing that the

I foreshadowed by the serpents that issued
under it was not that of Shing Keang, but
Luke's own death! The matter must be
n its obscurity.

e Chuen says :^' In the spring, the mar-
of Ts*e, was preparing for the time when
lould take the field [to attack Loo], when

II ill, and his physician said that he would
efore autumn. The duke heard of it, and
ilted the tortoise-shell, saying, "May his
1 take place before the time [of his taking
leld] I" Hwuy-pih communicated the sub-
inquired about to the shell. Ts'oo-k^ew,
iTiner, performed the operation, and said,
e marquis of Ts*e will die before that time,
;h not of illness ; and the duke also [will
without hearing of the marquis's death,
e is eril also in store for him who com-
cated the subject to the shell." [According-
the duke died on Ting-ch^ow, in the 2d
til*

r. 2. This was duke K'ang ( j^ ^) ; and

a the first record of the death of an earl of
in the Classic. The growth of the State
been rapid, for it was not till aft«r the
I of Shing-puh that its chiefs interchanged
iges and other courtesies with the princes
B Middle States.

r. 8. ^ ^,— iee on XVI. 7. The Chucn

— * When duke E of Ts'e was [only] duke's

he had a strife with the father of Ping

i about some fields, in which he did not

get the better; and therefore, when he became
marquis, he caused the grave of his opponent to
be dug open, and the feet of the corpse to be
cut off, while yet he employed Ch*uh as hit
charioteer. And though he took to himself the
wife of Ten Chih, he carried Chih with him aa
the third attendant in his chariot.

* In simimer, in the 5th month, the duke hav-
ing gone to the pool of Shin, these two men were
bathing in the pool, when Ch*uh struck the
other with a twig, and then said to him, when
he got angry, ** Since you allowed your wife to
be taken from you without being angry, how
does a tap like that hurt you?** "How is it,"
replied Chih, ** between me and him who was
able to see his father's feet cut off without
feeling aggrieved.? " The two men then consult-
ed together, murdered duke £, and laid his body
among the bamboos. They then returned [to
the city], calmly put down their cups [after
drinking], and went away. The people of Tb*o
raised diike Hwan's son Yuen to his brother's
place.'

Par. 5. The Chuen says : — * In autumn, Seang-
chung and Chwang-shuh went to Ts'e, [to con-
gratiUate] duke Hwuy on account of his
accession, and to express Loo's acknowledgment
for the presence of an officer of Ts*e at duke
Wftn's burial.' Seang-chung was charged with
one of these duties, and Chwang-shuh with the
other. Though they went together, each had
his own mission. But they transacted other
business in Ts^e. The Chuen goes on : — * King
Ting, the second wife [in rank] of duke W&n
bore him ason, [Tseeh, wno became] duke Seuen.
She was the duke's favourite, and privately paid
court to Seang-chung, to whom she entrusted
the care of her son's interests as he grew up.

Sin consequence of this], Seang-chung wished to
eclare Tseeh his father's successor; but Shuh-
chung (Shuh P*ftng-s&ng, or Hwuy-pih) objected.
When Chung had an intcr^'icw with the marquis
of Ts'e, he l)egged his sanction to what he pro-
posed, and the marquis, being new in his own
position, and wishing to be on friendly terms
with Loo, graiite<l it.'

Par. 6. The son who is here said to have
died was called Goh, duke Wftn's eldest son
by the lady Keang (See IX. 2). By her, his
proper wife, the duke had two sons, Guh and

VOL V.

282

THE CH'UN TS*EW, VHTH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VI.

She; and on his death. Goh, the elder of the
two, though only a child, had been recognized
as * marquis ;' and as the late marquis was now
buried, he ought to appear here with his name
and his title as * marquis ' or ' ruler.' Instead
of dying a natural death, as we should conclude
from the text, he was murdered, as the Chuen
immediately goes on to relate. The critics have
a great deal to say in trying to account for the
state of the record in the text; but it is of the
same character as many others throughout the
classic, from which we should do anything but
know the truth about the things recorded, if
we were entirely dependent on the sage for our

information. The instances of -7* ^SSf in III.

zxxii. 5, and -7- |^, in IX. xxxi. 3, are some-
what difft. from that before us, bei^ause in them
the fathers of the young marquises had not yet
been buried, and it was proper they should

appear as * sons ' only.

The Chuen says: — *In winter, in the 10th
month, [Seang-] chung killed Goh and She,
and set up [Tsceh, who became] duke Seuen.
The entry tliat *the [duke*s] son died* is to
conceal the nature of the fact. Chung then,
fas if] by the [young] ruler s order, called
Hwuy-pih [to come to him]. Hwuy-pih's
steward, Kung-jen Woo-jin endeavoured to stop
hira, saying that, if he entered [the palace], he
was sure to die. Shuh-chung said, " If I (lie in
obeying my ruler's command, it is right I should
do so." The steward answered, " Yes, if it be
the ruler's command ; but if it be not, why should
you listen to it ?" Hwuy-pih would not take
this advice, but entered [the palace], where
they killed him, and hid his body among the
horses' dung. His steward then carried his wife
and children with him, and fled to Ts'ae; but
the Shuh-chung family was afterwards restored.'

Par. 7. The Chuen says:— * This return of
duke Wftn's wife Keang to Ts*e was a return
for good. When she was about to go, she wept
aloud. Passmg through the market place, she
cried out, " O Heaven, Chung has done wickedly,
killing the son of the wife, and setting up the
son of a concubine I" All in the market wept,
and the people of Ixx) called her Gae Keang
(** The sorrowful Keang").'

Par. 8. Kung-tsze Suy, Shuh-sun Tib-shin,
and Ke-sun H&ng-foo were confederates in the
atrocious deeds which had been perpetrated.
The former two had got a sort of sanction for
them from the marquis of Ts*e, as relate<l in p. 5,
and FlAng-foo now went to tell him of their ac-
complishment.

Par. 9. The Chuen has a long narrative on
this paragraph: — 'Duke Ke of Keu had two
sons, — Puh the eldest, [and who should have
succeeded him], and Ke-t'o; but through his
love for Ke-t'o he degraded Puh. He also did
many things against all propriety in the State,
and Puh, by the help of the people, proceeded to
murder him. He then gathered all his valuable
treasures together, and came flying with them
to Loo, and presented them to duke Seuen. The
duke gave orders to assign him a city, saying, " It
must be given to him to-day;" but Ke Wftn made
the ministt^r of Crime send him beyond the
borders, saying, **He must get there to-day."
The duke asked the reason of this conduct, and
Ke VVftn sent K*ili, the grand historiographer, with

the following reply : — ** A deceaaed great officer
of our State, Tsang W&n-chung taught H&ng-foo
rules to guide him in serving his ruler, and
Hfing-foo gives them the widest application, not
daring to let them slip from his mind. Win-
Chung's words were, * When you see a man who
observes the rules of propriety in his conduct
to his ruler, behave to him as a dutiful soo
should do in nourishing his parents. When
you see a man who transgresses those rales to-
wards his ruler, take him off as an eagle or ■
hawk pursues a small bird.' The founder of on
House the duke of Chow, in the Boles which ha
framed for Chow, said, * By means of the model
of conduct you can see a man's virtue. Hit
virtue is evidenced in his management of af-
fairs. From that ^management his merit cu
be measured. His services result in the sup-
port of the people.' In the Admonitory Instmc-
tions which he made, [the duke of Chow] said,
* He who overthrows [the laws of conduct] is a
villain; and he who conceals him is his har-
bourer. He who filches money is a thief; be
who steals the treasures of a State is a traitor.
He who harbours the villain, and he who mei
the treasures of the traitor, is guilty of the great-
eat crime. He muat auffer the regular penal^,
without forgiveness ; — such a case is not omitted
in [the Book of^ the nine Punishments.* Whea
H&ng-foo viewed the whole action of Puh of
Keu, he saw nothing in him fit to be a model
of conduct. Filial reverence and loyal faith ire
virtues of good conduct; theft and villainj,
and harbouring [the thief] and [accepting the
gifta of] the traitor, are vicea of evil oondoct
Now what was the pattern of filial reverenee
given by Puh of Keu ? — ^I1ie murder of his ft*
ther and ruler. And hia pattern of loyal £uth
waa hia atealing the treasurea and jewda of tbe
State. The man ia a robber and a villain ; the
thinga he brought with him are tbe aigna of bii
treachery. To protect him and accept his gifti
would be to be a principal in harbonring him. If
we, with [the duke of Chow's] leasona, sboold
take such a blind course, the people would ban
no pattern ; and unable to take the measorenieDk
of good themselves, they would be in the midit
of vices of bad conduct. It was for these m*
sons that [H&ng-foo] sent Puh of Keu away.

*The ancient [emperor] Kaou-yang (I f
Chuen-heuh^ had eight deaceodanto of ability
[and virtue]: — ^Ta*ang-ahoo ; T*uy-gac; T*s«
yin ; Ta-lin ; Mang-hang ; T*ing-keen ; Chnagi
yung ; and Shuh-tah. They were correct and
sagely, of wide comprehenaion and deep, intelli'
gent and conatatent, generously good and as-
cere : — all under heaven called them the eigbt
Harmonies.

* [The emperor] Kaou-sin [i. q. Kuh] had [il-
so] eight descendants of ability [and virtue] :--'
Pin-fun; Chung-k*an, Shuh-heen; Ke-cbooKt
Pih-hoo; Chung-heung ; Shuh-p^aou; and K«-
le. They were leal and reverential, respectfu
and admirable, all-considering and benevoleo^
kind and harmonious : — all under heaven calkd
them the eight Worthiea.

Of these IG men [after] ages have acknowkd|-
ed the excellence, and not let their names fsll (o
the ground. But in the time of Taoo, he wasnot
able to raiite them to office. When Shun, hov-
ever, liecame Yaou'a mxniater, he raised tbe eigbt
Harmonies to oflBcc, and employed than tj
superintend the department of the mioiiter «

tbjlb xvm.

DUKE WAN.

283

the Land. All matters connected with it were
thus regulated, and everything was arranged in
its proper season; — the earth was reduced to
order, and the influences of heaven operated
with effect. He also rused the eight Worthies
to office, and employed them to disseminate
through the four quarters a knowledge of the
duties belonging to the five relations of society.
Fathers became just and mothers gentle; elder
brothers kindly, and younger ones respectful;
and sons became filial: — in the empire there was
order, and beyond it submission.

'The ancient emperor Hung [Hwang-te] had
a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue].
He hid righteousness from himseli, and was a
villain at heart; he delighted in the practice
of the worst vices ; he was shameless and vile,
obstinate, stupid, and unfriendly, cultivating
only the intimacy of such as himself. All the
people under heaven called him Chaos.

* The emperor Shaou-haou pPreceded Chuen-
heuh] had a descendant devoid of ability [and
virtue]. He sought to overthrow faith, and
disowned loyalty. He delighted in evil speeches
and tried to make them attractive; he was at
home with slanderers, and employed the perverse ;
he readily received calumnies, and sought out
men's iniquities, to stigmatize what was sincere.
All the people under heaven called him Monster.

* [The emperor] Chuen-heuh had a descendant
devoid of ability [and virtue]. He would receive
no instruction; he would acknowledge no good
words. When told, he was obstinate ; when left
alone, he was stupid. He was an arrogant hater
of intelligent virtue, seeking to confound the
heavenly rules of society. All the people under
heaven called him Block.

*0f these three men [after] ages acknowledged
the wickedness, and added to their evil names.
But in the time of Taou, he was not able to put
them away.

*[The officer] Tsin-yun [In the time of
Hwang-te] had a descendant who was devoid
of ability and virtue. He was greedy of eating
and drinking, craving for money and property.
Ever gratif3ring his lusts, and making a grand
display, he was insatiable, rapacious in his ex-
actions, and accumulating stores of wealth. He
had no idea of calculating where he should stop,
and made no exceptions in favour of the orphan
and the widow, felt no compassion for the poor
and exhausted. All the people under heaven
likened him to the three other wicked ones, and
called him Qlutton.

* When Shun became Yaou*s minister, he re-
ceived the nobles from the four quarters of the
empire, and banished these four wicked ones,
Chaos, Monster. Block, and Glutton, casting
them out into the four distant regions, to meet
the spite of the sprites and evu things. The
consequence of this was, that, when Yaou died,
all under heaven, as if they had been one man,
with common consent bore Shun to be emperor,
because he had raised to office those sixteen
helpers, and had put away the four wicked ones.
Therefore the Book of Yu, in enumerating the
services of Shun, says, * He carefully set forth
the beauty of the five cardinal duties, tnd they
came to be universally observed (The Shoo« II.
L 2):' — none were disobedient to his instructions ;
* being appointed to be Qeneral Regulator, the
affairs of each department f^ere arranged accord-

ing to their proper seasons (ibid.)-' — there was no
neglect of any affair; * having to receive the
princes from the four quarters of the empire,
they all were docilely submissive (ibid.):* — there
were none wicked among them. 8hun*s services
were shown in the case of those 20 men, and he
became emperor; and now, although Hftng-foo
has not obtained one good man, he has put away
one bad one. He has a twentieth part of the
merit of Shun ; and may he not, perhaps, escape
the charge of having been disolic^ient?" '

[The above long and elaborate vindication of
his conduct by Ke-sun Hftng-foo is worthy of
careful study in many respects. The references
to men and things in what we may call the
prsehistoric period were, no doubt, in accordance
with traditions current at the time, though we
cannot accept them as possessed of historical
authority, more especially as there is an anti-
oonfucian spirit in what is said of Taou.

Leaving this, it is remarkable that Ke-sun, in
condemning Pub of Keu, and vindicating his
own conduct in expelling him from Loo, seems
altogether unconscious of crimes in Loo nearly
affecting himself, hardly less atrocious than those
of which Puh had been guilty. He had allowed
the murder of Goh and She by Kung-tsze Suy :
he had made no remonstrance on the murder by
that statesman of their old colleague Shuh-
chung Hwuy-pih. He connived in fact at these
deeds, and was confederate* with Suy in securing
the usurpation by Seuen of the marquisate. His
expulsion of the refugee from Keu marks a
new era in the relations of the marquis of Loo
and his ministers. From the time of Ke Tiw

(^S ^^)» ^^® three great clans of Chung-sun,

Shuh-sun, and Ke-sun had ruled the State, but
the semblance of supreme authority was still
left with the marquis. From the beginning of
Seuen's rule, the government was carried on by
the ministers with little regard to the wishes of
the marquis, and often in opposition to them.

An inconsistency has been pointed out in the
Chuen about Puh of Keu. If he, as it is said,
* by the help of the people,' murdered his father,
then he ought to have taken possession of the
State, instead of fleeing to Loo. Chaou K*wang

would obviate this difficulty by changing ^ftfe

H A ^ ^ ^E -^^ ^"* ^®"''*»" *" ^«

memorial charges the murder directly upon

Puh. If we had more details of the state of
things in Keu, the apparent inconsistency in
Tso-she would probably disappear.]

[There is appended a short narrative about
the affairs of bung: — *The Woo clan in Sung
led on a son of duke Ch*aou. to support Seu the
minister of Works, in making an insurrection.
In the 12th month, the duke of Sung put
to death his own brother Seu, and the son of
duke Ch'aou. He also made the heads of
clans, descended from dukes Tae, Chwang,
and Hwan, attack the head of the Woo clan
in the court-house of Tsze-pih, minister of
War, and then expelled the chiefs of the clans
of Woo and Muh. He appointed Kung-sun Sze
minister of Works; and on the death of Kung-
tsze Chaou, he made Yoh Leu minister of Crime ;
— thus quieting [the minds of] the people.']

BOOK TIL DCXE SECE!r.

KUl I.

DUKE SEUEN.

285

m mn b.h^ ik.m n^^Mm^

491

1:1

1^1 HI By" >lC|

3£.

A*i
■IfcolP

ic.

1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the

duke came to the [vacant] seat.

2 Duke rChwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e, to meet the [duke's]

briae.

3 In the third month, Suv arrived with the [duke's] wife, the

lady Eeang, from Ts'e.

4 In summer, Ee-sun H&ng-foo went to Ts'e.

5 Tsin banished its great officer, Seu Eeah-foo, to Wei.

6 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts^e in P4ng-

chow.

7 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e.

8 In the sixth month, a body of men from Ts'e took the lands

of Tse-se.

9 In autumn, the viscount of Choo came to Loo on a court-visit.

10 The viscount of Ts^oo and an officer of Ch4ng made an in-

cursion into Ch4n, and went on to make one into Sung.

11 Chaou Tun of Tsin led a force to relieve Ch*in.

12 The duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch4n, the marquis of Wei,

and the earl of Ts'aou, joined the army of Tsin at Fei-lin,
and invaded Ch'ing.

13 In winter, Chaou Ch^uen of Tsin led a force, and made an

incursion into Ts^ung.

14 A body of men from Tsin and one from Sung invaded Ch4ng.

2S€

THE CH C35 TS'EW, WTTH THE TSO CULEX.

BOOK YIL

(

Tnxm o» xsm Book. — Doke Seneo^s rule
kMCed I&ir lA j^aa, from B. C. 607 go 590. Hii
w,* 1,^ (^;. or, .ci»r£ng u» S«^

Ei : Bf)^ He was a nn of (iske

by his fitvr^axitft caocoEBne. Kin^ Tua^

V His booan^ tide Sean (^)

Food of aifcfing: a*^ vuvemB j ki-

fint jesr symrhrQiiaed wich the Ifdk flf
g J}; tl« Itth of lingC^)
of Tsn; the Ist of Tan, duke Hwvj of Ta^
(g[^7CK tlie 27tli of Chiag of W«; tfce
^h of Wfta (^^ of T#Be; tihe 30tk of Mmh of
Chliir; tihe 10th of Wis, C^Q of Trios; the
Cth of Umg (^) of Chin; the S9th of Hvn
of Ke; theddofWia (^^ of Snr; Ae 1st
jcar of Too^ dske Kog (dt ^ ^ of

Tsia, fl^ tihe tth of Ckwmn^ (^) of Ti^oa

Fto. 1. Tbie recotd of Scveo't omiMOB ii
the tome a» thju in IL L 1. Hiemoiqattateaiid
Hwan't veie both the fniit of nrarder, and, ac-
mnfing to the codob for ladi a case, we dmdd

Bot hare tihe ^ ^. See on ILL L

Parr. 2^ The tranaaetiona recorded hue ■lai!
hiuiied on ^contrary to all rule,' tfaroogfa the
utgeucf of tihe dofce^t ciicmiwtancei, and hit
amdetj to onke hia ill-got poatkn good bj an
aDianoe whh the pofverfnl Honae of Tre. The
Choen on p. 5 of last jear tells as hov Sqj had
obtamed the nnctioo of Ts'e to the romp wbidi
he oootefliplated in Loo; and thoogh it aayt no-
thing on p. 8, it is nndcavtood that Hftng-foo,
when he went to Tt'e, after the €omp, obtained a
contract of marriage between the doke and
a danghUT of Tt'e; and now no time was lost

in the «»>a.plidu»ent of it. On ^^fj 3^. «*

LiL5; and on the term ^3, aee V.zzt.3. But
I do not lee how the canon aboot the i^peUa*
tion ^3, which is there giren, can applj here.
Kaon aays, *In her father's honse the Isdj was
called -^r; on the way to the State where she

was to be married, she was called ^@; in that

State she was called ^ ^.'

Tso-she says: — 'Say is here Qn p. 2) called
** duke's son,' — to do honour to the ruler's com-
mand ; and in p. 8 only Say, — to do honoar to the
wife.' I confess that I do not clearly understand
this.

Par. 4. The alliance with Ts'e had been ac-
complished, bat it was necessary the marqols
shoiud be acknowledged as the iiiler of Loo at
a conference with one or more great States; and
to effect this was the object of Hftng-foo's mis-
sion. Tso-she says: — *In summer Ke Wftn
went to T8*e, and with the offer of bribes begged
[the marqais] to give [the duke] a meeting.'

Par. 6. "Ur may be translated 'banished,'

but it denotes * banishment to a certain place.

aAurat Ho-kie«h. Chaoa ChiKO and Sen Keab-
fea» who was thm aaBstant-conmander of ths
3d amy. frnstratcd, m the Chnen rdatcs [YL
T\ the desgn of Chaon Ten to attack ths
ty of Trin while eroasin^ the Hol The
had been allowed to afaunber for nearly
^ Tears, and is now visited on Sea Shin, bat aot
Ch*ves, the leader in the ofinoe.
says: — The people of Tsta, to
for his dttohedience to otdeny bsa-
iahed Sen KHeah-foo to Wei, and appointed [his
sonl. Sen Kih, to his mnmiand Seen Sin fled
toTs-e.'
^r. €L Fing-cfaowwaa in Tre, in the prea

fia.ofLae^wooC^KlXdeii.T'ae.gaa Ta»

says the meeting was ^to establish the doke's
in Lool'

Par. 7. Tso-Ae here calla Say — ' Tong-nsa
Seaag-chnBg/ L «l, Seang-dinng who lired oetr

the eastern gate, where ^B p^ beoones s sort

of samaaie; and says he now went to Ts^, *to
cj[p«e3s [the doke's j acknowledgments for tin
settlement [of hia position].' S^ on V. irri 5.

Par.8. 7Wjcre«a,— seeV.zxxLl. Itieenii
a strange action on the part of the marqsh of
Ts^ afler all the faroars he had done to dske
Senen, now to proceed to appropriate ptrt of
his territory. We must suppose that the tribe
mentioned in the Chnen on p. 4, had oolj beoi
offered and not paid, and that Ts^e loot do tine
in securing it (if theae lands were the bribe), or
at least an equiTalent for it. The Choen ttji :
— ^^These fields were taken, because of the serfioB
in the establishment of the duke, in order to
bribe Ts*ie.'

Par. 9. All through the times of dokei Ho
and Win, Choo and Loo had been in bad rds-
tions. Perhaps the riscount of Choo came nov
to I^ thinking the time was omMvtune for the
heaUng of their differences, in which, bovever,
he was deceired;— see below in the 10th jeir.
hiany critics Uiink he made his Tisit thnogii
fearofTs^e.

Par. 10. The Chuen says:— * When the peo-
ple of Sung murdered duke Ch^aou (YLxtIT)^
Seun Lin-foo of Tsin, with the armies of [setenl
other] States, inradcd Sung; but Sung and Tbb
made peace (VL xriL 1; the Chuen); and dnki
Win of Sung was subsequently admitted to t
covenant with Tsin. [Tsin], moreorer, assembled
the States at Hoo (YLxv.lO), intending, n
behalf of Loo, to punish Ts'e; but oo that
occasion as well as the other, it took bribes aad
withdrew, [without doing anytliing]. Doho
Muh of Cb'ing [on this] said, ''Tsin is not
worth having to do with ;" and he was theresftff
admitted to a covenant 1^ Ts'oo. On the desth
of duke Kung of ChHn [In Wftn's ISth yeir],
the people of Ts'oo did not behave oourteoorift
and duke Ling of Chin obtained a covcasat
from Tsin. The viscount of Ts*oo, rtherefoie]i
now made an incursion into ChHn, ana proceeded
to make one into Sung.'

Par. 11. Tso says:— * To relieve Chin sad
Sung.'

Par. 12. For ^jE Kung-jrang has ^g.
lin was in Ch'ing,— in the pres. dis. of Sin-

Year I.

DUKE SEtlEN.

287

ch*ing, dep. K'ae-fung. The Chuen says: —
•They met at Fei-lin to invade Ching, but Wei
Kea of Ts^oo came to its relief, met the allies at
Pih-lin, and took Heae Yang of Tsin prisoner ;
on which the troops of Tsin returned to their
own State.'
Par. 13. In the Chuen on VI. xvii. 4, we find

Chaou Ch*uen going to Ch4ng as a hostage.
He had not remained there long, as the peace
between Tun and Ching, patched up by the let-
ter of Tsze-kea of Ch'ing, had soon come to an
end.

Ts'ung was a small State, acknowledging the
jurisdiction of Ts'in. Its territory aforetime

had been the State of Fung (l|K)i i^ the pres.

dis. of Hoo («))» dep. Se-gan, Shen-se. The

Chuen says: — 'Tsin wanted to ask peace from
Tsin, when Chaou Ch^uen said, " ( will make
an incursion into Ts^utig, and Ts*in, urgent in
its behalf, is sure to go to its relief, when I can
take the opportunity to ask for peace." Ue
acted accordingly, but Ts*in would not make
peace with Tsin/

Par. 14. The Chuen says : — *The people of
Tsin invaded Ch4ng, to repay the affair at Pih-
lin [See on p. 12]. At this time the marquis
of Tsin was giving way to all extravagance, and
Chaou Seuen, in whose hands the government
was, offered repeated remonstrances without ef-
fect In consequence of this, [Tsin] could not
make itself strong against TsHx).'

Second year.

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mM zmm^M.% m.fla T- A + n^mm
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288

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN-

BOOK VIL

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DUKB SEVEN.

289

m ^ mm ^

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II. 1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king^s second

month, on Jin-tsze, Hwa Yuen of Sung, at the head of
a force, and duke [W&n's] son, Ewei-s&ng of Ch4ng,
[also] at the head of a force, fought at Ta-keih, when
the army of Sung was shamefully defeated, and Hwa
Yuen was made prisoner.

2 An army of Ts*in invaded Tsin.

3 In summer, a body of men from Tsin, one from Sung, one

from Wei, and one from Ch4n, made an incursion into
Ch4ng.

4 In autumn, in the ninth month, on Yih-ch*ow, Chaou Tun

of Tsin murdered his ruler, £-kaou.

5 In winter, in the tenth month, on Yih-hae, the king [by]

Heaven's [grace] died.

Par. 1. Ta-keih was in Sang, — at a bend in
the west of the pres. Say Chow (HC| 711 )> ^^P*

Kwei-tih. Some refer it to a place, not far
from this, in the dis. of Ning-ling. The Chuen
says: — *In the 2d month A this year, Kang-
tsze Kwei-s&ng of Ch4ng received orders from
Ts'oo to invade Sang. Hwa Yaen and Yoh
Lea of Sang met him ; and on Jin-tsze of the
2d month they fought at Ta-keih, when the
army of Song received a disgraceful defeat,
Hwa Tuen being made prisoner, and Yoh Leu cnp-
tared [Yoh Leu was probably pat to death as well,

for so only can we make a distinction between

^and^]. [ThearmyofCh1ngalsotookJ460

chariots of war, 250 men, and the left ears of
100. K*wang Keaou engaged a man of Ch*ing,
who jumped into a well, from which the other
brought him out with the end of his spear, —
[only] to be captured by him. The superior
man will say that K*wang Keaou transgressed
the rule of war, and was disobedient to orders,
deserving to be taken. What is called the rule of
war is to be having ever in the ears that in war
there should be the display of boldness and
intrepidity. To slay one*s enemy is boldness,
and to show the utmost boldness is intrepidity ;
and he who does otherwise deserves death.

* When the battle was impending, Hwa Yuen
slaughtered sheep to feed the soldiers, and did
not give any to Yang Chin, his charioteer.
When the battle came on. Chin said, **In the
matter of the sheep yesterday, you were the
master; in the busmess of to-day, I am the
master." With this he drove with him into the

army of Ch*ing, which caused the defeat. The
superior man will say that Yang Chin did very
wrong. For his private resentment he brought
defeat on his State, and destruction on [many
of] the people. No crime could deserve greater
punishment. May we not regard the words of
the ode, about '* people without conscience
(She, II. vii., ode IX. 4),** as applicable to Yang
Chin? He occasioned the death of many to
gratify his own feeling.

*The people of Sung ransomed Hwa Yuen from
Ch*ing with 100 chariots of war and 400 piebald
horses. When the half of them had been sent,
he made his escape back to Sung ; and when he
arrived at the capital, he stood outside the gate,
and announced himself before he entered.
When he saw Shuh-tsang [The designation of
Yang Chin], he said to him, " It was the horses
that did so ;" but the other replied, *' It was not
the horses; it was myself." Having givea
this answer, he fled to L<x>.

* Sung was repairing the wall of its capital, and
Yuen had the superintendence of the work.
As he was going a round of inspection, the
builders sang, [as he passed],

** With goggle eyes and belly vast,
llie buff-coats left, he*s back at last.
The whiskers long, the whiskers long,
Are here, but not the buff -coats strong."

Yuen made [one of] them ride with him in his
carriage, and said to him, *' Bulls still have
skins; rhinoceroses and wild bulls still are
many. The throwing away the buff-coats was
not such a great thing." The work-man said,

TOL Y.

290

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE T80 CHUEN.

BOOK VH

•^There my be the skiiu, but wbat sboat die
red Tarnish for them?* Hwa Tnea aaid, ** Go
aw8 J. Thoae men hare maoj moatha, and I am

Pair. 2^ TbeChoen mjb: — 'The army of
Tain inraded Tiin, m letnni for the attai^ of
TtHmg [P.13 of hut jearl and beaieged Taeaoo.
In mmmer, Chaoa Ton of Tnn rdiered Taeaoa ;
Mid then, going on from Tin-te, he proceeded,
along with the armies of [^levml] Statea, to
make an incoinon into Ch^mg, in order to le-
paj the action at Ta-keih. TowTseaoaofTsHm
[came to] rdiere Ching, nyingT "" Can we wish
to get the adherence of the States, and shrink
from the difficulties in the way of doing so ?"
He halted therefofe in Ching to wait for the

army of Tsin. Chaoa Tnn

Tseaon'sdan

is so strong in Ts^oo, that it is likely to come to
min. Let ns for a time [give way, and] in-
crease its malady.** He aceordin^y withdrew
before it.'

Par. 4. The Chnen says:— < Duke lii^ of
Tsin conducted himself in a way unbecoming a
ruler. He levied heary ezactikms, to supply
him with means for the earring of his walls, and
shot at people from the top of a tower to see
how they tried to sToid his pellets. Because
his cook had not done some bears* paws thor-
oughly, he put him to death, and made some
of his women carry his body past the court in a
basket. Chaou Tun and Sze Ke [Hwuy, of
whose return from Tsin we have an account in
the Chuen after YI. ziii. 2] saw the man's
hands, [appearingthrough the basket], and asked
about the matter, which caused them grief.
rTun] was about to go and remonstrate with the
duke, when Sze Ke said to him, ^ If you remon-
strate and are not attended to, no one can come
after you. Let me go first; and if my remon-
strance do not prevail, yon can come after."
Accordingly, Hwuy entered the palace, and ad-
vanced, through the first three divisions of it, to the
open court before the hall, before he was seen by
tne duke, who then said, ^ I know my errors,
and will change them." Hwuy bowed his hnd
to the ground, and replied, **Who is without
errors? But there can be no greater ezceUenoe
than for a man to reform and put them away.
There are the words of the c^e (She, UI. iii.
ode L 1.),

' All have their [good] beginnings,
But few are able to carry t&m out to
the end.'

From them we see that few are able to mend
their errors. If your lordship can cany out
your purpose to the end, the stability of the
altars will be made sure, and not your ministers
only will have reliance on you. Another ode
(She, III. i. ode VI. 6) says,

* The defects in the king's duties
Only Chung San-foo can repair.'

[showing how that minister] could mend the
errors of the king. If your lordship can repair
your faults, your robe will never cease to be
worn."

* Notwithstanding this interview, the marquis
made no change in his conduct, and [Chaou]
Seuen made repeated remonstrances, till the
marquis was so vexed that he employed Ts*oo

Mei to kill him. Tbis Mei went to Seoen's
house very eariy in the morning, hot the door
of the bedchamber was open, and there was the
minister in all his robes ready to go to coort
It being too eariy to set oat, he was sitting in t
sort of half sleep. Mei retired, and said, with
a sigh, " Thus mindf nl of the reverence due to
his prince, he is indeed the people's lord. To
murder the people's lord would be disloyalty,
and to cast away from me the marquis's con-
mand will he unfaithfohiess. With this altens-
tive, before me, I had better die;" and with
these words he dashed bis head against a cssas
tree, and died.

' In antumn, in the 9th month, the msrqsii
called Chaou Tun to drink with him, fatTiiy
first concealed soldiers who shoold attack faim.
Tun's retainer, who occupied the plaoeon tberigfat
in his chariot, T^me Bfing, got to know tfaeds-
sign, and rushed up to the haU, saying, Ttii
contrary to rule for a minister in waiting on bit
ruler at a feast to go beyond three cups." Hs
then supported his master down the steps. Ths
marquis urged on an immense dog whicfa hs
had after them, but Ming smote the brute and
killed him. ** He leaves men, and uses dogil*
said Tun. *' Fierce as the creature was, what
could it do?" [In the meantime, the soldien
who were concealed made their appesnooe,
hut] Tun fought his way out, T^me Ming
dying for him.

' Before Uiis, once when Seuen was hnnting oa
mount Show, he rested under a shady moibeny
tree, and noticed one. Ling Cheh, lying near in
a famishing condition. Seuen asked what wis
the matter with him, and he said that be bad
not eaten for three days. When food wasgtTen
him, however, he set the half of it apart; ssd
when asked why he did so, he said, **Ibsvs
been learning abroad for three years, and do
not know whether my mother is alive or sot
Here I am not far from home, and beg to be il-
lowed to leave this for her." Chsou Tnn made
him eat the whole, and had a measure of ries
and meat put up for him in a bag, which wis
given to him. This man was now present UMog
the duke's soldiers, but, turning the head of
his spear, he resisted the others, and effected ths
minister's escape. Tun asked him why he thai
came to his help, and he replied, "I am ths
famishing man whom you saw at the shadj
mulberry tree ;" but when further asked hsi
name and village, he made no answer, butwi^
drew, disappearing afterwards entirely.

* On Tih-ch*ow, Chaou Ch*uen attacked [sod
killed] duke Ling in the peach garden, nA
Seuen, who was flying from the State, but hsi
not yet left its hills behind him, returned to the
capital. The grand historiographer wrote thii
entry, — ^* Chaou Tun murdered his ruler," sad
shpwed it in the court. Seuen said to hiin, ''It
was not so ;" but he replied, " Tou are the higheil
minister. Flying from the State, you did not
cross its borders ; since you returned, you hive
not punished ttie villain. If it was not you wbo
murdered the marquis, who was it?" Seoes
said, " Ah ! the words (? She, I. iu. ode VIIL IX

' The object of my anxiety
Has brought on me this sorrow,'

are applicable to roe."

' Confucius (?) said " Tung Hoo was t good
historiographer of old time : — his rule for wiitiof

TBAmlll.

DUKE SEUEN.

291

wfts Dot to conceal Chaou Seueii was a good
great officer of old time: — in accordance with
that law he accepted the charge of luch wick-
edness. Alasl if he had crossed the border, be
would have escaped it."

* Seuen then sent Chaoa Chhien to Chow to
meet duke [Wftn's] son Hib-fun, whom he
raised to the marquisate. On Jin-shin, Hih-
fnn presented himself in the temple of doke
Woo [the first marquis of Tsin].'

The words of Confticius quoted abOTe by
Tso-she are nowhere else to be found. Perhaps
Tso had heard them from the sage, or they had
been reported to him. Some eren think that
he pat his own Tiew here into the sage's lips to
give it more weight Tun's conduct in employ-
ing the real murderer to go to Chow for duke
Ling's successor cannot be justifled; but on the
whole, the reader will probably conclude that he
receiTed hard measure, first from the historio-
grapher of Tsin, and then from the sage as the
compiler of the Ch^un Ts*ew.

[The Chuen appends here a further narratiye
about the affairs of Tsin :— < At the time of the
troubles occasioned by Le-ke [See the Chuen
on V. It. 8, ef ol], an oath was taken [in Tsin]
that they would not maintain in the State any of

the sons of their marquises; and from that time
they had no families in it which were branches
of the ruling house. When duke ChMng [I'he
aboTe Hih-t'un], however, succeeded to the
State, he gave offices to the eldest sons by their
wives of the high ministers, and assigrned them
lands, so that they should form the branch-
families of his House. He gave offices also to
the other sons of the ministers by the same
mothers, and recognized them by that desig-
nation [as the Heads of their families]. Their
sons by concubines were made leaders of the
duke's columns [of chariots]. Thus Tsin came
to have ducal families, other sons, and lead-
ers of the duke's columns. Chaou Tun begged
that [his half-brother] Kwoh might be made
[Head of] their branch of the ducal families,
saying, "He was the loved son of our ruler's
(duke Wftn's) daughter, and but for her I should
have been a Teih [See the Chuen at the com-
mencement of V. xxiv.]." The duke granted
his request. In winter. Tun declared himself
head of the flags-men of the chariots, and caused
Ke of Ping [The above Kwoh], to whom he
surrendered all his old adherents, to be made
the great officer of their one among the ducal
families.]'

Third year.

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THK CK C3 TS^Cir. WITH THE TSO CHUEX.

BOOK YIL

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In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king*8 first
month, the bull for the border sacrifice receivSi sojnc
injury in its mouth. It was changed, and the tortoise-
shell consulted about the [other] bulL That died, and
80 the border sacrifice was not offered.

TsAB m.

DUKE SEUEN.

293

3
4
5

7
8

Still [the duke] offered the sacrifices to the three objects

of Survey.
There was the burial of king KVanff.
The viscount of Ts*oo invaded the Jung of Luh-hw&n,
In summer, a body of men from Ts'oo made an incursion

into Ch*ing.
In autumn, the Red Teih made an incursion into Ts^e.
An army of Sung laid siege to [the capital] of Ts*aou.
In winter, in the tenth month, on Ping-seuh, Lan, earl of

Ch*ing, died.
There was the burial of duke Muh of Ch'ing.

Parr. 1,2. See on V. zzzi. 8—5. The border
sacrifice, here, however, was probably that at
the winter-solsUoe to Heayen. Kuh-leang and

other critics think that the characters, — ^tl

^ P ^, indicate that the boll had itself
become ill, without receiying any external injury

■ays that the creature is here called ^^p, and

not (^ or *Tictim,' because the day for the

•aciiflce had not yet been dirined for. Tso-she
■ays : — *The giving up the border sacrifice, and
vet offering those to the objects of Survey, were
both contrary to rule. The latter were adjuncts
of the former, and, if it were not offered, they
might be omitted.' He does not say how the
giving up the border sacrifice in the circum-
stances mentioned in the text was ' contrary to
rule.' Maou thinks the fault was in giving it
up so suddenly, without divining for another
victim ; but then he contends that the sacrifice
was that offered at the beginning of summer,
like the one in V. zxzi.

Par. 8. This burial must have been hurried
on for some reason which we do not know.
King K*wang was succeeded by his brother,

king Ting (^ g^).

[The Chuen appends here : — * The marquis of
Tsm invaded ChHng, and penetrated as far as
Ten. Ch*ing then made peace with Tsin, and
8ze Hwuy entered its capital, and made a cove-
nant.]

Par. 4. The Jung of Luh-hwftn were a tribe

of the Little Jung (/)> ^j^X whose original seat

lay in the extreme west of the present Kan-suh ;
but, as related under the 22dyear of duke He, they
were removed by Ts^in and Tsin to £-ch*uen, — in

the north of the pres. dis. of Sung ("Mfc jB),

dep. Ho-nan ; which brought them within the
reach of Ts'oo. They were also called the Tin

Jung (|^5|^* For jS Kung has j^; and

both he and Kuh omit the ^ before iSt,

The Chuen says: — ^The viscount of Ts*oo in-
vaded the Jung of Luh-hw&n. and then went
on as far as the Loh, where he reviewed his
troops on the borders of Chow. King Ting sent
Wang-sun Mwan fSee the former mention of him
in the Chuen on V. xxxiiL 1] to him with con-
gratulations and presents, when the viscount ask-

ed about the size and weight of the tripods. Mwan
replied, 'TPhe strength of the kingdom] depends
on the [sovereign's] virtue, and not on the
tripods. Anciently, when Hea was distinguish-
ed for its virtue, the distant regions sent pic-
tures of the [remarkable] objects in them.
The nine pastors sent in the metal of their pro-
vinces, and the tripods were cast, with repre-
sentations on them of those objects. All the
objects were represented, and [instructions were
given] of the preparations to be made in refer-
ence to them, so that the people might know
the sprites and evil things. Thus the people,
when they went among the rivers, marshes,
hills, and forests, did not meet with the injuri-
ous things, and the hill-sprites, monstrous things,
and water-sprites, did not meet with them [to
do them injury]. Hereby a harmony was se-
cured between the high and the low, and all en-
joyed the blessing of Heaven. When the virtue
of Keeh was all-obscured, the tripods were trans-
ferred to Shang, for 600 years. Chow of
Shang proved cruel and opmressive, and they
were transferred to Chow, when the virtue is
commendable and brilliant, the tripods, though
they were small, would be heavy; when it gives
place to its reverse, to darkness and disorder,
though they were large, they would be light.
Heaven blesses inteUigent 'rirtue:— on that its
favour rests. King ChHng fixed the tripods
in Keah-iuh, and divined that the dynas-
ty should extend through 80 reigns, over
700 years. Though the virtue of Chow is
decayed, the 'dflCIW 01 Heaven is not .yflt—
cnaiiggii,_Xhe. wglght oT tfie to-ipods may not
^yet be inq^uirejdLahont.?*
^~P&r.^. The reason of this incursion was,
says Tso-she. * because Ch*ing had joined the
party of Tsm.' See the Chuen appended to

5ar.8. The utter meroenariness of Ling of
'sin had alienated Ch*ing from it; but the
earl seems to have hasted, on his death, again
to join the side of the north against Ts*oo.

Par. 6. This is the first appearance of the
Red Teih in the classic. They are supposed to
have been so called, because they wore dothes

of a red colour, as the White Teih preferred
white. There were many tribes of them, — ^the

I«>-«»^« (^ ^)» Kgah-she (^ ^). &C.
Their seats were in the pres. dep. of Loo-gan
(}^^V8han-se.

Par. 7. The Chuen says :-^* Three years after
the accession of duke Wftn of Sung^ he put to

2f>^ TEl II^TI Zi'T:^- -WZTE TFT TJJC. CETiaL BOOK TIL

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tut fop^ IHS* & Mtt ^^s:. arfiui:. ^1

v^ 77'i* i\mifOssT rf -aac Sluumt^ : I aB *«^- ^» *ite» «■ Ln m Ae cUU «f a Kleik.

au!;»iv*fc. Till* ttifel Mr 'an: flBUiiBSB if^ HixacB \am fn ll'^l■pi cyeaed tike wmj fm Ua.

jvar tsiiiffL JLm 'suk tat i» -sui^ tmic fmaan: a^-imft katanea^i^^ — ^ his doeeBdaati

flfwer trf « fiUKKi. PI- wad. jskl ifeC^iinrieQcf: aad ._ -_^ . . .^_ - , .

him: itmL* JLfiw ijuhl ^iws cua: Wfai v^te^^waai. l^wlafte tte lead m re-

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296

THE CH'UN TS»EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEH .

BOOKVIL

TV. 1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month,

the duke and the marquis of Ts'e [tried to] reconcile
Keu and T*an. The people of Keu were not willing [to
be reconciled], and the duke invaded Keu and took
Heang.

2 Taou, earl of Ts4n, died.

3 In summer, in the sixth month, on Yih-yew, duke [WSn's]

son, Ewei-sfing of Ch*ing, murdered nis ruler, K

4 The Red Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.

5 In autumn, the duke went to Ts^e.

6 The duke arrived from Ts*e.

7 In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch4ng.

Par. 1. T*an was a amall State, of the same
surname as Keu [&e, P.] which has left its name

in the dis. of T*an-8hiug >jtR ^), dep. E-chow.

Heang is,, no douht, that mentioned inl. ii. 2.
Tso-she says that the duke acted wrongly, in
now attacking Ken. *■ States must be reconciled
by the rules of propriety, and not by disorder.
To attack Keu, without regulating ^the difference
by those rules], was creating disorder. By
disorder to attempt to reconcile disorder, left no
room for the [proper] regulation ; and without
such regulation, how could any rule of propriety
be carried out?*

Par. 8. £ was the eldest son of duke Muh,
who died in the 10th month of the last year.
He enjoyed his earldom, therefore, but a very
short time. The Chuen says: — ** A large turtle
had been presented from Ts'oo to duke Ling of
Cliing. Kung-tsze Sung and Tsze-kea were
going [soon after] to have an audience of the
duke, when Tsze-Kung*s [The Kuug-tsze Sung]
forefinger began to move. He showed it to Tsze-
kea, saying, **0n otlier occasions, when my
finger has done this, 1 have been sure to taste
[soon] some extraordinary dish." When they
entered the palace, the cook was about to cut
up the turtle, and tliey looked at each other, and
laughed. The duke [saw it, and] ask^ the rea-
son, which Tsze-kea told him. When the duke,
however, was feasting the [other] great officers
on the turtle, he invited Tsze-kung, but did not
give him any. Tsze-kung was angry, dipped
his finger into a dish, tasted the turtle, and
went out, which so enraged the duke that he
wished to kill him. Tsze-kung then consulted
with Tsze-kea about their first killing the duke;
but Tsze-kga said, " Even an animal which you
have long kept about you, you shrink from
killing; how much more should you shrink
from killing your ruler T' llie other turned
round, and threatened to bring a charge against
Tsze-kea, who then agreed, through fear, to let
him take his course; and Tsze-kung murdered
duke Ling in the summer.

' The text says, that Kwei-sftng murdered his
ruler, because his power was not sufficient [to

prevent the deed, as it ought to have been].
The superior man may say that a man who is
benevolent, but has not prowess, cannot carry
out his benevolence. In cases of the murder of
a prince, when he is mentioned [by name], it
indicates that he was without principle (?),
and the mention of the name of the minister
indicates his guilt.

* The people of Ch*ing wanted to raise Tsze-
leang [A son of duke Muh by a concubine] to be
earl, but he declined the dignity, saying, ** If it
is to be given to the worthiest, I, K*eu-ts*ih am
not fit to receive it. If it is to be given accord-
ing to natural order, my brother Kgen is the
oldest.** On this [Keen, known as] duke Seang
was appointed. He wished to drive away all the
sons of duke Muh excepting Tsze-leang, who
remonstrated against the proposed measure,
saying, ** The sons of Muh shomd all be allowed
to remain, and this is what I wish. If you ban-
ish them, then I will go into banishment with
the rest; — what should I do^ [remaining here
alone] ?" On this the duke let them alone, s^
they all became great officers.'

The K*ang-he editors reject from their text
all the remarks of his own, which Tso-she has
inteijected in the above Chuen, seeing in them
only matter for question and condemnation.
Kwei-s&ng certainly was more blameworthy for
his share in the murder of his ruler than Chaou
Tun for his part in the murder of Ling of Tsin.

Par. 4. See on p. 6 of last year.

Parr. 6, 6. [The Chuen gives here a long
narrative relating to Ts^. *• Before this, Tsze-
leang, the minister of War in Ts*oo, had a son
bom to him, — ^Tsze-yueh Tseaou. [When] Tsze-
wftn |Tsze-leang's elder brother] [saw the child],
he said ' You must put him to death. He has
the appearance of a bear or a tiger, and the
voice of a wolf. If you do not kill him, he will
cause the extinction of our Joh-gaou family.
There is the common saying, * A wolf-like child
will have an evil heart.' This is a wolf, and
should he be brought up in your family?"
Tsze-leang rejected this proposal, — to the great
grief of Tsze-wftn, who collected all his family,
when he was about to die, and said to them,

Ybjlr V.

DUKE SEUEN.

297

** When Tseaou is entrusted with the goTt., do
you quickly leave the State, so as to avoid the
misfortunes he will occasion.** He then wept,
and said, *'If ghosts must be seeking for food,
will not those of our Joh-gaou clan be fam-
ished?'* When Tsze-wftn, who was the chief
minister of Ts'oo, died, the office was given
to Tow Pan [Tsze-wftn*s son, designated Tsze-
yangl. Tsze-yueh was then minister of War,
and Wei Kea minister of Works. The latter
made a false charge against Tsze-yang and pro-
cured his death, when Tsze-yueh was made
chief minister, and Kea himself became minis-
ter of War, but was hated by Tsze-yueh, who,
with the help of all the branches of the Joh-gaon
clan, imprisoned him — Pih-ying — in Leaou-
yang, and put him to death. Tseaou then took up
his quarters in Ching-yay, and threatened to at-
tack the king, who offered to place the sons of his
three predecessors (Wftn, Ch4ng, and Muh) with
him as hostages. The other, however, would
not receive them, and encamped with his army
on the banks of the Chang.

* In autumn, in the 7th month, the viscount
of Ta'oo and the Joh-gaou fought at Kaou-hoo.
Fib -fun [Tseaou] shot an arrow at the king,
which skirted the curved pole of his cliariot,
reached the frame of the drum in it, and hit the
metal jingle. A second arrow skirted in the
same way the curvature of the pole, and then
pierced the bamboo screen above the wheel. The
troops became frightened and retired. The
king made it be circulated through th^ army,
that when tlie former ruler, king Wftn, subdued
Seih, he had got three [great] arrows, two of
which had beien stolen by Pih-fun, but had now
been both discharged. He then made the drums
be beaten again, and urged his men on, so that
he [g^ned a complete victory, and] extinguish-
ed the clan of Joh-gaou.

* Before this, Joh-gaou [Joh-gaou was viscount
of Ts*oo from B. C. 789 to 763] took to his harem
adaughter of the House of Yun, who bore to him

Tow Pih-pe [See the Chuen at the beginning of
II. ziii.] but, on his father's death, this son follow-
ed his mother, and was brought up in Yun. He
had an intrignie with a daughter of the viscount
of Yun, the fruit of which was a son, afterwards
styled Tsze-wftn. Her mother caused the child
to be thrown away in the [nift^h of] Mung.
There a tigress suckled him. The thing was seen
by the viscount of Yun, when hunting ; and when
he returned home in terror, his wife told him the
whole affair, on which he sent for the child and
had it cared for. The people (rf Ts*oo call-
ed suckling noWf and a tiger they called woo-Voo^
hence the child was named Now-woo-t*oo [See
his first appearance in the Chuen after III.zxx.2,
where he is called T'oo-woo-t*oo instead of Now-
woo-t'oo], and his mother was married to Pih-pe.
The child subsequently became the chief minister

of Ts*oo, Tsze-wftn. His grandson, K'ih-hwang,
was minister of Bemonstrance, and was absent oa
a mission to Ts*e [when the above rebellion took
place]. He heard of it in Song, on his waj
back, when his people said to him, ** You must
not enter the State." But he replied, '*If I
abandon the king's commission, who will receive
it? My ruler is Heaven ;~can Heaven be
fled from?** He accordingly returned to Tt'oo,
reported the discharge of his mission, and then
delivered himself a prisoner to the minister of
Crime. The king thought of Tsze-wftn's govt,
of Ts^oo, and said, " If I leave Tsze-wftn without
any posterity, how shall I encourage men to
good?" He made K'ih-hwang return to his
office, and changed his name to Sftng.'

Par. 7. Tso-she says the reason of this in-
vasion was that Ch4ng had not yet submitted,
notwithstanding that Ts'oo had attacked it in
the summer of last year.

Fifth year.

T ^m^M. m m

. .1 ^ # ic.l? g iB^ ^ IP. 3l

-tfc. i 0 g i^ ^..l.Jh % ^.

VOL Y.

298
V.

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

1 In his fifth year, in spring, the duke went to Ts'e.

2 In summer, the duke arrived from Ts'e.

3 In autumn, in the ninth month, Kaou Koo of Ts^e came to

meet [his bride], the duke's second daughter.

4 Shuh-sun Tih-shin died.

5 In winter, Kaou Eoo of Ts-e and the duke's second daughter

came to Loo.

6 A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch*ing.

Par. 1. The Chuen says that, on this Tisit,
Kaou Koo [A miniiter of Ts^] made the mar-
quifl of Tb^ detain the dulce, and ask him to
give Koo his second daughter in marriage.

Par. 2. The Chuen says that tliis entry shows
how the duke * exceeded/ in the ceremony which
is implied. What that ceremony was has been
described on JI. ii. 9. Now on this occasion the
duke had been forcibly detained in Ts^e, and
obliged to consent to marry his daughter to a
man of rank inferior to his own, compromising
his own charaoter and that of his ancestors. But
should he therefore have refrained from the
ceremony ' proper/ on his own safe return to
his State?

Par. 8. The Chuen says that Kaou Koo came
himself (o m^t his bnde, but that we hare not

Ihe phrase ^ ^^, the lady being mentioned

hy her designation, because the case was that of
a minister meeting her for himself. Too calls
attention to there being no further entry about

her going to T«*e (^ -^ ^C), because such

entries were only made when the daughters
of Loo married princes of States. Tso-she does

not have the -7- before jjS^ JB. There can

he no doubt as to its meaning here. Comp. VI.
ziL8;xiY.12;xy. 11.

Par. 4. Too needlessly finds a reason for the
day of Tih-shin's death not being given. Tih-
shin is often mentioned as Chwang-shuh (Hj*

^b^), Chwang being his posthumous epithet.
He was suoceeded by his son K'eaou-joo {\

mji given from the Sow-mwan giant whoe?
death is mentioned in the Chuen on VL xL 6%
known as Seuen-pih (*jg^ ^fi)-

Par. 5. The Chuen says: — 'They came tQ
Loo in winter, returning the horses:'— which
needs explanation. On the marriage of a lady
to a great oflicer or a husband of higher rank, she
was escorted to her home with a carriage and
horses;— one or many.. Three days after, th«
carriage was sent back, but the horses wei*
detained for 8 months, in case there should be
need of them for the lady's return to her parents,
the experiment of marriage not proTing satis-
factory. If it did proYO so, then they also wera

sent back by a messenger. Here the husband
himself accompanies his wife on her visit to her
parents, and takes charge of the horses, to show
his satisfaction with her. Still the critics all
insist on the impropriety of the lady's visit to
Loo; — ^it was too early for it, and the time had
not come, llien, again, it was contrary to rule
for her on such an occasion to be aeoompanied
by her husband.

Par. 6. The Chuen says:—' On this invasion,
Ch4n and Ts'oo made peace, when Seun Lin-foo
relieved Ch*ing, and invaded Chin.'

Sixth year.

Tmnu Vn.

DUKE SEUEN.

299

In the [duke's] sixth year, in dpring, Chaou Tun of Tsin

and Sun Meen of Wei made an incursion into Ch4n.
It was summer, the fourth month.
In autumn, in the eighth month, there were locusts.
It was winter, the tenth month.

VI. 1

2
3

Par. 1. Sun Meen, — there was a clan with
the ranuune Sun in Wei, deece&ded from a son
of duke Woo, who died B. C. 757, a little before
the commencement of the period of the Ch'un
Ts'ew. Tso-she lajs here that the reason of
this incursion by Tsin and Wei was ChHn's
adherence to TsH>o. The inyasion of it by Seun
Lin-foo the previous winter had failed to alter
Ch4n*s t>olicy.

Kung-yang give! here in a long note an
icconnt of the murder of duke Ling of Tsin,
kubstantially the same as that m Tso-she*s
Chuen on II. 4 ; and seems to think that the re-
appearance of Chton Tun in this par. it a sort
Of condoning him for his connection with the
deed.

Par. 2. See on I. yi. 3. [The Chuen in-
troduces two brief notices: — *In summer, king
Ting sent Tsre-fuh to ask a queen for him from

Ts<e.' * In autumn, the Red Teih invaded Tsin,
when they besieged Hwae and Hing-k*Sw. The
nuurquis «f Tsin wished to invade their country
[in return], but th« officer Uwan of the middle

column said to him, "Let [their chief first]
make his people hate him [for his incessant
warfare], filling up the measure of his practices,
and then he may be utterly destroyed. The
language in one of the Books of Chow, — * Ex-
terminate the gr^t Tin (Shoo, V. is. 4},'ik
applicable to this kind of people."']

Par. 8. See II. V. 8.

Par. 4 [The Chuen appends here t-^lsl, * In
winter, duke Hwan of Shaou met the king's
bride in Ts*e.' 2d, * A body of men from Ts*oO
invaded ChHng, took conditions of peace, and re-
turned to Tskx).* 3d, * Rung-tsze MaA-mwan Of
Ch4ng spoke to the king's son Pih-lgaou, [who
was eerving in Ch*ing], about his wish to become
a high minister. Pih-leaou told another person,
saying, ** The case of one who covets [a high
position] without the proper virtue appeaft
mm the Chow Till, and is like the diagram

Fnng's (=S) becoming Le (^^). [Man-mwan]

will not live beyond the time thereby indicated.**

After the interval of a year, the t^eople of
Ch*ing put Man-mwan to death.']

MMA^

Seventh year.

dtVi ^) 1^1

« ^ ^ pp ;$: BS m ifc.^ ^.* nM^J^Wf-m

zmn^± z.^ *«: # ^% ifc.# ^,^ B.
3? ja m 5^ ^ n n.nj ^ ^M m^ n^.

300

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

VII.* 1 In his seventh year, in spring, the marquis of Wei sent

Sun Leang-foo to Loo, to make a covenant [with the
duke].

2 In summer, the duke joined the marquis of Ts^e in in-

vading Lae.

3 In autumn, the duke arrived from the invasion of Lae.

4 There was great drought.

5 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of

Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl
of Ch'ing, and the earl of Ts'aou, in Hih-jang.

Par. 1. The Chuen says that this mission of
the officer Hwan {jfd ^^* the posthumous title

of Sun Leang-foo] was the first intercourse
between Wei and lioo since the duke's accession,
and that the object was to consult about the
duke's attending a meeting to be called by Tsin.
For these purposes a friendly mission of inquiry

(9@) would hare been sufficient; but it is to be

understood that Wei was acting in the interest

of Tsin, the new ruler of which wished to assert

what he considered his claim to be the leader of

the States. Duke Seuen had, since his accession,

been a devoted adherent of Ts'e, and had stood

aloof from Tsin; and now Wei required fh>m

him the engagement of a covenant, to clear

itself with Tsin, should the duke after all not

attend the meeting.

Par. 2. Lae was a small State, held by

Keangs, with the title of viscount, — ^in the pres.

dis. of Hwang (^ 1^^), dep. T&ng-chow, Shan-

tang. Tso-she here gives his canon regarding

the use of T|^ and 1^, in the case at least of

inUItoryexpediUon^.ayingthatthe#hereim-

plies that Loo had not been a party in planning
the expedition: — *In all military expeditions,
where Loo had previously acted in the planning

of them, "n^ is used; where it had not done so,

we have ^^* The K*ang-he editors accept the
canon with a slight reservation.

Par. 4. See on V. xxi. 3. Too observes here
that *the sacrifice for rain had had no effect, or
perhaps it had not been offered.' [The Chuen
appends: — *The Red Teih made an Incursion
into Tsin, and cut down and carried off the
growing grain of Heang-yin*].

Par. 5. Hih-jang was in Tsin,— 40 le north-
west from the pres. dis. of Ts*in-shwuy, dep.
Tsih-chow, 8han-se.

The Chuen says: — * Peace had been brought
about between Ch4ng and Tsin by means of the
counsels of Eung-tsze Sung, who ther^ore now
attended the earl of Ch*ing, as his assistant,
to this meeting. In winter, a covenant was
made at Hih-jang, when the king's uncle, the
duke of Hwan, was present, to consult on the
case of discordant States. On the accession of
the marquis of Tsin, [in the duke's 2d year],
the duke had not paid a court-visit to him, nor
had he since sent any great officer to Tsin with
friendly inquiries. The people of Tsin therefore
now detained him at the meeting, and when the
covenant was made at Hwang-foo [i.q. Hih-
jang], he did not take part in it He got away
to Loo, however, by means of bribes; and the
text does not mention the covenant at Hih-jang,
to conceal the duke's disgrace in connection
with it.'

Eighth year.

ykar vm.

DUKE SEUEN.

2F W 7i ^ + ^.^ A

301

ffe

Sip ^JSl,%

IS; ^

W3£

^.W fln ^ IS *i » 19: M.lf

•;i^.^ 2^ ffii A ^

VIIT. 1 In his eighth year, in spring, the duke arrived from the

meeting [at Hih-jang].

2 In summer, m the sixth month, duke [Ch wane's] son, Suy,

went to Ts'e. When he had got to Hwang, he returned.

3 On Sin<sze, there was a sacrifice in the grand temple;

and Chung Suy died at Ch*uy.

4 On Jin-woo, the sacrifice was repeated for the next day;

but when the pantomimes entered, they put away

their flutes.
On Mow-tsze, [duke W&n's] wife, the lady Ying, died.
An army of Tsm and the White Teih invaded Ts*in.
A body of men from Ts*oo extinguished Shoo-leaou.
In autumn, in the seventh month, on Keah-tsze, the sun

was totally eclipsed.
9 In winter, in the tenth month, on Ke-ch*ow, we [had

arranged to] bury our duchess. King Ying.

10 Because of rain the interment was not efi^ected; but on
[the next day] K&ng-y in, at mid-day, it was completed.

11 [The duke] walled P'ing-yang.

12 An army of Ts*oo invaded Ch*in.

5
6

7
8

302

THE ClVXrS TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK Vll.

Par. 1. See on V. 1, 2. The Chiien has lifrre
an entry, which tefminatet very strangely, and
ifvhich the K^an^-he editors do not give, looking
on it, no doubt, as incredible: — 'This spring,
the White Tcih made peace with Tsin, and in
the Bummer they joined it in an invasion of
Ts'in. The people of Tsin caught a spy of Tsin ,
and put him to death in Keang, in tlie market
place, but on the 6th day he came alive again I *

Par. 2. Hwang, — see Il.xvii. 1. Kilh-leang

seems to take >^ in the sense of ^S^ ^^,

' reported the execution of his mission,' which
is evidently incorrect. The meaning must be
that given in the translation. From the mention
of Sny*8 death in the next par., we must conclude
that, when he got to Hwang, he felt himself too ill
to proceed farther, and began to retrace his
steps to Loo. The critics are hard upon him
for doing so. Too says it was ' contrary to rule,'
for, having received his ruler's commission, he
should have gone on till he died, and arranged that
his corpse should be carried to the capital of Ts'e I

Parr. 3, 4. Ch'uy was in Ts'e, — somewhere in
the borders of the pres. dis. of PHng-yin (^

'), dep. Yen-chow. Tlie phrase ^H ^^— ^&

., * there was a sacrifice.' This is certain
fh>m the usage in the Ch^un Ts*ew;— comp.
;^ ^ in VI.ii.6, and :^ ^, in X.xv.2.
Bat what particular sacrifice is intended in the
text is a matter of controversy. Ting-tah and

many other critics think it was the Te (ijm )

sacrifice ;'»6ee on V.Tiii. 4. Woo Ch4ng and
others hold that it was merely the summer
seasonal sacrifice. The discussion of this ques-
tion is not important to the elucidation of the
text.

llie sacrifice was offered on Sin-sze, and that
same day the Kong-tsze Suy died at Ch'uy.
The two events are chronicled together, though
it is not likely the news of Suy's death reached
Loo before the offering of the sacrifice. It
resqhed it, however, before the following day,
when the previous sacrifice was repeated ;-^see
the note on the name of the 9th Book in the
4th part of the Shoo. That repetition was com-
paratively unimportant, and the news of Suy's
death should have prevented it. Hence Tso-
she says that it was * contrary to rule,' and we
have the same decision regarding it, as from
Confhcius himself, in the Le Ke, It., Pt. Il.ii. 20.

In p. 4, j£ is the name for the pantomimic

performers at the sacrifice. There were civil

pantomime {"aT 4S) and martial pantomimes

(^^ 4S); and the term j|S was used to cover

them both. Here we are to think only of the
civil. The martial pantomimes carried in their
right hand an axe, and in the left a shield; the
Civil carried in their right k pheasant's featiier,
and in their left a flute, on which they played.
The flutes were put away on this occasion, their
sound being thought inconsistent with the feel-
ings which the news of Suy's death should pro-
duce. It remains only to speak of the characters

Vr ^V ^" ^* ^' ^^^ former of which has occa-
sioned the critics great tronble. The ^^ -7*

of p. 2 gives place here, it will be seen, to

M^, which was only Suy's designation as

having been the second among his brothers.
It became the surname of his descendants ; and
the simplest way of accounting for its employ-
ment here is to suppose, with Maou, that duke
Seuen at once gave it to his deceased relative

and minister as the clan-name (^^) of him-
self and his posterity.

Par. 5. This was duke Seuen's mother.
Though only a concubine of duke Wftn, she
appears here as his wife, — raised to that rank

by her son. Rnh and Rung have ]^ instead

of s[^, making the lady thereby to have been

of the House of Ts*oo, and not of that of Ts'in.
Par. 6. See on III. 6. This is the first ap-
pearance of the white Teih in the Classic. See
the Chuen at the commencement of this year.

Par. 7. ^|[ is with Kung-yang ^jj. Shoo-
leaou was a small State, — in the pres. dis. of
Leu-keang ( |S jT. )» dep. Leu-chow, Gan-
hwuy. The other Shoo States were near to it.
Too Yu says erroneously that Shoo and Leaou
were two States. The Ghnen says: — *Ts*oo,
because the various Shoo States had revolted
(Vom it, attacked Shoo-leaotl and extinguished
it. The viscount of Ts*oo laid out anew its
boundaries, as far as the b4nks of the Hwah,
took a covenant from Woo and Yueb, and re-
turned [to Ying].'

Far. 8. j^ — ^, ' completely,' as m IIJii.4.
There is an error in the text in the record of
this eclipse. It waS total about half past 3
o^clock in the afternoon of Sept. 12, B. C. 600,
thus corresponding to the Ist day of the
tenth moon, which would On that year be Keah-
tsze ( ffl '^), As in the te&t. Wang Taou sup-
poses thAt the J^ in the text should be -1^,
and would cast out the JS^^ transferring the

^^ from the next par. to the head of this.

But in that way we should have no entry in
this year under the season of autumn; — which
is contrary te the rule of the classic. Perhaps

we should read mJI^ ^^ Q as a paragraph,

Mmply saying — * It was autumn, the 7th month.*

Then this par. will begin d4l ~T^ H which

characters must be removed from p. 9, the day

S 'Si ^^ ^^ch would still be in the tenth

month,— the 26th day of it

[The Chuen appends here:— Sen K*ih of Tsin
had an iUnesd which unsettled his mind. Keoh
KeUeh beeame chief minister of tlve State. In
autumn Seu K4h was discharged from his ofiBce,
and Chaou Soh was appointed assistant-com-
mander of the 3d army.'] _

Parr. 9,10. Kung and Kuh for ^|r^S have
1^ #^. But l^MB posthumous title is evi-
dently wrong. ^^ BO used denotes-^' Day and

Tear IX.

DUKE SEUEN.

30S

night reverently attentive to duty ( Q ^djf^Ur

Tso-the records that, at this burial, there be-
ing BO flax in consequence of drought, they first
used ropes made of the fibres of the doliclios,
to dr^w the bier. As the burial did not take

plac? till the day after Ke-ch*ow, we must un-
derstand ^ -^f* ^ as in th9 translation.

That day had been determined on for the
ceremony, after consulting the tortoise-shell,
according to the rule mentioned in the Le
Ke, L Part L ▼. 23, that the dajr should be
determine at least ten days berore. At the
interment of a person of rank, however, the
number of persons employed and observances to
be attended to was so great, that we can easily
understand how the business would be stopt by
rain, though such delay was not allowed in the
case of the burial of a common person. Tso-she

says: — 'Not to complete the burial because of
the rain was according to rule. The rule requir-
ed that the tortoise-shell should be consulted
about an interment on a distant day, [not less
than ten daysl, before it took place, to avoid the
charge of not being affectionately solicitous in
thee ase of such a duty.' The K*ang-he editors,
however, strongly condemn the delay in the in-
terment, thinking, with Kung and Kuh, that it
was occasioned by the want of sufilcient care and
diligence |n making the liecessary preparations,
even after the day had been fixed so long before.
Far. 11. F*ing-yang was 42s to the north-
west of the pres. dis. city of Sin-t'ae (^Sf^^)*

dept. Tse-nan. Tso-she says the reconl was
made to show the seasonableness of the under-
taking.

Far. 12. The Chuen says:— 'Ch4n and Tsin
had made peace. An army of Ts'oo, [therefore],
invaded Chin, took terms of submissioa from
it, and returned.'

Ninth year.
*3a^ A

l^f ^ w«

304

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

ib^.^M Si IL n :^ Si Xifc.

!!<: # fli^ ^.T *

IX. 1

2
3
4
5
6
7

9
10

In his ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the

duke went to Ts*e.
The duke arrived from Ts^e.
In summer, Chung-sun Meeh went to the capitaL
The marquis of Ts*e invaded Lae.
In autumn, [we] took Kin-mow.
In the eighth month, the viscount of T'ang died.
In the ninth month, the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung,

the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch4ng, and the earl of

Ts^aou, had a meeting in Hoo.
Seun Lin-foo of Tsin led the armies [of the above States],

and invaded Ch^in.
On Sin-yew, Hih-t*un, marquis of Tsin, died in Hoo.
In winter, in the tenth month, on Kwei-yew, Ch4ng, mar-
quis of Wei, died.
A body of men from Sung laid siege to [the capital of]

T*ang.
The viscount of Ts*oo invaded Ch*ing; [and] Keoh Eeueh

of Tsin led a force, and relieved it.
Ch'in put to death its great officer Seeh Yay.

Parr. 1, 2. Tao-she says nothing on these
two parr. Fan Ning, San Fuh, and other critics,
remark on the duke*s throwing on one side the
mourning for his mother, and going away to
Ts*e; bat we have seen that daring iSl his rule
the duke was redooed to a miserable subseryiency
to that State.

Par. 3. This Chung-snn Meeh was the grand-
son of Kung-sun Gaou, whose name occurs so
often in Books V. and VI. Of course he was
the great-grandson of K'ing-ibo, who died, or
was obliged rather to strangle himself, in the 2d
year of duke Min. Meeh's posthumous title was

HSen (Jjl^), He was ^ Jjgj ^;~see the

Chaen on VI. xy. 4.

The Chuen says: — *In spring, the king hsd
sent to Loo demanding fh>m the duke a nusnoa
of friendly inquiries. In sammer, [therefoR]*
Mftng Heen went on such a miaaion to C3iow, sm
the Idng, considering that he oonductei it sooord-
ing to the rules of propriety, gsre him rich gifts-'
Too observes that the king's preYions misskn b
not mentioned in the text, as a genUe eandeflus-
tion of the king's conduct

Par. 4. Lae, — see p. 8 of laat year.

Par. 6. Ace to Too Tu, Kin-mow was a Stif«
belonging to one of the £ or wild tribes of tbs

east; — in the south of the prea. dis. of E-shvsj

^HfX JlK^ **®P' ^<*®^- T*>» M«ntiflcatios »
better than that of Kuog-yang, who vooM

Tbas X.

DUKE SEUEl^.

305

make It out to be a town of Clioo (w^ j» JP^

& ). Tso-she thinks the * took ' (J^ denotes
the ease with which the capture wu made.
More Ukely is the opinion of Wang Kih (*^

"cS*), that the tenn is a gentle one for 'extin-
guished,' partially concealing the lawlessness of
Loo.

Par. 6. This was duke Ch*aou (^ ^) of

T*&ng. See on I. yii. 2 ; but in Tin's time the
lords of T'ftug were marquises. They had now
descended two steps, and were only viscounts.

Parr. 7 — ^9. Uoo—seelll. xxiii. 10, eiai. Too,
m assigning the situation of Hoo, always says it
belonged to Ching. Kung-ysng, however, here
says it belonged to Tsin; and the K*ang-he
editors adduce ihe Bamboo books, under the reign
of king Ching-ting, to show that, though the
place originally belonged to ChMng, it ultimately
became a possession of Tsin. At this time, how-
ever, it still belonged to Ch4ng.

The Chuen says: — *The meeting at Hoo was
to punish discordant States. The marquis of
Chin did not attend it [See on p. 12 of last year].
and Seun Lin-fon, with the armies of the States,
invaded Ch'in ; but, on tlie death of the marquis
of Tsiu at Hoo, he returned.'

Ace. to Too, there was no Sin-yew day in the
9th month. Kwei-yew in next par. was the
16th of the 10th month; and Sin-yew therefore
must have been the 6th.

Par. 10. In this attack of T*ftng, Sung, says
Tso-she, took advantage of the death of the
viscount in the 8th month.

Par. 12. The Chuen says: — 'The viscount

of TsHX), because of the affair at Le [What affair

this was is not known. Too finds it in connec-
tion with the 2d Chuen at the end of the 6th
year], invaded Ching, which was relieved by
Keoh Keueh of Tsin. The earl of ChMng defeated
an army of Ts*oo at Lew-fan, to the joy of all
th^ people. Tsze-leang, however, was sad, and
said, **This [victory] will prove a calamity to
the State. We shall die beSfore very long.** '

Par. 13. The Chuen says :^' Duke Ling of
ChMn, with [his two ministers] K*ung King and
£ Hftng-foo, all had an intrigue with Hea Ke
[A daughter of the House of Ching, sumamed
Ke, the widow of an officer of Ch'in, sumamed
or designated Hea], and each of the three of
them wore an article of her under clothing,
with which they made game with one another
in the court. Seeh (Kung and Kuh have

yiy^ for jf^) Tay remonstrated with the duke,

saying, * When ruler and ministers thus proclaim
their lewdness, the people have nothing good
to imitate. The report of such things is not
good ; — let your lordship put that article away."
llie duke said he would change his conduct,
but he told the other two what Seeh Ta^ had
said; and when they asked leave to kill him, he
did not forbid them. Tay thereon was killed.
Confucius said, ** The words of the ode, (She,
lU.ii. odeX.6),

*• When the people have many perversities
Do not you set up your own perversity
before them,'

are applicable to the case of Seeh Yay." '

This cannot be the decision of Confucius
upon the fate of Seeh Tay, though we find it

expanded in the Kea Yu (^ ^), Bk. XIX.

Tenth year.

7t tp^iCm

TOLV.

306

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEH.

BOOK vn.

+
A

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<a-v

7k.

T
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o i— I o

*K»* A.^

•^ %

A#*5^

UM ^ ft * ^ ^.M :^ # li 0.

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Wii Z

pcL Ja« >^ jTC
Tfi A^ "S hK»

o./L "Ifc.BS.
^ ^ 'S^ Z

^ ^ ifii

Tbab X.

DUKE SEUEN.

307

X. 1 In his tenth year, in spring, the duke went to Ts*e. The

duke arrived from Ts*e,

2 The people of Ts'e restored to us the lands of Tse-se.

3 In summer, in the the fourth month, on Ping-sliin, the sun

was eclipsed.

4 On Ke-sze, Yuen, marquis of Ts'e, died.

5 The Head of the Ts*uy family of Ts'e left the State, iuh\ fled

to Wei.

6 The duke went to Ts'e.

7 In the fifth month, the duke arrived from Ts'e.

8 On Kwei-sze, Ilea Ch'ing-shoo of Cli'in nnirdered his ruler,

P'ing-kwoh.

9 In the sixth month, an army of Sung invaded T'&ng.

10 Kung-sun Kwei-foo went to Ts'e, to the burial of duke

Hwuy of Ts'e.

11 A body of men from Tsin, one from Sung, one from Wei,

and one from Ts*aou, invaded Ch'ing.

12 In autumn, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent his youngest

brother to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.

13 Kung-sun Kwei-foo led a force to invade Choo, and took

Yih.

14 There were great floods.

15 Ke-sun H&ng-foo went to Ts'e.

16 In winter, Kung-sun Kwei-foo went to Ts*e.

17 The marquis of Ts'e sent Kwoh Tso to Loo on a mission of

friendly inquiries.

18 There was famine.

19 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.

Parr. 1,2. This was now the 4th time that
the duke had repaired to the court of Ts'e.
The Chuen says: — *In spring, the duke went
to Ts'e; and the marquis of Ts^e, in consideration
of the submission and service of the duke, re-
stored the lands of Tse-se/ Tliose lands were
taken by Ts*e, it will be remembered, in the
duke's first year, beinj; the price which Loo paid
for Ts*e's support of the duke's usurpation.

Par. 3. This eclipse was visible at sunrise,
on the 26th February, B. C. 598. Ping-shin
was the 1st day of the moon.

Parr. 4,5. The Ts'uy family or clan was one

of the most powerful in Ts^e. It was descended
from a son of one of the ancient princes of the
State,-^uke Ting Cf ^)» "^^o died B. C.
1052. To that sou the lands of Ts'uy had been
assigned, and Ts'uy became the surname of liis
descendants. We have met with a Ts*uy Yaou,
who was present at the battle of Sliing-puh, in the
28th year of duke He. The head of the clan at
this time was, ace. to Tso-she, Ts'uy Choo (

>|Hp), and it is to him the text refers. We find

him (?) long after this, in IX.xxv.2, in Ts'e
again, aiid murdering his ruler.

The Chuen says : — * In summer, duke Hwuy
of Ts'e died. Ts'uy Choo had been a favourico
with him ; and [|the ministers], Kaou and Kwoh,
being afraid of Ts'uy*s exercising a pressure
upon them, drove him out; — when he fled to
Wei. The language of the text,-—* The Head of
tlie Ts'uy family/ shows that he was not driven
out for any fault of his (? ); moreover, the an-
nouncement was made to Loo about him as the
Head of his clan, and not by his name. When
a great officer of any State fled from it, or was
banished, the announcement of it ran, — '-Oar
subject, so and so, Head of the clan so and so,
has failed to maintain the charge of liis ances-
tral temple ; and we presume to announce the
fact." Sucli announcenient was made to other
States in the case of one who had been sent
witii the mission-jade and offerings of silk fi.e.,
on missions of friendly inquiries) to them ; but
not in tlie case of other officers.'

The reason why we have '^ p^ here, and

not J^ >|Hp, if indeed the officer was really
Choo, need not be anxiously sought. Tso-8he*8
canon about it is inadmissible ; so is Kung-y ang's,
that it is to condemn the principle and the prac-
tice in Ts'e of hereditary offices ( l^- ^h|) ; and

308

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

■0 is Kuh-leang's, that it indicatet that the
clan, as well as the indiTidual, was driven fh>ra
the State.

Parr. 6,7. < The duke,' says Tso-she, ' harried
away to Ts*e, to be present at the earliest cere-
monies to the deceased marquis.' After this he
paid no more visits to T8*e.

Par. 8. The Chuen says: — *Duke Ling of
Ch4n, with K*ung Ning and E Hftng-foo, was
drinking in the house of the Hea family [See
the Chuen on the last par. of last year], when
the duke said to Hftng-foo, " Ch4ng-shoo [The
■on of Hea Ke, and Head of the family, as his
father was dead] is like you." ** He is also like
your lordship," was the reply. Ch*ing-shoo
[overheard these remarks, and] was indignant
at them ; and when the duke was [trying to]
escape [from the house] by the stable, he shot,
and killed him. The two officers fled to Ts'oo.*
This is a case in which * executed * would be a

better rendering really of %^ than ' murdered.'

Par. 9. The siege of the capital of T*&ng by
Sung In the past year [p. 10] had, we may pre-
sume, been fruitless. Now, again, as the Chuen
■ays, * the people of T'&ng, relying upon Tsin,
would not do service to Sung; and in the 6th
month, an army of Sung invaded T*&ng.'

Par. 10. Kwei-foo was the son of Chung
Buy, and of course was himself a Kung-sun,
* grandson' of duke Chwang. The burial of
duke Hwuy took place before the proper time.
Hwuy Ching-heen observes that when we con-
sider how the head of the Ts'uy clan was driven
out of the State immediately after the duke's
death, how the burial was hastened, and how
his son is styled marquis (p. 17) before the year
was expired, there must have been troubles in
' Ts*e, of which we have not any record.

Par. 1 1 . The Chuen says : — * Ch4ng had made
peace with Ts^oo [After the events related on

f). 12 of last year]. The armies of these States,
therefore], invaded Ch*ing, took from it terms
of submission, and returned.'

Par. 12. Rung-yang says tliat 'the king's
youngest son ' here introduced was the reigning

king's full brother. His father therefore was

king King (b^ Ip). The prince'^ descendaots

were dukes of Lew, and the Chuen here cslls
him *duke KHing of Lew,' adding that his visit
was in return for that of M&ng Heen to the
court, in p. 8 of last year.

Par. 18. Yih was a city of Choo, — in the

pros. dis. of Tsow (SR JB), dep. Ten-dimr.

But in the Chuen on VI. xiii. 3 the capital of
Choo appears removed to Tih ; and the taking
of Tih would be equivalent to extinguishing
Choo, which, we know, was not the case. On
this account, the K*ang-he editors incline to

adopt the reading of Kung-yang^ — of ^6 for

Par. 14. See IL i. 5, ef aL

Par. 15. Tso-she says: — 'Ke W&n weotoo s
friendly mission to Ts'e, — ^for the Ist time, siooe
the accession of the new marquis.'

Par. 1 6. Tso -she says : — ' In winter Tsse-kes
(Kung-sun Rwei-foo*s designation) went to Ts^
with reference to our invasion of Choo.'

Par. 17. Tso-she says:— *Kwoh Woo's (^
was the posthumous title of Kwoh Tao) nui-
sion was in return for that of Ke Wftn, in p. 15.

Par. IS. Sun Fuh defines the term * famine'

descriptive of the crops not coming to
maturity, * the five kinds of grain not ripening

Par. 19. The Chuen says:— 'The Tisooont
of Ts*oo invaded Ch*ing ^See the reason on
p. 11]. Sze Hwuy of Tsm relieved it, and
drove the army of Ts*oo to the north of Uie Yio.
Tsze-kea [The Kung-tsze Kwei-s&ng] died, and
the people proceeded to punish the authors of
the disorder in which duke Tew died. They
broke open the cofiln of Tsze-kea, and drove all
the branches of the family from the Stata
They changed the grave of duke Tew, and gave
him the posthumous title of ling.'

Eleventh year.

M. ^ II fe ^, —

Tbab XI.

DUKE SEUEN.

809

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It was the [duke's] eleventh year, the spring, the king's

first month.
In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ch'in,

and the earl of Ch4ng, made a covenant in Shin-ling.

3 Kung-sun Kwei-foo joined an ofiicer of Ts'e in invading Keu.

4 In autumn, the marquis of Tsin had a meeting with the

Teih in Tswan-han.

{

310

THE CH»UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

5 In winter, in the tenth month, the people of Ts*oo put to

death Hea Ch'ing-shoo of Ch'in.

6 On Ting-hae, the viscount of Ts'oo entered [the capital of]

Ch'in.

7 He restored Kung-sun Ning and E Hang-foo to Ch'in.

Par. 2. The Chuen says : — • This spring, the
viscount of Ts^oo invaded Ch*ing [Because of
the action in the Chuen on par. 12 of the 9th
year], and advanced, as far as Leih. Tsze-
leang (K'eu-tsih of the Chuen on IV. 8) said,
" I'sin and Ts'oo make no effort to show kind-
ness [to smaller States], hut keep struggling
for the superiority ; — there is no reason why we
should not take the side of the [first] comer.
They have no faith ; — why should we show good
faith ?" Actjordingly, Ch*ing accepted the de-
mands of Ts'oo; and in summer, Ts'oo took a
covenant in Shin-ling, when Ch^in and Ch^ing
make their submission to it.*

Shin-ling was in Ch'in,— iO/ie to the north-
west of the dep. city of Ch4n-chow, Ho-nan.

Kuh has ^ j^. This was the 2d time at

which the chief of Ts*oo presided over a meeting

of other princes. The Ist time was in the 27th

year of duke He.

[The Chuen adds here: — * Tsze-ch'ung, minis-
ter of the Left, of Ts'oo, made an incursion into
Sung, while the king (t.«., the viscount) waited
at Yen. Wei Oae-leeh, the chief minister,
undertook the walling of E, and appointed t^e
border-warden to make the arrangements and
calculations for the business. He then gave
these to the superintendent of the work, who
estimated the labour to be done, and the num-
ber of days ; gave out all tlie money that was
necessary for it ; adjusted the frames, and pro-
vided the baskets and stampers, and other
articles for raising the walls ; apportioned equal-
ly their tasks, according to the distance of the
labourers from the place ; marked out witli his
feet the foundations; supplied the provisions;
and determined the inspectors. The work was
completed in 30 days, exactly in accordance
with the previous calculations.']

Far. 8. Notwithstanding the operations of
Ts*e and Loo against Keu in tlie duke's 4th
year, that State, it would appear, continued to
maintain a liostile attitude, which led to the in-
vasion in the text.

Par. 4. We have here probably the issue of
the policy towards the Teih, recommended to
the marquis of Tsin in the Chuen appended
to VI. 4. The Chuen says here :— * Keoh Ch'ing
[Keoh Keueh] of Tsin sought for terms of
peace fh>m the Teih ; and all the rest of their
tribes, being distressed and indignant at the
services required from them by the Bed Teih,
made submission to Tsin. The meeting this
autumn was on the occasion of their doing so.
In regard to the marquis's going to them, all
the great officers wished to call [the chiefs of]
the Teih [to Tsin], but Keoh ChHng said,
'* Where there is not virtue, the next best thing
is to show earnest diligence. • Without such dili-
gence, how can we seek for the adherence of
others ? If we can show it, however, [success]
will follow. Let the marquis go to them.' It
is said in the ode (She, IV. i. [iii.] X.},

* King Wftn did indeed labour earnestly.'

[If king W&n-did so, how much more ought
we, who are .of such inferior virtue 1"'

Tswan-han was in the territory of the Teih,
but its site has not been more exactly deter-
mined.

Parr. 5—7. See IX. 13, and X. 8, with the
Chuen on them. The Chuen says here: — *In
winter, the viscount of TsHx), because of the
deed perpetrated by the head of the Hea family,
invaded Chin, publishing a notice to the peo-
ple that they should make no movement, as he
wished to punish only the head of the Shaou-ie

[^^ fS ^'^ ^^^ name of the grand-father of

ChMng-shoo. His designation was Tsze-hea].
Forthwith he entered [the capiul of] Ch*in,
and put to death Hea ChMng-shoo, having him
torn in pieces by chariots [See the 1st Qiuen,
appended to II. xviii. 3] at the Leih gate. He
then proceeded to make Ch4n a district [of

T8*00].

'At this time, the marquis of Chin was in
Tsin ; and Shuh of Shin had been sent [by tlie
viscount] to Ts'e. When Shuh returned, be
reported the discharge of his mission, and with-
drew, [without saying anything about the af-
fairs of Chin]. The king sent to reprove him,
saying, *^ Hea Ching-shoo acted very wickedly,
murdering his ruler. With [the forces of mjr
own and] other States I have punished sod
executed him. The princes of those States and
tlie dukes of our districts have ail congratulated
me; what is the reason that you alone have of-
fered no congratulation ?" " May I still explain
myself?" replied Shuh. *<Tou may,** said th«
king ; and Shuh continued, " The crime of Hea
Ching-shoo in murdering his ruler was great,
and you performed a righteous deed in punish-
ing and executing him. But the people have a
saying, '* He led his ox through another man's
field, and the ox was taken from him." Now
he that so led his ox to trample on another
man's field indeed committed an offence; but
when his ox was taken from him, the punish-
ment was too severe. The princes foUoved
you in this enterprise, saying it was to pnnish a
criminal ; but now you have made Chin one of
your districts, desiring its riches. Yon called
out the princes to punish an offender, and yoa
are sending them away after satisfying your
oovetousness' ; — does not this seem improper ?*
The king replied, *' Good 1 1 had not heard this
view of the case I Can I still give Chin back?*
*'That,'* said Shuh, "wiU be an instance of
what we small men call *' Taking a thing from
one's breast and giving it [back].** *

'The viscount accordingly restored the Stats
of Chin ; but from each of its villages he took t
man, and carried them with him to Ts'oo, where
he settled them in a place which he called Hes-
chow. Hence what the text says, — ^ The visconst

Ykar XII.

DUKE SEUEN.

311

of Ts^oo entered ChHn, and restored Kung-tiin
Ning, and £ Hftng-foOf" is worded to show how
the viscount observed the rules of propriety.'

The viscount of Ts^oo did right in not appro-
priating Ch^n to himself; but most western
readers will form a very different judgment
from Tso-she on his execution of Hea Ch'ing-
shoo and his restoration of the two villains, K'ung

King and £ Hftng-f oo. Here, as elsewhere,

Kung-yang has ^ for ^.

[The Chuen adds here: — * After the affair at
Le [See on IX. 12], the earl of Ch'ing made liis
escape home, and [the viscount of] Ts'oo was
not able subsequently to obtain his desire. And
though Ch4ng accepted a covenant [from Ts'oo]
this year at Shin-ling, it kept trying to strength-
en itself by doing service to Tsin.']

Twelfth year.

A.=^

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THE CH*UN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHITEN.

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DUKE SEUEN.

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316

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

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XII. 1 In the duke's twelfth year, in spring, there was the burial

of duke Ling of Ch'in.

2 The viscount of Ts*oo laid siege to [the capital of] Ch'ing.

3 In summer, in the sixth month, on Yih-inaou, Seun Lin-

foo of Tsin led a force, and fought with the viscount
of Ts'oo at Peih, when the army of Tsin was dis-
gracefully defeated.

4 It was autumn, the seventh month.

5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Mowyin, the viscount

of Ts*oo extinguished Seaou.

6 An officer of Tsin, one of Sung, one of Wei, and one of

Ts'aou, made a covenant together at Ts'ing-k'ew.

7 An army of Sung invaded Ch'in, [but] a body of men

from Wei relieved it.

Far. 1. Twenty-two months had elapsed since
the death of duke Ling at the hands of Hea
Ch4ng-shoo. We can hardly suppose that his
body had been unburied all that time. Perhaps
the rites of interment were now performed in a
more regular and solemn manner, the coffin
being deposited in a new grave.

Par. 2. The Chuen at the end of last year
was preparatory to this par., to supply the reason
for the fresh invasion of Ch4ng by Ts'oo. We
have here the following narrative: — *In spring,
the viscount of Ts^oo had held the capital
of Ch'ing in siege for 17 days, when the people
divined whether it would be well for them to
accept conditions of peace, but the answer was
not favourable. They then divined whether
they should weep in the grand temple, and
bring forth their chariots into the streets [i. «.,
prolmbly, to be ready for removing where Ts'oo
might direct]; and the reply was favourable.
The people of tiie city then made a great weeping,
and the keepers of the parapets all cried aloud,
BO that the viscount of Ts'oo withdrew his men,
till the people repaired the wall. He then ad-
vanced and renewed the siege, when the place was
reduced at the end of three months. He entered
the city by the Hwang gate, and proceeded to
the principal street, where he was met by the
earl of Ch'ing, with his flesh exposed, and lead-
ing a sheep. "Uncared for by Heaven," said
the earl, "I could not serve your lordship, and
aroused your anger, till it has been discliarged
upon my city. The offence is all mine; and I
dare do nothing now but wait for your connnands.
If you carry us away to the south of the Keang,
to occupy the land by the shon^s of the sea, 1^
it so. If you take the State and give it to some
other as its ruler, to whom I shall be as in the
position of a handmaid, be it so. If you kindly
regard former relations of friendship between
our States, and to obtain blessing from [the
kings] I^e and Seuen, and from [the dukesj
Hwan and Woo, you do not extinguish our

altars, so that I may change my course, and
serve your lordship equally with the governors
of the nine [new] districts [which you have
established], that will be your kindness, and it
is my desire, but it is what I du not dare to
hope for. I have presumed to disclose to yoa
all my heart; your lordship will take jooi
measures accordingly."

'His attendants urged the viscount not to
grant [the earrs request], urging that, having
got the State, he ought not t«> forgive him; but
the king replied, " Since the ruler of Ch^ing can
humble himself thus, he must be able to secure
the faith of his people; how can I hope to obtain
the State?" With this he retired 30 Ae, and
granted peace. P'wan Wang entered the dty
and made a covenant ; and Tsze-leang left it to
be. a hostage [with Ts'oo].*

Par. 3. Peih was in Cb'ing, — 6 & to the east
of Ciring Chow, dep. K'ae-fung.

The Chuen says: — 'In summer, in the 6th
month, the armies of Tsin [marched to] relieve
Ch'ing. Seun Lin-foo commanded the army of
the centre [In place of Keoh Keueb], with Seen
Hwoh as his assistant [In room of Lui-foo]. Sse
Hwuy commanded the first army, with Keoh
K'ih as his assistant [In room of Chaou Soh].
Chaou Soh commanded the 3d army, with Lwan
Shoo as his assistant. Chaou Kwoh and Chaou
Ying-t8*e were the great officers of the army of
the centre; Kung Soh and Chaou Ch*uen. those
of the 1st army; and Seun Show and Chaoa
T'ung, tliose of the 3d. Han Keueh was marshal
of the host.

' When they reached the Ho, they heard that
Ch'ing had made peace with Ts'oo. and Hwan-
tsze [Hwan was Lin-foo*8 posthumous title]
wished to return, saying, *' We are too late for
the relief of Ch'ing ; what will be the use nov
of perilling the lives of our people? Let us wait
till Ts'oo has retired, and then make « movement
[against Ch'ing]."

Tear XII.

DUKE SEUEN.

317

* Woo-tsze of Suy TSze Hwuy) approved of this
view, and said, " According to what I have
heard, military enterprizes should be undertaken
only when there is an opportunity of prosecuting
them with advantage. An enemy who cultivates,
without changing, kindness in his virtue, justice
in his punishments, the ordering of his govern-
ment, the right regulation of different affairs,
and the statutes and rules of his State, is not
to be contended with ; it is not against such
an one that we conduct punitive expeditions.
Now when the army of Ts'oo punished (vh'ing,
there was anger because of its double dealing,
and compassion when the earl humbled himself.
When it revolted from him, fthe viscount] in-
vaded it. When it submitted, he forgave it : —
his kindness and justice were established.
There was the justice of punishment in the at-
tack of revolt ; there was the kindness of virtue
in the gentle dealing with submission. Both
these things were shown.

* [Again], last year Ts*oo entered the capital
of Ch'in, and this year it entered that of Ching;
but its people have not complained of the fatigue
and toil, nor murmured against their ruler:
— showing how well its government is ordered.
[Then], throughout Ts*oo, when its forces are
called out according to its system, its travelling
merchants, husbandmen, mechanics, and station-
ary traders, have not their several occupations
injuriously interfered with, and the footmen and
chariot-men act in harmony with one another :
— showing how collision is avoided in its order-
ing of affairs.

* ([Further], when Wei Gaou became chief
minister, he selected the best statutes of Ts'oo.
When the army is marching, the [footmen of
the] right keep on either side of the chariot, and
those of the left go in quest of grass and rushes.
The bearers of the standards of the ma4)u keep
in advance, looking out anxiously that nothing
occur for which there is not preparation. The
troops in the centre are ready to act as occasion
may require, while behind them is the strength
of the army. The different officers move ac-
cording to the signals displayed, and the order-
ing of the army is ready for any emergency,
without special orders for it being given. Thus
is Ts'oo able to carry out its statutes.

[Lastly], When the viscount of Ts'oo raises
individuals to otfice. they are of the same surname
with himself, chosen from among his relatives,
and of other surnames, chosen from the old ser-
vants of the State. But offices are given with
due respect to the necessary qualifications, and
rewards are conferred according to the service
performed, while at the same time additional
kindness is shown to the aged. Strangers re-
ceive gifts, and enjoy various exemptions. Offi-
cers and the common people have different
dresses to distinguish them. The noble have a
defined standard of honour; the mean have to
comport themselves according to different de-
grees. Thus are the rules of propriety observed
in Ts'oo.

* Now why should we enter on a struggle with
a State which thus manifests kindness, carries
out justice, perfects its government, times
its undertakings, follows its statutes, and ob-
serves so admirably the rules of propriety?
To advance when you see advance is possible,
and withdraw in face of difficulties, is a good
way of moving an army ; to absorb weak States,

and attack those that are wilfully blind, is a
good rule of war. Do you for the present or-
der your army accordingly, and follow that
maxim. There are other States that are weak
and wilfully blind; why must you deal with
Ts'oo, [as if it were so] ? There are the words
of Chung Hwuy [Shoo, IV. ii. 7], 'Take their
States from the disorderly, deal summarily with
those that are going to ruin, absorb the weak.'
The Choh ode (She, IV. i. [iii.] VUI.) [also]
says,

* Oh ! powerful was the royal army,
But he nourished it in obedience to circum-
stances, while the time was yet dark;—

the king's object was to deal with the blind.
[Again], in the Woo (She, IV. i. [i.] IX.) it is
said,

' Irresistible was his ardour.'

If you soothe [for a time] the weak, and bring
on the wilful blindness, aiming at ardour [like
that of Woo], you will purnue the proper course."

'Che-tsze (Seen Hwoh) then said, "This
counsel is not good. Tsin obtained the leader-
ship of the States by the prowess of its armies
and the strength of its leaders. But now it is
losing the States, and its strength cannot be
spoken of. If, when the enemy is before us, we
do not follow him, we cannot be said to have
prowess. If we are to lose our chief place
among the States, the best thing we can du is to
die. Moreover, we marched out with our armies
in array; if, because the enemy is strong, we
retire, we shall not be men. To begin with our
ruler's charge to a command in the anny, and
to end with not being a man: — you all may play
that part, but I will not do so." Upon this
with [the portion of] the army of the centre
[under his command], he crossed the Ho.

* Ch wang-tsze of Che (Seun Show) said, " This
anny is in great peril. The case is that indi-
cated in the change of the diagram Sze i6fR,

= =) into Lin ([^, ==). (On Sze) it is said,

' Aliost must be led forth according to the rules
of service. If these be not good, there will be
be evil.' When the commanders all observe
their proper harmony, the rules are good ; if
they oppose one another, they are not. [The

change of <^-^ into indicates] the separation

of the host producing weakness ; it is the stop-
ping up of a stream so as to form a marsh. The
rules of service are turned into each one's taking
his own way. Hence the words, — * the rules
become not good;' — they are as it were dried
up. The full stream is dried up; it is stopped
and cannot have its course: — consequently evil
must ensue. Lin [moreover] is the name for
what does not proceed. When a commander
does not follow the orders of his leader, what
greater want of on-going could there be? and it
is the case we now have. If we do meet the
enemy we are sure to be defeated; and the '
calamity will be owing to Che-tsze. Though
he should now escape, yet, on his return to Tsin,
great evil will await him."

'Han Heen-tsze (Han Keueh) said to Hwan-
tsze, ' Che-tBze with his portion of the army has
committed a grave offence. But you are com-
mander-in-chief;— whose offence is it that the
generals do not obey your orders ? You have

318

THE CH'UN TS EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VII.

lost our subject State (Chiog) ; aiid if you lose
tiiat army, your offence will indeed be heavy ; —
you had better advance. If the affair do not
prove successful, there will be others to share
the blame. Will it not be better for you to
bear the blame as one of six than to bear it
alone?"

'The whole army then crossed the Ho. The
viscount of Ts*oo was halting, with his army look-
ing northwards, at Yen. The governor of Shin
commanded the centre; Tsze-chung, the left;
and Tsze-fan, the right. The viscount meant to
water their horses at the Ho, and then return to
Ts*oo. When he heard that the army of Tsin
had crossed, he wanted to withdraw before it;
but his favourite, Woo Ts'an, wished to fight.
8huh-8un Gaou, the chief minister of Ts^oo, did
not wish [to fight], and said, " Last year we
entered Chin, and this year we have entered
Ch4ng; — it cannot be said that we have accom-
pUshed nothing. If we fight and do not succeed,
will the eating Ts*an's flesh be sufficient to
atone for the result?** Ts'an replied, "If the
battle be gained, you will be proved to have
been incapable of planning. If it be lost, mv
flesh will be in the army of Tsin, and you will
not get it to eat.'*

'The chief minister then turned his chariot to
the south, and ordered the great standard to be
carried back. But Woo Ts*an said to the king,
** Tsin's chief minister is new, and cannot make
his commands obeyed. His assistant commander.
Seen Hwoh, is violent and headstrong, without
any benevolence, and unwilling to obey the
other's commands. The generals of the three
armies would each take the chief controul, but
not one of them can do so. In council there is
no supreme Head; whom can the multitudes
follow? In this expedition Tsin cannot fail to
be defeated. Moreover, if your migesty flee
Wore a subject of Tsin, what becomes of the
honour of our altars?*' The king felt power-
fully these representations, and told the chief
minister to change the course of the chariots,
and proceed northwards. He then halted at
Kwan to await the army of Tsin, which was be-
tween Gaou and K*aou.

< [In the meantime], Hwang Seuh of Ch4ng
came on a mission to the army of Tsin, saying,
*' Ch*ing has submitted to Ts*oo only to preserve
its altars, and does not waver in its preference for
your State. The army of Ts'oo is proud with re-
peated victories, and weary with the length of its
service. Nor does it make preparations for an
engagement. If you attack it, the army of Ch4ng
will second you ; and Ts'oo is sure to be defeated.**
Che-tsze said, *<The defeat of Ts*oo, and the
securing the adherence of ChHng, both depend
on this action. We must agree to the envoy *s
proposal." Lwan Woo-tsxe (Lwan Shoo), how-
ever, urged,'* Since the time when TsVk) subdued
Yung [See YL xvi. 6], its ruler has let no day
pass without training and instructing his people,
Mying, < Ah I the people*s welfare is not easily
tecured. Calamity may come without a day*s
warning. Ton must be cautious and apprehen-
dve, never giving way to idleness.' In the army
[also], he has not been a day without looking
alter the weapons, and admonishing the men,
taying, *AhI victory cannot be mi^e sure of.
There was Chow, who, after a hundred con-
quests, yet left none to succeed him.' He has
alto incwcatcd on them the examples of Joh-

gaon and Fun-maon, who laboured in wooden
carts and tattered hempen clothes to bring the
hills and forests under cultivation. He made
this proverb for them also, *■ People's weal de-
pends on diligence ; with diligence there is no
want.' His army cannot be said to be elated.
A former great officer [of our State], Tsze-fao,
said, * When an army has right on its tide, it is
strong ; when the expedition is wrong, the army
is weary and weak.' In this caae we cannot
plead our virtue, but are bent on a quarrd with
Ts'oo. We are in the wrong, and TsHxi is in
the right ; — ^its army cannot he said to be weary
and weak. Its ruler's own chariots are divided
into two bodies of 15 each. To each of them are
attached 100 men, and an additional complement
of 26 men. The body on the right is harnessed
early, and kept on duty till mid-day, when thai
on the left takes its place till doak. The officers
in immediate attendance on the ruler keep
watch by turns during the night. Thns provis-
ion is made against any surprise, and the army
cannot be said to be without preparatioD.
Tsze-leang is the best man of Ch'ing and Sze-
shuh [Pwan Wang] is highly honoured in Ts*oou
Sze-shuh entered [the capital of Ch*ing] and
made a covenant ; and Tsze-leang is [a hostage]
with Ts'oo. Ts'oo and Ch*ing are m friend^
relations; and Ch4ng advises us to fight! U
we conquer, it will come to ua ; if we do not
conquer, it will draw off. According as I
should divine, the counsel of ChHng is not to be
foUowed."

<Chaou Hwoh and Chaou T'ung aaid, **We
have led our host thus far, seeking for the
enemy. We have to conquer the enemy, and
recover our subject State; — what more do we
wait for? We must follow Che-Uze.'

*Ke of Che [Chwang-tsze; Seun Showlsaid,
"Yuen [Chaou Thing] and Ping [Chaou Kwoh
are partizans of our evil counsellor [Che-tsae].**
Chaou Chwang-tsze [Chaou Soh] said, '* Lvaa
Pih [Woo-tsze; Lwan Shoo] has apoken well!
Let him make his words good, and he will taka
the chief command in TsLn."

* [After these discordant counsels], the sub-
administrator of Ts*oo went to the army of Tsii^
and said, *Our ruler, when young, met witk
sorrowfiil bereavement, and was not able to culti-
vate the accomplishments of learning. But ht
has heard that hia two predeceasora [the kings
Ch*ing and Muh] went backwarda and forwaidi
by this path, ms only aim has been to instruct
and settle Ch*ing, without seeking to gtvt
offence to Tsin. You, the officers of Tsni,
should not remain here long." Ke of Say (Su
Hwuy) replied, **Long ago king P^ing gave
charge to our former mler, the marquis Win,
saying, 'Along with Ch4ng support the House of
Chow, and do not disregard the king's charge.'
Now Ch*ing is showing no regard for it, and oar
ruler sent ua to aak it the reaaon; we do not
preaume to inflict any diagrace on you who have
met ua. Let me acknowledge the condeacensioa
of your ruler in thia meaaage." Che-taae thought
this reply was fawning, and sent Chaou Kwoh
to follow the envoy witJi a different one, aaymg^
" Our meaaenger gave you a wrong reply. Our
ruler aent hia aervanta to remove ttm ChHag
every foot-print of your great State, tdling us
not to evade any enemy. We will not Sink
away from any oommanda you may lay on us.*

Year XU.

DUKE SEUEN.

319

* The viicoant of TsH)o, however, lent another
message to ask for peace with Tsin, which was
agreed to on the part of Tsin ; and a day was
set for a coyenant.

* [In the meantime], Heu Pih of Ts*oo droTe
Toh Fih, with Sheh Shnh on the right of the
chariot, to flout and proToke the army of Tsin.
Hen Pih said, **1 have heard that when an
army is flouted, the driver urges his chariot,
with the flag shaking, close to the entrench-
ments, and then returns." Yoh Pih said, "I
haye heard that the archer on the left discharges
a strong arrow, and then takes the reins, while
the charioteer descends, dusts the horses, and
adjusts the martingales, and then they return."
Bheh Shuh said, "I have heard that the spearman
on the right enters the entrenchments, cuts off
an ear, takes another nam prisoner, and returns."
They all three did as they had heard, and were
returning, pursued hy the men of Tsin, who
came after them like two horns, from the left,
and the right. Yoh Pih shot the horses on the
left, and the men on the right, so that the pur-
suers cuuld not adyance. Ue had but one arrow
left, when a stag rose up before the chariot, which
he shot right in the hump. Paou Kwei of Tsin
was right behind liim, when he made Sheh
Shuh take the stag, and present it to the pur-
suer, saying, " It is not the season of the year
for such a thing, the time for presenting animals
has nut arriyed, but I yenture to offer this to
feast your followers." Paou Kwei stopped the
pursuit, saying, "Ue on the left shoots well; he
on the right speaks well; — they are superior
men." So they got off*. Wei E [A son of Wei
Ch'ow j see the Chuen on V. xxy ii ., p. 4 and xxy iii.,
p. 4] of rsin had asked t o be appointed among the
ducal clans [See the Chuen at the end of the
2d year], and been refused. In his resent-
ment he wished to bring on the defeat of
the army, and now asked [the comntander-in-
chief] to allow him to flout the aruiy [of Ts'oo].
This was refused; but his further request to be
sent with a message to it was grsnted; so he
went, challenged Ts*oo to battle, and was re-
turning. P'wan Tang of Ts'oo pursued him;
but when £ had got to the marsh of Yung, he
saw six stags, and shot one of them. Then
turning round, he presented it to Tang, saying,
** A uiid the business of the army, your hunters
may have failed to supply you with fresh meat,
and 1 venture to present this for your followers."
On this Shuh-tang gave orders to leave off* the
pursuit.

* Chaou Chen [a son of Chaou Ch'uen] had
asked to be made a minister [in Tsin], and been
refused. He was angry, moreover, at the escape
of the party of Ts'oo which had flouted the
army, and begged to be allowed to go and pro-
yoke a battle. This was refused, but he was
allowed to go and call Ts^oo to a covenant.
So he and Wei E both went to the army of
Ts*oo on their several missions.

*Keoh Heen-tsze [Keoh K*ih] said, "These
two dissatisfied spirits are gone. If we do not
make preparations, we are sure to be defeated."
Che-tsze said, "Tlie people of Ch'lng advised
us to fight, and we do not dare to follow their
counsel Ts*oo asked for peace, and we are not
able to come t« terms with it. There is no
acknowledged authority in the army; — what
can many preparations do?" Sze Ke [Sze
Hwny] said, *'It is well to be prepared. If

those two enrage Ts'oo, and its army coma
suddenly upon us, we shall lose our army in no
time. Our best plan is to make preparations
[for a battle]. If Ts'oo do not make an attempt
upon us, we can remove our preparations, and
make a covenant, without there being any injury
to a good understanding. If it do make an at-
tempt, being prepared for it, we shall not be
defeated. Even in the case of an interview be-
tween two princes, they take the precaution not
to dispense with a guard of troops."

'Che-tsze [still] refused to agree to this pro-
posal, and Sze Ke sent Kung Soh and Han
Ch'uen to place 7 ambushments in front of
Gaou. By this means the Ist army was saved
from the defeat [which ensued]. Chaou Ying-
ts*e sent a party to prepare boats at the Ho ; and
in this way, though he shared in the defeat, he
and his men were the first to cross the river.

* When P^wan Tang had driven away Wei E,
Chaou Chen came that same night to the army
of Ts'oo; and having spread his mat outside the
gate of the camp, he sent his followers in.
There were the two bodies of the viscount's own
cliariots, drawn up on the riglit and left.
Those on the left had stood with the horses
yoked from day -break till mid-day; and those on
the left had then been similarly harnessed until
sun-down. Heu Yen was charioteer to the king
in the body on the right, with Yang Yew-ke as
spearman ; while P'&ng Ming performed the
same duty on the left, with K'euh Tang as
spearman.

*0n Yih-maou, the king at the head of the
chariots of the left, drove out to pursue Chaou
Chen, who abandoned his chariot, and ran into
a wood, pursued by K'euh Tang, who got his
buff-coat and lower garment. [Meanwhile],
being afraid in the camp of Tsin that the two
uflicers would enrage the army of TsHx), they
had sent some large chariots to meet them.
P'wan Tang, seeing at a distance the dust raised
by these, sent a horseman with all speed to tell
the king that the army of Tsin was advancing.
The men of Ts'oo, [on their side], were also
afraid lest the king should enter the army of
Tsin, and issued from their camp in order of
battle. Sun Shuh said, "I^t us advance. It
is better that we set upon them than let them
set upon us. The ode says (She, II. iii. ode
III., 4),

* Ten large war chariots
Led the van ;' —

the object was to be beforehand with the enemy.
The * Art of War * [also] says, * Anticipate your
enemy, and you take awsy his heart.' Let us
press on them." Accordingly he hurried on the
army. The carriages dashed along, and the
footmen seemed to fly ; and so they fell on the
army of Tsin. Hwan-tsze did not know what
he was doing, but ordered the drums to be
beaten in the army, crying out, " A reward to
those who first recross the river!" The army of
the centre and the 8d army struggled for the
boats, till the fingers [of those trying to get in,
and tjiat were cut off by those who had already
got possession] could be taken np with both
hands at once. 'Ilie other armie* moved to the
right of the Ist, which alone held its place with-
out moving. Ts'e, minister of Works [in Ts'oo],
led the troops which had occupied the left front
to pursue the 3d army. [At the same time], the

320

THE CU'UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CUUEN.

BOOK VIL

Tisconnt sent T*ang Keaou and Ts^ae Kew-keu
with a message to the marquis Uwuy of T*ang,
sayint^, " All unworthy I am, and in my ambi-
tious desires I have encountered a great enemy.
I acknowledge my offence ; but if 'J*s*oo do not
conquer, it will be your lordship's disgrace. I
venture to depend on your powerful influence to
complete the rictory of my army." While
sending this message, he ordered P'wan Tang,
with 40 of the chariots of reserve, to follow the
Diarquis of T*ang, and to act on the left by fol-
lowing the 1st army [of Ttjin]. Keu Pih,
(Keoh Kih) said, " Shall we await their onset ?"
Ke of Suy replied, "The anny of Ts'oo is in
the flush of its nii^ht. If it now collect around
us, we are sure to be destroyed. Our best plan
is to gather in our troops, and retreat. We
shall share the reproach of the other armies, but
we shall save the lives of the people." He then
placed his own troops in the rear of the retreating
forces, and retired without being defeated.

*The king, seeing his own chariots of the
right, wished to continue the pursuit in one of
them; but K*euh Tang stopped him, saying,
*^You began with this, and you must end with
this." From this time in Ts'oo the chariots of
the left got the precedence.

'[In the flight], a chariot belonging to Tsin
sank in a rut, and could not proceed. A man
of Ts^oo told its occupant to take out the frame
for weapons. After this, it advanced a little,
and then the horses wanted to turn. The same
man advised to take out the large flag-staff, and
lay it crosswise. When this was done, the
carriage got out of the hole, when its occupant
turned round and said to his helper, *' We are
not so accustomed to fly as the soldiers of your
great State!"

* Chaou Chen gave his two best horses to assist
his elder brother and his uncle, and was going
back with the others, when he met the enemy,
and was unable to escape them. He abandoned
his chariot therefore, and ran into a wood. The
great officer Fung was driving past with his two
sons, and [catching sight of Chen], he told them
Dot to look round. Tliey did so, however, and
said, " The old great officer Chaou is behind us."
He was angry with them, ond made them dis-
mount, ixiinting to a tree, and saying, "Let me
find your bodies there." >Ie then gave the reins
to Chaou Chen, who thus made his escape.
The other, next day, found his sons* bodies at
the spot which he had marked.

* Heung Hoo-ke of Ts*oo took Ying of Che pri-
soner; and when [Ying*8 father], Chwang-tsze
knew it, he returned to the battle-field with the
soldiers of his own clan. Woo-tsze of Ch'oo
[Wei E] acting as his charioteer, and many
soldiers of the 3d army following him. When-
ever he drew out an arrow, though it seemed to
be strong, he placed it in the quiver of Woo-
tsze, till tiie latter was angr}', and said, " Are
you not looking for your son ? And do you
grudge your arrows? Will it be possible to
exhaust the willows of the Tung marsh?"
Chwang-tsze replied, " If I do not get some
one's son, shall I be able to recover mine?
I must not shoot an arrow that I cannot
be sure of." He then shot tlie Leen-yin, Seang
Laou, killed him, and took the body into the
carriage. Another arrow hit the Kung-tsze
Kuh-shin, whom he made prisoner; and these
two trophies obtained, he returned to the army

of Tsin. When it was dask,^the army of Ts*oo
encamped in Peih, while what remained of that
of Tsin could not encamp anywhere, but kept
crossing the Ho all the night, the noise of its
movements never ceasing.

* On Ping-shin, the heavy waggons of Ts'oo
were brought to Peih, and the viscount went on
to Hftng-yung. P'wan Tang said to him, * Why
should your lordship not signalize your triumph
by making a mound, and collect in it the bodies
of the Tsinites so as to form a grand monument ?
I have heard that succeessful battles should be
shown to posterity, so that the prowess of them
may not be forgotten." The viscount said,
"You do not know what you are talking about
The character for * prowess/ is formed by those

for * to stay' and *a spear* (^^«s jf- and ^^).

When king Woo had subdued Shang, he made
the ode, which says (She, IV.i. [i.] VUI.),

* He has called in shields and spears;
He has returned to their cases bows and

arrows.
I will seek true virtue.
And display it throughout the great land.
That as king I may indeed preserve our

appointment.'

He also made the Woo(^; She, IV. L pi]
X.), of which the last stanza says,

* So he firmly established his merit'

The 3d stanza says (see She, IV. i. [ui.] X.
lliis is not now a part of the Woo song),

* We wish to develope the purposes [of king

Wftn],
And go to seek the settlement of the king-
dom.*

The 6th stanza says (She, IV.i. [iiL] IX.),

* He gave repose to all the States,

And there ensued several years of ^plenty.'

Thus military prowess is seen in the repres-
sion of cruelty, the calling in of the weapons of
war, the preservation of the great appointment,
the firm establishment of one's merit, the giriug
repi>se to the people, the harmonizing all [the
States], and the enlargement of the general
wealth; and king Woo took care by those stan-
zas that his posterity should not forget this.
Now I have caused the bones of the soldiers of
two States to lie bleaching on the earth: — sn
at!t of cruelty; I display my weapons of war
to awe the States : — thus unable to call them
in. Cruel and not calling in the weapons of
war, how can I preserve the great appointment?
And while still the State of Tsin remains, hov
can I firmly establish my merit? ITiere are
many things by which I oppose what the people
desire, and how can they get re)x)se from me?
Without the practice of virtue, striving by force
for supremacy among the States, how can I
produce harmony among them ? I have made
my gain from the perils of others, and found
my safety in their disorders ;— these things are
my glory, but what enlargement of the gentfsl
wealth is there in theiu ? Not one of the seT«?n
virtues belonging to military process attache
to me;— what have I to display to mv posterity?
Lot us simply make hvre a temple lor the
tablets of my predecessors, and announce to

Year XII.

DUKE SEUEN.

321

them our success. The merit of military prow-
ess does not belong to me.

* [Moreover], in ancient times, when the in-
telligent kings punished disrespectful and diso-
bedient States, they took the greatest criminals
anumg them, and buried them under a mound
as the greatest punishment. Thus it way that
grand monuments were made for the warning of
the unruly and bad. But now when it is not
certain to whom the guilt can positiyely be
ascribed, and the people have all with the ut-
most loyalty died in fulfilling their ruler's
commands, what grounds are there for rearing
a grand monument?"

* After this the viscount offered sacrifice at the
Ho, reared a temple for the tablets of his pre-
decessors, announced to them the successful
accomplishment of his enterprise, and returned
to Ts'oo.

*At this time, Shih Che of Ch'ing entered the

army of Ts'oo, and proposed to divide Ch4ng

into two Slates, and appoint the Kung-tsze Yu-

shin over one of them. On Sin-wei, Ch*ing put

to death Puh-shuh (Yu-shin) and Tsze-fuh

(Shih Che). The superior man may say that

what the historiographer Yih remarked about

not taking advantage of people's troubles was

applicable to such parties. The ode says (She,

n. V. ode X. 2),

* In such distress of disorder and separation,
Whither can I betake myself ?*

They betook themselves to those who would
have taken advantage of the trouble and dis-
order!*

Par. 4. [The Chuen appends here: — 1st, *The
earl of Ch'ing and the baron of Heu went to
T8*oo.* 2d, * In autumn, the army of Tsin re-
turned, and Uwan-tsze (Seun Lin-foo) requested
that he might be put to death. The marquis
was about to accede to the request, when Sze
Ching-tsze [A member of the Sze elan. His
name was j^ Vg, Uh-chuh] said, " Do not do
80. After the battle of Shing-puh [In the 28th
year of duke He], the anny of Tsin fed for S
days on the grain [of the enemy], but there
was still sorrow on the countenance of duke
W&n. His attendants said to him, *' On an oc-
casion of such joy you are still sorrowful;
would you be joyful in a time of sorrow V* The
duke replied, ** While Tili-shin is still alive, my
sorrow cannot cease. A wild beast in the toils
will still fight ; how much more the chief minister
of a State !" When Ts^oo put Tsze-y uh [Tih-shin]
to death, the joy of the duke could then be seen
by all. He said, '* There is now none to embitter
my peace." In fact [the death of Tih-shin] was
a second Tictory to Tsin, and a second defeat to
Ts'oo; and through the time of two rulers Ts*oo
could not again show itself strong. Now
Heaven has, it may be, given a great warning to
Tsin; but if you now proceed to put to death

Lin-foo, thereby giving a second victory to
Ts*oo, will not Tsin be reduced for a long time
to a state of weakness? Lin-foo*s service of his
ruler has been of this character, that, in an
advance, his thought has been how to display
his loyalty, and, when obliged to withdraw, his
thought has been how to retrieve his errors ; —
he is a bulwark to the altars of Tsin, and on
what ground can you put him to death ? UU
defeat is like an eclipse of the sun or moon;
what injury does an eclipse do to those bodies ?'*
On this, the marquis of Tsin ordered Hwan-tsze
to resume his office.']

Par. 5. Seaou, — see V. xxx. 6. Too observes
that there was no Mow-yin day in the 12th
month of this year. Mow-yin was the 9th day
of the 11th month. The Chuen says: — *ln
winter the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Seaou,
which Hwa Tseaou of Sung, with a body of men
from Ts*ae, endeavoured to relieve. The people
of Seaou held as prisoners Heung-seang E-leaou
and the Kung-tsze Ping. The king said, *' Do
not put them to death, and I will retire." They
put them to death, however, which enraged the
king, so that he laid siege to their city ; when
the people dispersed. Woo-shin, duke of Shin,
said to the king, " Many of the soldiers are suf-
fering from the cold ;" on which the king went
round all the host, comforting the soldiers and
encouraging them, which made them feel as if
they were clad in quilted garments. They then
approached Seaou, when Seuen Woo-shay spoke
with the marshal Maou, and asked him to call
Shuh-ehen of Shin to him. Shuh-chen said,
*'Have you any wheatcn cakes made with
leaven?" "No," said the other. "Have you
any spirits made from the hill grass?" "No,"
was the reply again. *' What then will you do
when your belly is pained with the fish from the
river?" asked Shuh-chen. The other replied,
'* Look into a dry well, and save me out of it."
" If you place a band of rushes on it," [said Siiuh-
chen, "I will know it]. And when you hear
the sound of weeping near the well, it will be I."

•Next day, the people of Seaou dispersed,
Shuh of Shin looked for the well, and there was
the rush-hand at it. He then wept, and brought
out [his friend] Woo-she.'

Par. 6. The K'ang-he editors observe that
here for the first tune we have the great officers
of States covenanting together about tlie affairs
of their States. Ts'ing-k*ew was in Wei, 70 h
to the south-east of the present K*ae-chow, dep.
Ta-ming, Chih-le. Tso-she says: — *Hwoh of
Yuen (Seen Hwoh), Hwa Tseaou of Sung, Tah
of Wei, and an officer of Ts'aou, covenanted to-
gether at Tsing-k'ew, to the effect that they
would compassionate States which were in dis-
tress, and punish those that were disaffected.*
He adds, * The names of the ministers are not
recorded, because they did not make their words
good.*

Par. 7. Ch4n had taken the side of Ts*oo,
and was therefore a * disaffected State,* against
which the States mentioned in the preceding
par. should have acted in common, whereas we
have Wei going to its help.

The Chuen says: — *In accordance with the
covenant. Sung invaded Ch*in, but the people of
Wei went to its help. K'ung Tah said, " Our
former ruler had a treaty with Ch*in ; if the
great State [of Tsin] come to punish us [for
helping it], I will die on account of the affair."

TOL Y.

322

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

Thirteenth year.

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XIII. 1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, an anny of

Ts'e invaded Keu.

2 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Sung.

3 In autuniTi, there were locusts.

4 III winter, Tsin put to death its great officer, Seen

Hwoh.

Par. 1. Kung-yang has Wei (|^) here in-
stead of Keu; but the latter is no doubt the
correct reading. Nowhere in the Ch^un Ts^ew
have we any account of hostilities between Ts'e
and Wei, whereas from the 4th year of duke
Seuen there seems to have been a state of
chronic hostility between Ken on the one part,
and Loo and Ts'e on the other [See IV. 1 ; XI.
8]. Tso-she says that the reason for the invasion
in the text was because Keu« depending on the
protection of Tsin, would not do service to Ts*e.

Par. 2. Tso-she says ; — ' The viscount of Ts*oo
invaded Sung, because it had endeavoured to
relieve Seaou. The superior man may say that,
in [the account of] the covenant of Ts4ng-k'ew,
Sung might have escaped [the disapprobation
indicated by the suppression of the name of its
minister].'

Par. 8. Here &gain Kung-yang has «JK for

Par. 4. For ^ Kuh-leang has ^. Seen
Hwoh deserved to die, fur the great defeat at
Peih was mainly owing to his insubordination ;

and he had since engaged in other nefarious
plotting. The Chuen says: — 'In autumn, the
Red Teih, at the inritation of Seen Hwoh, in-
vaded Tsin, and advanced as far as Ts'ing: In
winter, Tsin, to avenge the defeat at Peih and
this advance of the Teih to Taking, laid the
blame of both affairs on Seen Hwoh, and put
him to death, exterminating also all the branches
of his clan. The superior man maj say that
the maxim, ** When evil comes on a man, it hss
been brought on by himself,** foimd an illus-
tration in Seen Hwoh.*

[The Chuen appends here: — 'In conaequenoe
of the covenant at Ts4ng-k*ew, Tsin sent to
demand from Wei an account of its relieving
Ch4n. The messenger would not go away, and
said, ** If the offence be not laid on aome one,
my mission will be followed up hj an army of
attack.*' K'ung Tali said, '' If it will be of ad-
vantage to the State, please lay the blame oo
me. The ground of criminating me lies in the
fact that from jne proceeded the movement
which has excited the great State to demand
reparation ? I will die for this matter.*]

Year XIV.

DUKE SEUEN.

323

Fourteenth year.

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1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, Wei put to

death its great officer, K'ung Tah.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Jin-shin, Show, earl

of Ts'aou, died.

324

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vn.

3 The marquis of Tsin invaded Ch4ng.

4 In autumn, in the ninth month, the viscount of Ts'oo

laid siege to [the capital of] Sung.

5 There was the burial of duke W&n of Ts^aou.

6 In winter, Kung-sun Kwei-foo had a meeting with the

marquis of Ts'e at Kuh.

Far. 1. This is the sequel to the narrative at
the end of the last y^. The Chuen sajs :— * In
the duke's 14th year, in spring, K'ung Tah
•trangled himself, which the people of Wei
represented so as to satisfy Tsin, and escape
[further proceedings from that State]. They
then announced the thing to the States, saying,
^* Our ruler had a bad minister, Tah, who brought
our poor city into collision with the great State.
The minister has suffered for his crime, and we
Tenture to inform you of it." But considering
the services which Tah had performed in pacify-
ing [the State], they gave his son [a daughter
of the marquis] to wife, and made him continue
in his father's position [as a great officer].'

Far. 8. ChHng had acknowledged the suprem-
acy of Ts'oo, after Tsin's defeat at Peih ; hence
this invasion of it. It is strange the K'ang-he
editors should find the sage's approval of the
invasion in the words of the text, — *■ the marquis
of Tsin.' The marquis conducted the expedition
in person, and the fact is so stated. The right
or wrong of it is to be determined by other
considerations.

The Chuen says: — *In summer, the marquis
of Tsin invaded Ch4ng, because of the defeat at
Feih. He announced his doing so to the various
States, held a review of his troops, and returned.
This was by the counsel of Chung-hang Hwan-
tsze [Seun Lin-foo. Chung-hang here becomes
mm his surname. For the origin of the denomi-
nation, see the Chuen at the end of V. xxviii],
who said, " Show them our array, and let them
consult about it, and come to us." The people
of Ch*ing were afraid, and sent Tsze-chang to
take the place of Tsze-leang in Ts*oo [See the
Chuen on XII. 2]. The earl also went to TsHx),
to consult about Tsin; and the State, considering
with what propriety Tsze-leang had behaved
[in formerly declining the marquisate], recalled
him.'

Far. 4. This invasion of Sung and siege of
its capital was a further movement of Ts'oo to
weaken Tsin. How it was brought about is re-
lated in the Chuen: — *The viscount of Ts^oo
sent Shin Chow on a friendly mission to Ts'e,
telling him that he should go through Sung
without asking a right of way. At the same
time he sent the Kuug-tsze Ping on a friendly
mission to Tsin, without asking permission to

pass through Ch'ing. Shin Chow, remembering
how he had incurred the resentment of Sung in
the affair at M&ng-choo [See the Chuen on VI.
X. 6. 7. Chow liere is the Woo-wei there], said,
**Ching is clear-sighted, but Sung is deaf.
The messenger to Tsin will suffer no harm, bat
I am sure to meet with my death." The king
said, " If Sung put you to death, I will invade
it." Chow then introduced [his son], Se, to the
king, and went on his journey.

* When he^me to Sung, they detained him
there. Hwa x uen said, '* To pass through our
State without asking our permission, is to treat
our State as if it were a border of Ts^oo, — is to
deal with it as if Sung were not a State. If we
put to death its messenger, Ts*oo is sure to in-
vade us, and Sung will perish. In either case
Sung ceases to be a State." Accordingly, Shin
Chow was put to death. When the viscount
heard of it, he shook down his sleeves and rose
from his seat. His shoes were brought to
him when he had reached the threshold of his
chamber; his sword was brought to him outside
the door of the chamber; and his carriage
reached him when he had got to the market-
place called P*oo-seu. In autumn, in the 9th
month, he laid siege to the capital of Sung.*

Far. 6. Kuh, — see III. vii. i.etoL Kong-
sun Kwei-foo, — see on X. 10. Wang Paou and
other critics strongly condemn Kwei-foo as hav-
ing been the first great officer who did according
to his own pleasure in the administration of the
government of Loo. The Chuen says: — *At
this meeting, when Kwei-foo saw Qan Hwan-
tsze, he spoke with Jiim about the affairs of
Loo, rejoicing [in his own position there].
Hwan-tsze told Kaou Seuen-tsze [the Kaou
Koo of V.3] about it, saying, '^Tsze-kea [The
designation of Kwei-foo] is sure to come to ruin.
He is all intent on [the dignities of] Loo. Be-
ing so, he is sure to cherish a covetous ambition,
and then to be scheming against others. But
when one schemes against others, they will
scheme against him; and when a whole State
schemes against a man, how can he escape go-
ing to ruin ?'

[The Chuen appends here: — *M&ng Heen-
tsze [See the Chuen on VI. xv. 4] said to the
duke, " I have heard that the way in which a
small State escapes [being incriminated by] a
Cn^eat one is by sending to it friendly missions
and making various offerings, on which there are
the hundred things set forth in the court-yard.
Or if the prince go himself to the court [of the
greht State] to show his services, then ne as-
sumes a pleased appearance, and makes elegant
and valuable presents, even beyond what could
be required of him. He acts thus lest he should
not escape [being incriminated]. If, after being
reprimanded, he present rich offerings, it is too
late. Ts^oo is now in Sung; let your lordship
consider what should be done." The duke was
pleased.']

Ybab XV.

DUKE SEU£N.

Fifteenth year.

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XV. 1

4
5

6
7

9
10

In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, Kung-sun Kwei-
foo had an interview with the viscount of Ts oo in Sung.

In summer, in the fifth month, the people of Sung made
peace with the people of Ts*oo.

In the sixth month, on Kwei-maou, an army of Tsin ex-
tinguished the Loo tribe of the Red Teih, and carried
Ying-urh, viscount of Loo, back with it to Tsin.

A body of men from Ts'in invaded Tsin.

The king's son Chah put to death the earls of Shaou
and Maou.

In autumn, there were locusts.

Chung-sun Meeh had a meeting with Eaou Koo of Ts'e in
Woo-low.

For the first time an [additional] tithe was levied from
the acre.

In winter, the larvae of locusts were produced.

There was famine.

Far. 1. It is said at the end of the conclud-
ing Cliucn of last year, that the duke was
pleased with the suggestion of Mftng Heen that
he should send a friendly mission to the viscount
of Ts'oo. Here we are told how he proceeded
to do so.

is ^P» ' Sang made peace with Ts*oo.' In

accounts of peace made between States, only the
names of the States are given, without the ad-
dition of A as here ; — see X. viL 1 ; XLx.l, tt aL

But no stress ia to be laid on the K^ here, as if

it indicated the princes or ministers by whom
the treaty of peace was made. The use of it is

merely a variation of the usual style ( S^ W

flft SP);-*-*€'e the gloss of Ying-tah, m Joe,

The Chuen relates: — *The people of Sung
sent Yoh Ying-ts'e to announce to Tsin how
hard they were pressed, and the marquis of Tsin
wished to proceed to their relief. Fih-tsung,
however, said, *No. The ancients had a saying
that, however long the whip was, it did not
reach the horse's belly. Heaven is now giving

f [the powerj to Ts*oo, and we cannot contend
against it. Strong as Tsin is, can it resist
Heaven ? There are the common sayings, * The
mind must determuie how high or how low it
can go;' *the rivers and meres receive [much]
filth;' *the hills and thickets hide noxious
things ;' * the finest gems have flaws ;* * princes of
States must [at times] take dirt in their
mouths.' This is the way of Heaven ; let your
lordship wait [for another opportunity]." The
marquis then desisted from his purpose, and
sent Heae Yang to Sung, to advise [the duke]
not to surrender to Ts*oo, saying, "Tsin is
raising all its forces, and they will [soon] be
with you." The people of Ch*ing took him pris-
oner, and delivered him to Ts'oo, when the
viscount offered him large bribes to induce him
to convey a message of a contrary character.
He refused at first, but finally agreed to do m.
He was then mounted on a turreted carriage;
and having called the attention of the people of
Sung, he delivered the message with which the
marquis had entrusted him. The viscount was
going to put him to death, and sent him a mes-
sage, saying, "Why did you thus violate the

promise which you made to me? I do not

break my faith with you ; — it is you who have

328

THE CHUN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VH.

cast [our agrecmentj away. Go quickly, and
receive your punishment." Heae YaAg replied,
** I have heard that when a prince gives out his
cumuiand, it is a righteous act which he dis-
charges, and when a minister receives that com-
mand, he is bound in fidelity to fulfil it. The
faithful fulfilment of the righteous command is
beneficial to the State, and he who lays his
plans so that that benefit shall be secured for
the defence of the altars is the people's friend.
The righteous command does not admit of two
fidelities ; fidelity does not recognize two com-
mands. When your lordship tried to bribe me,
you knew not the nature of a command. I
came forth with the command which I had re-
ceived ; and though I die, it has not fallen to the
ground. To die in fulfilling the command is
my happiness ; — [it will be seen that] my prince
had a faithful servant. I have been able to ac-
complish my task; — though I die, what more
should I seek for?" [On hearing this reply], the
viscount let him go to return [to Tsin].

* In summer, in the 5th month, the army of
Ts'oo was about to withdraw from tSung, when
Shin Se bowed with his head to the grouqd be-
fore the king*8 horses, and said, " Though Woo-
wei rShin Chow, Se's father] knew it would
cost iiim his life, he did not dare to decline your
majesty's commission; and your majesty is
breaking your word I" The king could not an-
swer him. His charioteer, Shin Shuh-she, said,
*^ If you build houses here, and send half the
army back to till the ground, Sung will receive
your commands and submit to them." [The
king followed the counsel], and the people of
Sung were afraid, and sent Hwa Yuen by night
into the army of T8*oo. He went up to the
couch of Tsze-fan, and roused him, saying, *'My
master has sent mo to inform you of our distress.
In the city we are exchanging our childreivand
eating them, and splitting up their bones for
fuel. Notwithstanding, if you require us to
make a covenant with you under the walls, we
w ill not do 80, though our city should be utterly
overthrown. Withdraw from us 30 /e, and
then we will accept your commands." Tsze-fan
was afraid, ninde a covenant with Yuen, and in-
formed the king, who retired 30 /«, when Sung
and Ts'oo made peace, Hwa Yuen rcmahiing as
a hostage with Ts'oo. The words of their cove-
nant were, "We [of Ts'oo] will not deceive you ;
do not you doubt us." '

Par. 8. gJ^^Jj^^;— 8eeonin.6. We

see from this par. that the chiefs of the Loo

tribes had the title of viscount. The Chuen
relates: — *The wife of Ying-urh, viscount of
Loo, was an elder sister of duke King of Tsin.
The power of the tribe was in the hands of Fung
Shoo, who put this lady to death, and injured
one of the viscount's eyes. The marquis of
Tsin wished to attack the tribe, but the great
ofiBcers all advised against such an undertaking,
saying that Fung Shoo possessed three extraor-
dinary endowments, and that Tsin had better
wait for a future opportunity to deal with the
Loo-she. Pih-tsung, however, said, " We must
attack them [now]. [That] Teih is chargeable
with five crimes, and of what help will his many
extraordinary endowments be to him? His
first crime is that he does not offer sacrifices;
his second, that he is given to drunkenness; his
third, that he abandoned Chung Chang, and

took away the territory of the chief of Le ; hit
fourth, that he dealt so cruelly with the eldest
daughter of our State ; and his fifth, that he in-
jured the eye of his ruler. His reliance on his
extraordinary endowments, to the neglect of all
virtue, only increases his guilt. His successor
will perhaps reverently addict himself to tlie
cultivation of virtue and righteousness, so as to
serve both Spirits and men, thereby strengthen-
ing his title to the country; — how will it be, if
we should wait for such an one ? If we do not
punish the present criminal, bat say, ' Let us
wait for his successor,' and then proceed to
punish him, who may have reasons to allege
why he should not be touched at all, will not
our course be unreasonable ? To rely on one's
endowments and numbers is the way to ruin ; —
Chow of Shang followed it, and his utter ruin
was the consequence. Wlien the seasons of
heaven are reversed, we have calamities ; when
the productions of the earth are reversed, we
have prodigious things; when the virtues of
men are reversed, we have disorders. It is
those disorders which give rise to the calamities
and prodigious things, just as the character for

correctness^ when reversed, produces that for
failure [See the |^ ^ ^ ^ /^, in the

^^JJ|^^,Ch.642,"]C,art.l). All these
things arc predicable of the Teih."

'The marquis of Tsin follow^ed this counsel;
and in the 6th month, on Kwei-maou, Seun
Lin-foo defeated the Bed Teih at K'euh-leang.
On Sin-hae he extinguished Loo. Fung Shoo
fled to Wei, the people of which sent him to
Tsin, where he was put to death.'

Par. 4. There had been no hostilities between
Ts'in and Tsin, since the invasion of Tsin men-
tioned in the duke's 2d year. We do not know
what led to the invasion in the text, though, from
the Kwoh Yu, Bk. XIII. art. 1, we may suppose
that Ts'in was jealous of Tsin's acquisition of the
Loo-she. The Chuen says : — * In autumn, in the
7th month, duke Hwan of Ts'in invaded Tsio,
and halted with his army at Foo-she. On Jin-
woo, the marquis of Tsin led a body of troops
and exercised them at Tsih, to secure the an-
nexation of the territory of the Teih. He then
restored the marquis of Le, and had got as far
as Loh on his return, when Wei Ko defeated
the army of Ts'in at Foo-she, taking prisoner
Too Hwuy, who was [known as] the strong
man of Ts'in. Before this, [Wei Ko's father],
Wei WoO'tsze had a favourite concubine, who
brought him no child. When he was ilL he
charged Ko that he should marry her to some
one ; but afterwards, when he had become very
ill, he told him that he must bury her alive in
his grave. After his father's death, Ko pro-
vided her with a husband, saying, **When my
father was so very ill, his senses were disorder-
ed ; I will follow the charge he gave when his
mind was right." At the battle of Foo-she, he
saw an old man who was making ropes of grass
in the way of Too Hwuy, against which the
strong man tript, so that he fell and was taken.
In the night, Ko dreamt that the old man said
to him, " I am the father of the woman whom
you provided with a husband. Because yoa
followed the charge which your father gave yon
when in his senses, I have thus recompensed
you." '

Ybak XVI.

DUKE SEUEN.

329

Par. 6. ^ -jj^ -^ is simply — J -^

"jjA^y ' the king's son, Chah/ Why the charac-
ters are so inyerted it is difficult to say. What
the paragraph relates shows that the court of
Chow mast haye been in as disorderly and law-
less a condition as the courts of the difft. States.
Chah was probably a brother of the reigning
king. The Chuen says: — * Wang-sun (i. e., A
grandson of some former king) Soo had a con-
tention with the chiefs of Shaou and Maou
about the chief sway in the goyemment, and
made the king's son Tsze-tseeh [The designation
of Chah) put to death duke Tae of Shaou and
Wei, earl of Maou. Afterwards, Seang of Shaou
was appointed [in his father's place].'

Far. 6. [The Chuen here relates :— 1st, < The
marquis of Tsin rewarded Hwan-tsze with the
reyenues of a thousand families with which
the Teih ministers had been endowed, and he
also rewarded Sze Pih [The Sze Ching-tsze of the
2d narratiye appended to XII. 4] with the district
of Kwa-yen, saying, ''That I haye got the terri-
tory of the Teih is all owing to you. But for
you, I should haye lost Pih-she [Seun Lin-foo ;
See the Chuen just referred to]. Tang-sheh
Cbih, speaking of these rewardfs, said "The
words in [one of] the Books of Chow (Shoo,
y. ix. 4), * Me employed the employable, and re-
Tered the reyerend,' are applicable to such a
case as this. Sze Pih adyised the employmen t of
Chung-hang Pih. The marquis confided in him,
and followed his adyice. This may be called a
case of * intelligent yirtue.' The yirtue by
which king Wftn raised the House of Chow did
not go beyond this. Hence the ode (She, III. i
ode 1. 2) says,

< Vast were the gifts of Chow,'

and thus it was that pdng W&n] could per-
petuate [his fortune]. It is impossible that he
should not succeed who follows this way." '
2d. * The marquis of Tsin sent Chaou T*ung to
present the spoils of the Teih at the court of Chow,
where he behayed disrespectfully. Diike K'ang
of Lew said, " In less than ten years Shuh of Yuen
(Cliaou T*ung) will be sure to meet with great
calamity. Heayen has taken his wits away
from him."*]
Par. 7. dnung-sun Meeh is the Mftng Heen-

tsze, with whom we haye met already. Kaou

Koo IB the minister of Ts*e, whose marriage

with one of the duke's daughters is related in

the 5th year. Too says that Woo-low was a

town of Ke (JSQ S ) ; but Kung-yang has J^

for jffi, and the place would thus be the Mow-
low which Keu took from Ke in the 4th year of
duke Yin. We do not know what the two
ministers met about, and need not occupy our-
selyes with the conjectures of the critics.

Par. 8. Tso-she say s : — ' This enactment was
contrary to rule. The grain contributed by the
people should not haye exceeded the tithe from
the system of mutual dependence [See Mencius,
ni. Pt. I. iii. 6], haying respect to the enlarge-
ment of the people's wealth.' It would appear
then, ace. to this yiew, that, besides the produce
of eyery tenth acre, cultiyated by the common
labour of the farmers round it, and the property
of the State, duke Seuen now required another
10th from the produce of the other 9 acres
which eyery family cultiyated for itself. And
this is probably correct. From the Analects,
XII. ix, 3, we learn that, in Confucius' time, two
tenths of the produce of the land were leyied
by the State, and it is most likely that we haye
in the text the first imposition of the second of
these. Kung and Kuh, howeyer, think that the
text only speaks of the abandonment of the
ancient system of the cultiyation of the public
tenth of the land by the common labour of Uio
husbandmen in the different plots around it, and
the diyiding it among them, and then requiring
from eac^h family a tenth of the produce of its
allotment. The K*ang-he editors merely say
that Hoo Gan-kwoh maintains this yiew, while
Choo He preferred that of Too Yu, founded on
Tso-she's remarks, without giying any opinion
of their own.

Parr. 9,10. mb is the name for the locust
in the grub or caterpillar state (v^ ^b Q

l|^, -^ Q iS^)* I cannot understand the

note of Tso-she on these paragraphs. He says:
— * In winter the laryss were produced, and there
was famine. The language shows thankfulness
for the luck.' Ace. to Too, his idea is that
those larysB were produced in tlie winter when
they could not do much harm ; but the winter
of Chow was only the natural autumn of Uio
year. In the natural summer there had been a
plague of locusts ; and now towards the end of
autumn came these caterpillars to deyour what
the locusts had left. There was no ' luck ' to bo
thankful for, but terrible calamity, and famine
was the consequence.

Sixteenth year.

^f^ mm

TOLT.

T,V}

THY. CUXrS TS-EW. WITH THE TSO CHTEN.

Bcx)K vn.

ai,^4^

rTs

vb ^»^

.^ iF fl ^ :S XR ^.i

m 1^ ie ^.f&
^.^ f^ ^ S

IB ^ ^ H

XVI. 1

US.

A # 1^ ^, K ^ :t ==.

^A#*i^.T#>g.

A ;2 A #c.0.« m «
!k. a ifc.^ :^.:a^ 3E.tp

In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, a body of men from Tsin extinguished
the Keah and Lew-yu tribes of the Red Teih.

In siiinnier, the archery-court of [king] Seuen at Ching-
chow was set on fire.

In autumn, the duke^s eldest daughter, who had been
marritrd to [the viscount of] T'an, returned to Loo
[divorced].

In winter, there was a very plentiful year.

P>ur. 1. The K?Ah-«h* aind the Lew-yn
miter the LA.Kw»hv-. :bc prinv.!p>al tribes of the Bed
Teih; the fvtnuer h^ivin^ their site in the pies.

of Ke-tsih v^ Sk d^ EwMg-p-mg,

Chih-le« vhiie that of the second.

of T^uelew ffg ^\ depL Lcxy«u^

Thit Chnen ■Kntioas another tribev — thai of the

Toh<«hin. vhich ap{i^«n to hare been a bimndi
of the Lev.rm. On the cztinctioo of
tiibesv all the teiritorr of the Bed Teih
into the poaaessioa of

The Choen nrs: — ^"In 9prin|r. Sw Hwvrof
Tsin led a fotre. and extinguished the Keah
tribe of the Red Teih. and^ al:^o the tribes of
Lev-jn and Toh-«hin. In the 3d month he pre-
sented the sp^uU of the Teih [to the kmg].
llie raarquis of Tsin requested [the robes of
appointment f6r him] fiv>m the king, and oo
Mitw-shin, with the apron and cap he aiqpointed
Sae Hwnj to the conmiand of the army of the
centre, and also to be grand-gnardian. After
this the thieves of Tsin all fled into TsSn.
Tang-sheh Chih said, '* I have heard that when
Yu promoted good men, the had men all Asap-
peared; and bete is an instance of the same.
The words of the ode {.She. U. r. ode IL 6),

^ Be fearful and cantioaa.
As if approaching a deep abjaa,
As if treading on thin ioe,*

ate descriptiTe of a good man in a high ntnation.
; When that is the case, 4hefe are no people in

the State trasting to Inck. ' When there are
: many people trusting to luck,' the common
: saying goes, *Uiat is tmltx^r for the State.'
* That ia ^plicable to a time when there an no

gooa men.

Pur. 8. Knng-jaog haa ^j^ for ^i and

bolh Kong and Knh haye Jf^ for j)|^. TK>-she
says that in all aoooimti of llzea, J^ denotes

that the fire was caased bj men, and ^i thai

it was from Hearen. Ch'ing-diow la the same
as Loh-yang, the eastern or *lower' ci^tal of
Chow ;— see the Shoo, Y. zziT. 1. Too defines

t t^^yi^^^jS*'*^'*'"*^ ^^ thepnctioeof
I military exerdsea,' ardieiy being spedally in-
! tended. Knng-yang and, recently, Maon tin-
! derstand the term in the meaning of 'temple;'
' bat the other significaUon is ably Tindktled 1^

! Ying'tah. ^ is probably *gp Ijp, though
t the meaning cannot be said to be wdl MOir-

ykar xvn.

DUKE SEUEN.

331

tained. Senen was a distinguished king, and
might well hare left a court or pavilion at Ching-
chow, called by his name.

Par. 3. T*an,— see IV. 1. When the duke's
daughter was married to the earl of T*an, we
are not told. What is related in the 4th year
shows that there were friendly relations between
Loo and T'an; but Tso-she says that the lady's
coming back to Loo here was in consequence of
her being divorced, or sent away from Ts^an

[The Chuen appends here: — 1st, 'In conse-
quence of the troubles about [the earls of]
8haou and Maou [See p. 5 of last year], the
royal House was again thrown into confusion.
Wang Sun-soo fled to Tsin, by which he was
restored.' 2d, *In winter, the marquis of 'i*sin
aent Sze Hwuy to pacify the royal House, when
king Ting feasted him, duke S^ng of Yuen di-
recting the ceremonies. The meat was brought
in cut on the platters. Woo-tsze (Sze Hwuy)

privately asked the reason of this arrangement;

and when the king heard that he did so, he

called him, and said, ' Mr. Ke (^p was Hwuy's

designation), have you not heard this ; — when
the king feasts the princes, the animals are
brought in, not cut up; but when he entertains
their ministers, the meat is served cut up on the
platters. This is the rule of the royal House."
When Woo-tsze returned to Tsin, he examined
all its statutes [affeeting entertainments], to re-
gulate correctly its various rules.']

Par. 4. The critics cannot be content with
accepting this paragraph as the simple statement
of a fact by way of contrast to the suffering in
the last quarter of the previous year; but cast
about to find some moral reason for the record.

See on U. iii. 10, where we have •H aSB, for 'a

good year.' Here we have p^ ^ aE, * a very
good year/

Seventeenth year.

k^Ci^O^

X\ o

# ® 1i ^M M..^M.X W ^ ^ li 0.^ A ft +
P.W «f ^ A ^M m m B^ JP BMM m ZMM.

332

TH£ CHTN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK TIL

3*e Z.\^ ^ flo ^ ;t>.:fc
« j« ^ ifi #c ;S.# ^

mM ^ ^ ^ ^ # ^.

ffi ^ ^ «.«^ it :!^ S

'f-M7lk.^M.)^BLZ.M.

m.n « H ^ IB # li ^

fbz

XVII. 1

2
3

4
5

^^ -Hi 4r P ^ --F"

In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, on EaQg-tsze, Seih-go, baron of Heu,
died.

On Ting-we, Shin, marquis of Ts*ae, died.

In summer there were the burials of duke Ch^aou of
Heu, and of duke WSn of Ts'ae.

In the sixth month, on Ewei-maou, the sun was eclipsed.

On Ke-we, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of
Tsin, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts^aou, and the
viscount of Choo, when they made a covenant to-
gether in Twan-taou.

In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting.

In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jin-woo, the
duke's younger brother, Shuh-beih, died.

Parr. 1—8. Ke Pun (^ "^ ; Ming djiuuty),

says : — * At this time Hen and Ts^ae were of the
party of Ts'oo. Their annonncing the death of
their princes to Loo, and Loo's messages to them
of condolence, show that it also inclined to the
same side.

Par. 4. Here for the second time there is a
serious error in these records of eclipses. The
1st day of the 6th month in tbis year was Keah-

shin (m j^)> the day after Kwei-maon, and
there was no eclipse npon it. Tbis was ascertain-
ed by Keang Kih (^ ^), of the eastern Tsin
dynasty. He and the Buddhist priest Tib-hang
(— - ^y) of the T'ang dynasty, made out an

eclipse to have been possible on Yih-hae ( ^ ^*),

the 1st day of tbe 6tb month; but that was
in the southern hemisphere. There was one |

on Sin- we, in the 11th month; but it was not
yisible in Loo. There was, however an eclipse
in Seuen's 7th year in the 6th month, when the
day Kwei-maou was the new moon; and I haTe
no doubt it is that which is entmd here by
some displacement of the tablets.
Par. 5. Twan-taou was in Tsin, — ^in the east

of the pres. Ts<in Chow {^^ i)j>|), Shen-se.

The Chuen says : — *■ In spring, the marquis of
Tsin having sent Keoh K'ih to require the mar-
quis of Ts^e to attend a meeting, duke K4ng

placed his mother and her attendants [j@ ^^

simply «=s* his women'] behind a curtain so that
they might see the euToy, fwho had some bodUy
defect] ; and as he ascendea the steps, they were
heard laughing in their apartment. Heen-tsn
[The posthumous title of Keoh K*ih] was in-
dignant, and swore, " If I do not revenge this
insult, may 1 not cross the Ho again ! ** He then

tbab xvn.

DUKE SEUEN.

833

returned himself first toTsin, making Lwan King-
lea wait behind till he should have something
to report from Ts^, and charging him not to
bring him any word till he had got some charge
against it. On his arrival [at Keang] he asked
that Ts*e might be invaded, which the marquis
refused. He then begged leave to invade it with
his own adherents, which was also denied him.
*[By and by], the marquis of Ts*e sent Kaou
Koo, Gan Job, Ts*ae Chaou, and Nan-kwoh Yen
to the meeting which had been called ; of whom
Kaou Koo fled back to Ts'e from Leen-yu. The
meeting was held in summer at Twan-taou,
when it was resolved to punish the disaffected;
and a covenant was made at Keuen-ts'oo, to
which the officers of Ts*e were not admitted.
The people of Tsin seized and held Gan Job in
Yay-wang ; Ts'ae Chsou in Yuen ; and Nan-kwoh
Yen in Wftn. Fun-hwang of Meaou [This
was a son of Tow Tseaou of Ts'oo, who had
taken refnge in Tsin, after the events related
in the Chuen after VII. iv. 6] was sent to have
an interview with Gan Hwan-tsze; and on
his return, he said to the marquis of Tsin,
*'What crime is the officer Gan chargeable
with? Formerly, the States all served your
predecessors, as if they could not be prompt
oiough in doing so. [Now], they all say that
the ministers of Tsin do not treat them with
good faith, and, therefore, their minds are dis-
affected. The marquis of Ts<e was afraid he
would not be received courteously, and did not
oome to the meeting, but sent four of his officers
to attend it. Some of his attendants tried to stop
his doing so, saying, < If your lordship does not
go out, Tsin will seize and hold our messen-
gers.' It was on this account that Kaou-tsze
ran away at Leen-yu. The three other officers,
however, said, * That will destroy the friendship
between our ruler and Tsin; we had rather die
on our return [than do that].' On this account
they came on at the risk of all suffering. If
we had received them well, it would have been
the way to encourage others to come to us.
But have we not done wrong in seizing and
holding them so as to justify those who tried to
prevent tlieir being sent? What advantage can
we gain by long persisting in the wrong, so
as to make them regret that they came on ? We
only supply him who fled back with an excuse
for his conduct; and of what use is it to frighten
the States by injuring those who come to us ?"
On this the people of Tsin treated Gan-tsze
gently, and allowed him to get away.'

On the force of the 'together (^l)*' in the
account of this covenant, the critics seem to
differ, some holding that it Indicates the 'com-
mon' purpose of the States to punish Ts*e,
others their common opposition to Ts'oo. The
K*ang-he editors would extend the meaning to
•both those objects.

[The Chuen appends here: — 1st, ' In autumn,
in the 8th month, the army of Tsin returned.'
2d, * Fan Woo-tsze [Sze Hwuy . At flrst he was
invested with Suy ([^)t and is thence call Suy

Woo-tsze; afterwardsne received the city of
Fan, which became the surname of his descend-
ants^ being about to withdraw from the public
service on account of his age, he called to him
[his son] W&n-tsze, and said, " Seeh [The son's
name], I have heard that they are few whose
satisfaction or whose anger rests on its proper
object, while with many the feeling passes to
other objects. The ode (She, II. v. ode IV. 2)
says,

'If the king were to be angry [with

slanderers]
The disorder would probably be quickly

abated.
If he were to show his joy [in the good],
The disorder would probaoly quickly

cease!

Thus a superior man's being cither made pleased
or angry leads to the stopping of disorder. If
that be not stopt, it goes on to increase. Per-
haps Keoh-tsze wishes to bring the disorder he
is producing to an end by an invasion of Ts'e.
If he do not succeed in that, I am afraid he will
increase the disorder. I will declare myself too
old, and let him obtain his wish, which may
perhaps lead to the dispersion [of the present
evil]. Do you follow the other officers, and be
careful of your conduct." On this be asked
liberty to retire on the ground of his age, and
Keoh Heen-tsze became the chief administrator
of the government.']

Far. 7. Tso-she says that Shuh-heih was a
full brother of the duke, and then he gives the
following canon : — ' All the full brothers of the
eldest son, while their father is alive, are called
Kung-tsze (duke's sons) ; and when he is dead,
Kung-te rduke's brothers). The appellation
"younger brother" always denotes a full bro-
ther of the ruling duke.'

Eighteenth year.

mnK mm^hmM

334

THE CH'UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VU.

e #.i^ A -Ifc w

ip ^ ^ #c«^

z ^.n ^ It 0.

iHe.Ai^w.^.0.

ip *n eie ^ A

d:i >^ ^ 2S,

>i tfc m m ^.

XVIII. 1

2
3
4

5
6

In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, the marquis

of Tsin and Tsang, heir-son of Wei, invaded Ts'e.
The duke invaded Ke.
It was summer, the fourth month.
In autumn, in the seventh month, an officer of Choo

murdered the viscount of TsSng in his capital.
On Keah-seuh, Leu, viscount of Ts'oo, died.
Kung-sun Kwei-foo went to Tsin.
In winter, in the tenth month, on Jin-seuh, the duke

died in the State-chamber.
Kwei-foo was returning from Tsin; but when he got to

SSng, he fled to Ts'e.

Par. 1. The Chuen says : — * When the inyad-
ing armies had reached Yang-kuh, the marquis
of Ts'e had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin,
when they made a coyenant in Ts&ng, the former
agreeing that his son Keang should go to Tsin
as a hostage. On this the army of Tsin return-
ed, and Ts*ae Chaou and Nan-kwoh Yen made
their escape back to Ts*e.'

Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks this inyasion of Ts'e
was brought about by Keoh K^ih, to gratify his
resentment against that State. The E*ang-he

editors argue that it was a public moyement on
the part of the marquis of Tsin to punish Ts^
because its marquis had kept away from the
meeting at Twan-taou. Certainly the growth of
the power of Ts^ was mainly oiring to TsVi

standing aloof from Tsin as the chief among the

northern States.

Far. 8. [The Chuen appends here :^* In

summer, the duke sent to Ts*oo, to ask tiis

assistance of an army ; — ^wiahing to inyade Ti%.']

ybab xvm.

DUKE SEUEN.

335

Far, 4. Kuh-leang has ^ for ^. Ace. to

Tao-she, S^ is the eharacter employed to
denote the murder of the prince of a State by
Bome one of another State, just as ^t^ in-
dicates that the perpetrator was one of the
prince's own subjects. Tsftng, — see y.ziT.2.
In y. ziz. 4 we haye an account of a terrible
outrage by the people of Choo on a former prince
of Tsang. Wang K4h-kwan C^^^) thinks

that by jH} ^ in the text we should understand

the jtR -^, < the viscount of Choo ;'but this seems

inconsistent with the use of the character ||j^.

qX ^, howeyer, may denote— < a party of

men from Choo.*

Far. 5. Here for the frst time we have the
death of one of the Tisoounts of Ts'oo recorded.
His burial, however, is not mentioned, and there
would have been a difficulty in recording it, as
the deceased viscount must have then received
the title which he claimed of *king.' The
Chuen says: — *In consequence of the death of
king Chwang, the army [The help of which Loo
bad asked] did not come forth. Afterwards
Loo availed itself of an army of Tsin [See VIII.
ii.2], in consequence of which Ts^oo had the
meeting and covenant at Shuh (VIII. ii. 10]/

Far. 6. The object of this visit is given in the
Chuen: — *Kuug-sun Kwei-foo was a favourite

with the duke, whose elevation was due to
[Kwei-foo's father], Seang-chung. Wishing to
remove the three dans desoended from duke
Hwan, and thereby increase the power of the
ducal House, he consulted with the duke, and
went on a friendly mission to Tsin, hoping to
accomplish his object by means of the people of
Tsin.'

Par. 7. See on in. zxzii. 4.

Par. 8. The Chuen says: — *In winter, on the
death of the duke, Ke W&n-tsze [Ke-sun H&ng-
foo] said in the court, "It was Chung who made
us Kill the son of the proper wife, and set up the
son of another, so as to lose the great helper we
might have calculated on." Seuen-shuh [Tsang
Heu; son of Tsang W&n-chung, or Tsang-sun
Shin in in.xzviii. 6^, was angry, and said, "Why
did you not deal with him at the time? What
offence is his son chargeable with? But if you
wish to send their clan away, allow me to do it."
Accordingly he drove the Tung-mun clan out of
the State. Tsze-kea had then returned from
Tsin as far as to S&ng. He there cleared a
space of ground, and raised a tent on it, where
he delivered the account of his mission to his
assistant, [that it might be transmitted to Loo].
Having done so, he took off his upper garment,
bound his hair up with sackcloth, went to the
place for it and wept, gave three leaps, and left
the tent He then fled to Ts'e. The style of the
paragraph, — " Kwei-foo returned from Tsin," is

commendatory of him.' For yp> Kung and Euh
have ;Hf. The place was iu Loo.

BOOK Vm. DUKE CH'ING.

First year.

n.^n.^. ^

Jul

^ ^ w m.'i.^ A

Jt^ 1^ A W BM ^

m iU^ m §M

w i^.^ ^ iiini^.» « 3R 0»

^«AA^*i1S

I. 1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the

duke came to the [vacant] seat.

2 In the second month, on Sin-yew, we buried our ruler, duke

Seuen.

3 There was no ice.

4 In the third month, the K^ew and buff-coat ordinance was

made.

5 In summer, Tsang-sun Heu and the marquis of Tsin made a

covenant in Ch*ih-keih.

6 In autumn, the king's army was disgracefully defeated by

the Maou-jung.

7 It was winter, the tenth month.

YSiLR 1.

DUKE CIMNG.

337

TiTLB OF THE BooK.— J^ ^, *Duke ChHng.'
He was marqnia of Loo for 18 yean, firom B. C.
589—672. His name was Hih-kwftng (^ ^).
He was the son of duke Senen by his wife, a
daughter of the Hoose of Ts*e, and known as

Muh Keaug (i@ ^j^)* ^® ^^^® ^^^ account
of Seuen's marriage with her in the 1st year of
the last Book, and Hih-kwftng was, therefore,
probably about 17 years old at his father's death.
The posthumous title Ch*ing denotes 'Tranquii-
liaer of the people, and Establisher of goremment

His first year synchronised with the 17th of
king Ting (^ ^); the 10th of King (^) of

Tsin; the 9th of KHng (|£[) of Ts'e; the 10th

of Muh (;») of Wei; the 2d of King (^) of

T8<ae; the 15th of S&ing (B) of Ch*ing; the

6th of Seuen (*jg^ of Ts'aou; the 9th of

Ching (j^) of Ch4n; the 47th of Hwan of
Ke ; the 21st of W&n of Sung; the 15th of Hwan
dfS) of Tsin ; and the 1st of Shin, king Rung

(^ i 1^)' <>^ Ts'oo.
Par. 1. Seeonyi.i.l.

Par. 2. This interment seems to hare been
regular; — ^flye months after the duke's death.

Par. 8. The 2d month of the Chow year was
the 12th month of Hea's,— the last month of
the natural winter. The season must have been
one of unusual warmth, which is the reason
why we have the record.

[The Chuen appends here :~' In the spring,
the marquis of Tsin sent Kea of Hga [See the
Chuen introduced at VI. xiii. 1] to make peace
between the Jung and the king ; and duke Seang
of Shen went to Tsin to express [the king's] ac-
knowledgment of the senrice. Duke K^ang of
Lew, however, wished to take advantage of the
Jungs' being thrown o£F their guard and to
attack them. Shuh-fuh said to him, **You
will be violating the covenant, and doing de-
spite to the great State;— you are sure to be
defeated. To violate a covenant is inauspicious ;
to do despite to the great State is unrighteous.
Neither Spirits nor men will help you in such a
course; and how can you expect to conquer?"
Tlie duke did not listen to the warning, but
proceeded to invade the Maou Jung ; and in the
8d month, on Kwei-we, he received a great de-
feat from the Seu-woo tribe.*]

Par. 4. Tso-she says that this ordinance was
made because of the [impending] difficulties
with Ts*e; but of the nature of the ordinance he
says nothing. Duke Seuen, in his 17th year,
had attended the conference of Twan-taou, a
principal object of which was the punishment
of Ts*e, and had gone on to cultivate more than
Loo had done for long the friendship of Tsin.
Ta'e, it was understood, contemplated an in-
Tasion of Loo^ and Loo passed the ordinance
in the text to increase its means of defence. So
far the critics are agreed; but even Maou ac-
knowledges that the nature of the ordinance
has not been satisfactorily ascertained.

^*^ ( J^ or jS\) is a territorial designation.

Nine families occupied a tsmg (4t; see on
Mendus, in. Pt. I. iii. 13) ; 4 tsing made a ^
( &); 4 yih made a k^ewg and 4 k^iho made a Hen

('f^). A USen contained 8 squared. The ad-
dition of a /is on each side made a eh^iitg
( M#j). EB may be taken in the sense of 'a

buff-coat or ooat of mail ' * a soldier clad in a
buff -coat;' <a company of soldiera.'

Kung and Kuh both take G3 in the first of
these senses; and think that the ordinance re-
quired the people in the hSw all to make buff-
coats, — how many is not stated. But as Lew
Chiang observes, if this were the meaning, the
text should be Jg^ ^ ^ and not ^J^ ^.

Too Tu says:— < A hfw or 16 fsui^ contributed
1 war-horse and 3 oxen; a tien or 84 tsing con-
tributed 1 war-chariot, 4 war-horses, 12 oxen, 8
muled soldiers, and 72 footmen. The present
ordinance levied the contribution of a tiSea from
a hSw,' We cannot suppose that the ordinance
in the text was so extreme and oppressive.

Hoo Ghtn-kwoh, going on a conversation be-
tween T'ae-tsung ol the T'auff dynasty and his

minister Le Tsing (^ f^}, thought that

whereas a hiw had formerly contributed 18
footmen, which formed 1 keah, the number was
now increased to 25, the 4 tiw or the whole
tien thus sending into the field 100 men along
with its chariot. This view has been very
generally followed; but recently, Wan Sse-ta

( jH ^;AC)> 0* ^^^ period K'ang-he, suggested
the Tiew that the ordinance had respect simply
to the mailed soldiers of the chariot contributed
by a tien, increasing their number from three,—
the charioteer, the archer on the litft, and the
spearman or lancer on the right— to four, and
leaving the number of the footmen unchanged.
Sometimes there were 4 men, however, in the
chariot as we learn from the Chuen on the defeat
of the Teih at Heen, in the 11th year of duke
W&n ; and this he thinks was made the rule at this
time in prospect of hostilities with Ts'e. See

Par. 5. Tsang-sun Hen, — see the Chuen on
yil.xviii.8. Ch'ih-keih was in Tsin; but its
situation has not been more particularly de-
termined. Tso-she says : — * [Loo] had heard that
Ts'e was about to come forth with an army of
Ts*oo, and in summer made this covenant wiUi
Tsin.' Chaou P*ftng-fei supposes, what is very
likely, that the confederation against Ts*e, of
which we have the issue in par. 8 of next year,
was now agreed upon.

Par. 6. The Maou-jung (Kung and Kuh

hare HS jXt) had their site in the south-east

of the pres. die. of Ping-luh (2p ^), KSae

Chow, Shan-se. The defeat here sustained by
the king's troops is that mentioned in the Chuen
after par. 8. Too Tu says it is recorded now,
because it was only now, in the autumn, that it
was announced to Loo.

TOL T.

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DUKE CH'ING.

343

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II. 1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, the marquis of Ts*e

invaded our northern border.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ping-seuh, Sun Leang-

foo of Wei led a force, and fought with the army of Ts'e
at Sin-chuh, when the army of Wei received a severe
defeat.

3 In the sixth month, on Kwei-y^w, Ke-sun HSng-foo, Tsang-

sun Heu, Shuh-sun K*eaou-joo, and Kung-sun Ying-ts'e,
led a force, and joined Keoh K'ih of Tsin, Sun Leang-
foo of Wei, and the Kung-tsze Show of Ts'aou, [after
which] they fought with the marquis of Ts*e at Gan,
when the army of Ts*e received a severe defeat.

4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the marquis of Ts'e sent

Kwoh Tso to the army [of the allies], which made a
covenant with him on iLe-yew at Yuen-low.

5 In the eighth month, on Jin-woo, Paou, duke of Sung, died.

6 On K&ng-yin, Suh, marquis of Wei, died.

7 We took the lands of Wftn-yang.

344

THE CH'CX T5rEW. WITH THE TSO CHtXX.

BOOK vm.

9
10

In winter, an mrmj of Ts'oo and an army of Ch4ng made
an incoT»on into WeL

In the eleventh month, the doke had a meeting with the
Kong'ts^e YiDg-ts'e of Ts'oo in Shuh.

On Ping-shin, the doke made a covenant in Shuh with an
officer of Ts'oo, an officer of Ts^ an officer of Sung, an
officer of Ch'in, an officer of Wd, an officer of Ch^g,
an officer of Ts^ an officer of Ts'aon, an officer of Choo,
an officer of Seeh, and an officer of Tsang.

'Bj-maA-hj the mppnmA of a ^nmt luimbef of
<lMiiiil» was aaniiiiiiCHl, and the army of Ti'e
■taycd its adraaoe, faaltmg at Keoh-ken.

*J% was CSnmg-fllrah Ta-be, oanunandaat of
Sn-dkah, who thna came to the relief of Son
Hwsn tsH, and secwrwl his escape. In ooose-
qaoioe, the people of Wei woold haTO rewaided
Ya-fae with a city, bat he lefosed it, and asked
tiiat he migiit be allowed to haTe bis suspended
iustiiuuents of music disposed incompletely
[fike those of tfie prince of a State], and to ap-
pear at comt with the saddle-^iirth and bridle-
trappings of a princes—which was gnuited to

r.L TheChneassyss— ':

. theM^Di of IVe kid M|ee to Lav,
his favoaiite, Lta pHw Tsewokwei was
prisoner in atta^ing one of the gates.
■arqaissaBd, "^Do net pwt him to death,
and I win make a cofcnant with yoa, and not
enter yonr bocdeis.* The people of ftnag &I
not listen to the reqoest, bat pnt their prisoner
to death, and diMwrnbered him on Oe top of
tittwalL The marqais bei
while bis soldias strove to amnnt the wan ;
in three days lAog was taken. He
an incmaiun sonthwsids as far as Ch'lMm-k'ew.'
Too observes that he cannot account for the
ailenee of the text about this capture of Lung^
and the subsequent iucmaiun to Ch'aou-k'ew.

Par. 2. SuB-chuh was in Wei, — 801b souUi
of the pten district city of Wei (0||^\ dep.

Ta-ming^ Chih4e. The 2^ in the text has

made some critici think diat the battle was
in consequence at an invasion of Ts^ by
Wei, while its being fought in Wei k»ks as if it
were in consequence of an invasion of that State
by Tt'e. Tlie K'ang-be editors, obsenre that
Sun Lomg-foo was indeed marching to invade
Ts'e, when the army of that SUte, flushed with its
successes in Loo, met him before he had left
his own State, and defeated him. As he had
given occasion, by bis adrance towards Ts'e,

however, to the sctioD, the ^^ is used.

The Chuen says: — * The marquis of Wei sent
Sun Leang-foo, 8hih Tseib, ^ing Seang, and
Heang KHn, to lead an incursion into Ts^e, when
tbey met with the army of that State. Sheh-tseih
wished to retreat ; but Snn-tsze said, '* No. Here
we are with an army invading Ts^e. If we retreat
on*meeting with its army, what shall be said of
our ruler ? If we knew that we could not [cope
with it], we had better not have come forth.
Since we hare met it, our best plan is to fight."
In summer, ♦ • ♦ ♦

• • • «

Shih ChHng-tsze [Sbih Tselh ; J^ was his post-
humous title] said, **The army is defeated. If
yon do not wait a little [for reinforcements], I
am afraid it will be entirely destroyed. If you
lose all your men, what report will you have to
giTe [to our ruler]" The other commanders
could make no reply, and he continued, ^ad-
dressing the general]. " You are the chief muiis-
ter of the Stote. Should we lose you, it will
be a disgrace to it. Do you retire with the
great body of the troops, while I remain here [to
cover your retreat]." ♦ ♦ ♦

'When Chnng-ne [Confiictns] heard of this, he
said, ** Alas! it would have been better to give
him many citiea. It is only peculiar articles of
use, and names, which cannot be granted to other
[than those to whom they belongT; — to them a
ruler has particnlariy to attend, it is by [the
light use of] names that he secures the oon-
ildenoe [of the people] ; it is by that confidence
that he ptesenres the articlea [distinctive of
ranks]; it is in those articles that the ceremonial
distinctions of rank are hid; those ceremonial
distinctions are essential to the practice of
righteousness; it is righteousness which con-
tributes to the advantage [of the State]; and it
is that adrantage which secures the quiet (tf the
people. Attention to these things is the condi-
tion of [good] goremment. If they be conceded
where tbey ou^t not to be conceded, it is giv-
ing away the goTemment to the reeipients.
When the goTemment thus perishes, the State
will follow it ; — it is not possible to arrest that
issue."*

Par. 8. Too says that Gan was in Ts*e, and
Kuh-lcang says that it was 500 Ib from the capi-
tal of that State. But so great a distance is ir-
reconcilcable with the account which we have
in the Chuen of the immediate adTanoe of the
victors after the battle to Ting-k*ew. Gan wu
probably the same plsoe known previously by

the name of Leih-hea (Jg K),— in the pres.
dep. of Ts'e-nan. For ,^ -^ "^ Kung-yang

The Chuen says :—* Sun Hwan-tsxe retimied
to Sin-chuh ; but instead of entering it, he went
on immediately to Tstn to beg the assistance of an
army. [At the same time], Tsang Seuen-shuh
[Tsang-sun Heu] had gone to Tsin for a simtlsr
purpose; and they both lodged with Keoh Heen-
tsn [Keoh KHh; see the Chuen on VII.XTi.5],
to whom the marquis granted [an aimy of] 700
chariots [for an expedition against Ts*^]. Keoh-
tsze said, '*This was the amount of the force at

Tbak II.

DUKE CH*IXG.

345

Shing-puh [See the 28th Tear of duke He], where
it trhunphed through we wisdom of our duke
and the cautiotte Talour of hia great oiBcert,
whoee eerrant I am not fit to he." He then re-
quested a force of 800 chariots, which was granted
him. He himself commanded the army of the
centre. Sze-seeh PPan Wftn-tsze; see the 2d
Chuen appended to Yll. xrii. 6], as assistant, had
Uie command of the Ist army, and Lwan-shoo
commanded the 8d ; Han Keneh [Han H§en-taae ;
■ee account ol the hattle of Peih in the Chuen
on VII. xii. 8] being marshal of the host. And
thus they proceeded to the relief of Loo and Wei.
Tsang Seuen-shuh met the army and guided its
march, while Ke W&a-tsce [Ke-sun Hftng-foo]
joined it with the forces [of Loo].

'When the army came to the territory of Wei,
Han Heen-tsze being about to behead a man,
KMi Heen-Uze hurried in his chariot to sare
the culprit ; but before he arrived, the punishment
was inflicted. Immediately he sent [the man's
bead] all round the host, saying to his charioteer,
** I will thus share the reproach of the deed."
The army followed that of Ts'e to Sin, and in
the 6th month, on Jin-shin, it arriTed at the foot
of [monnti Mei-ke. There the marquis of T8*e
sent a challenge to flght, saying [to Keoh K*ih],
**Toa have condescended to come to my poor
State with the army of your ruler; I wiU see
you to-morrow morning with our poor levies."
Ilie other replied, '^Tsin is the brother of Loo
and WeL They came and told our ruler that
your great State was venting its indignation,
morning and evening, on their poor countries.
He could not bear [to hear of their sufferings],
and sent us, his ministers, to intercede for them
with your great State, charging us that we should
not remain with our host long in your territory.
We can advance, but we cannot retreat. You
need not trouble yourself to send [any further]
message." The nuurquis said, ** What they grant
OS is what I desire. If they had not granted it,
I should have seen them all the same."

'Kaou Koo of Ts*e entered the army of Tsin,
and with a stone struck down a man. He then
took him, and, [leaving his own chariot], mount-
ed that of the prisoner, tied a mulberry tree to it,
and so exhibited himself round theentntsncbments
of Ts*e, crying out, " If any one wants valour,
I will sell him what I have left to spare."

'On Kwei-yew, both the armies were drawn up
in array at Gan. The charioteer of the marquis
of Ts'e was Ping Hea, with Fung Ch'ow-foo as
apearman on the right. Heae Chang was chariot-
eer to Keoh K'ih, with Ciiing Ke«r-hwan as
apearman on the right. The marquis said, ** Let
me exterminate those, and then I will take my
breakfast." With this hegalloped forward, with-
out having his horses covered with mail. Keoh
K'ih was wounded by an arrow, till the blood
ran down to his shoes, but he never let the sound

of the drum cease. [At last], he said, " I am in

pain." Chang-how [HSae Chang. ^^ was his

designation] said, "At the first encounter one
arrow pierced my hand, and another my wrist.
But I broke ihem and continued my driving, till
the left wheel is of a deep purple, not daring to
speak of the pain. Do you. Sir, bear yours."
Ilwan said, " From the first encounter, whenever
we have come to difilcult ground, I have got
down and pushed the chariot along. You, Sir,
have not Known it because of your distress."

Chang-how said, "The eyes and ears of the
army are on our flag and drum. It will advance
or retire as our chariot does. While there is one
man l^t to direct this chariot, we may achieve
success. Why should you for your pain cause
the failure of our ruler's great enterprise ? V hen
one dons his armour and takes his weapons, it U
to go in the way of death; you are not in pain to
death ;— strive to combat with it." With this,
he held the reins with his left hand, and with
the right took the drumstick, and beat the
drum. The trained horses urged on, unable to
stop, followed by the army. The army of Ts*e
received a great defeat; [and the marquis] was
pursued thike all round [the hill of] Hwa-foo-
choo.

'Han Keueh had dreamt, [the night before],
that Tsze-yu, [his father], said to him, " Avofil
both the left and the right [of the chariot]." In
consequence of this, he drove in the middle
place, and pursued the marquis of Ts'e. Ping
ilea said, '* Shoot the driver; he is a superior
man." The marquis said, " Since you call him
a superior man, it would be contrary to rule to
shoot him." He shot therefore the man on the
left, who fell down below the chariot, and then
the man on the right, who died in it. [Just then],
Ke Woo-chang, who had lost his own chariot,
came up to Han Keueh, and asked that he
would take him into his. He agreed to do
so, but with his elbow moved him away flrst
from the left and then from the right, and
made him stand behind himself. [Soon after],
he bent forward and adjusted the body of the
spearman who had been on the right, [which
gave an opportunity toj Fung Ch'ow-foo and
the marquis to change places. When the fugi-
tives had nearly reached the spring of Hwa, one
of the outside horses was caught by a tree, and
stopped. Ch*ow-foo, [some time before], had been
lying in a sleeping carriage, when a snake made
ita appearance beneath him, which he struck
with his elbow. It bit him, and though he had
concealed the wound, he was now unable to
push the carriage on, and the pursuers came up.
Han Keueh went with a rope in his hand before
the marquis's horses, bowed twice with his head
to the ground, and then presented to him a cup,
with a peih in it, saying, '*My ruler sent us to
intercede with you on behalf of Loo and Wei,
charging us not to allow our army to enter deep
into your lordship's territory. Unfortunately,
I found myself thrown among the soldiers, and
could not avoid my present position. I was afraid,
moreover, that if I fled away so as to escape from
it, I should disgrace both my own ruler and
your lordship. And being now in the position
of a soldier, I venture to tell you of my want of
ability, and to undertake the ofilce [of your
charioteer], so supplying your present need."
Ch*ow-foo then made the marquis descend from
the chariot, and go to the spring of Hwa to
fetch some water, when he was received into an
attendant chariot by Ch'ing Chow-foo, Yuen
Fei being the spearman on the right, and made
his escape. Han Keueh presented Ch'ow-foo
[as the marquis] to KSoh Heen-tsze, who, [on
discovering the fraud], was about to put him to
death. The prisoner cried out, "Henceforth
no one will Uke upon himself in his room
ttte danger to which his ruler is exposed. One
such person there is here; and will you put him
to death 7" Keoh-tsze said, '* This man did not

TOL T.

346

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vni.

shrink fW)Tn the risk of death to eecare the j
escape of his ruler ; — ^if I execute him, it will be
inauspicious. I will forgive him as an encourage-
ment to those who wish to senre their ruler."
Accordingly, he spared his life, and in the mean-
time, the marquis, after his escape, thrioe entered
{the army of Tsin], and thrice issued from it,
iooklng for Ch^ow-foo. Every time he hurried
on at the head of his soldiers to stimulate those
who wished to retire, and then he entered
among the Teih men, who presented their apears
and their shields, covering him till he pasted
through them into the army of Wei, which al-
lowed him to make his escape.

*The army then went through the pass of
Seu, the marquis charging the commandants
[of the cities] whom he saw to exert themselves
to the utmost, as the army was defeated. [Some
one] urged a woman to get out of the way, but
ahe said, ** Has the marquia escaped ?" Being
told he had, she said, *^ Has the commander of
the vanguard escaped ?*' Being told again that
he also had escaped, she said, ** Since the mar-
quis and my father have escaped, it does not
matter so much ;*' and ran away. The marquis
considered that she was a woman of propriety;
and finding on inquiry that she was the wife of
the superintendent of entrenchments, he gave
him the city of Shih-lew.

'The army of Tsin pursued that of Ts^e, en-
tering the country by [the city of] K'ew-jni,
and going on to attack Ma-hing. The marquis
sent Pin Me-jin [Kwoh Tso; but why he is thus
designated here lias not been fully explained]
to offer [the invaders] the steamer and the
musical stone of jade [wliich Ts'e had taken]
from Ke, and tlie territory [ot Wei and Loo,
which it had taken]; and it this would not
satisfy them, to ascertain what they wanted,
pin Me-jin offered these bril)e8 ; but the general
of Tsin refused [to grant peace for them], and
required that Ts*e should deliver up the daugh-
ter of T'ung-shuh of Seauu iis a hostage, and
make the divisions of the fields in all the State
run from east to west. The messenger replied,
" The daughter of T'ung-sltuli of Seaou is no
other than tlie mother of our ruler. Our States
are of equal ranfc, and she in not inferior to the
mother of the ruler of Tsin. If you, in giving
out your great commands to the States, say to
them, *■ You must pledge the mothers [of your
rulers] with us as the proof of your good faith,*
what will be the character of such a course in
relation to thecommandsof the [former] kings?
And moreover, it is to command men not to be
filial. The ode (She, ULii. ode II. 5) says:—

* For such filial piety unceasing.
There will for ever be conferred blessing
on you.*

If you command the other princes to be unfilial,
will you not be causing the fellows of your ruler
to do what is not virtuous ?

* The former kings, in laying out the bound-
aries and divisions of the land, examined the
character of the ground so that the greatest
benefit might be derived from it. Hence the
ode (She, II. vi. ode VI. 1) says: —

*We have laid out the boundaries and

smaller divisions,
The south-lying and cast lying acres.'

But now when yon would lay out the fields of
the other States, and say, * Their divtsions mutt
all run only from east to west,' tuch an arrange-
ment would be of advantage only to your war-
chariott. There is no regard in it to the
character of the ground; — it not this to disown
the commands [and example] of the former
kings ?

* To go against the former kings is to he un-
righteous ; — how can [the State which does to]
be lord of oovenantt? Tsin is here in error.
The kindly rule of the four [great] kings waa
seen in their establishment of virtue, and in
their sympathy with and furtherance of the
common wishes of all the people. The presi-
dency of the five leaders of the States was tig-
nalized by their laborious cherishing of theStatet,
and leading them to obey the commands of the
kings. But now you seek to unite all the State*
for the gratification of your own limitless
desires. The ode (She, IV.iil. ode IV. 4} says,

* Mildly he spread the rules of liis govern-
ment abroad,
And all dignities became concentrated in
him.'

You indeed hare not that mildness, and yon
throw away [from Tsin] those dignities; but
what harm can the [other] States receive ftom
that?

* If you do not accede [to our request for peace],
my ruler commissioned me to deliver this fur-
ther message : — With the armies of your ruler
you came to our poor State, and with our poor
levies we gave largess to your followers.
Through the terror inspired by your ruler, our
troops were defeated and dispersed. If you.
Sir, will kindly extend your favour to the for-
tunes of the State of Ts*e, and not destroy our
altars, but allow the old friendship between your
State and ours to be continued, then we shall not
grudge giving up the precious things of our
former rulers and the lands [which they had
taken]. If you will not grant us this, then we
will collect the fragments of our forces, and ask
for another battle before the walls of our capitaL
Should we have the good fortune (to win it),
we will still obey your orders. Should we not
have that fortune, we shall much more not dare
hut listen to your commands."

Loo and Wei strongly urged [Reoh Kih], say-
ing, " Ts'e is angry with us. Those who have
died in battle are the marquis's relatives and
favourites. If you do not grant [his request
for ]>eiu;e], his enmity to us will he extreme.
And what can you be seeking for ? You have
got the most precious things of his State. We
have also got our territory, and are relieved
from our difficulties. Your glory is great, and
between Ts^e and Tsin, victory is Uie gift 0(
Heaven; Tsin cannot be sure of it." Or Mit,
the general of Tsin agreed to grant peace, ie<r
plying [to Pin Mei-jinJ, "We brought our cha-
riots here, to make intercession for Loo and
Wei. That we are now furnished with an an-
swer which we can carry back to our ruler, is
from the kindness of your ruler. We dare do
nothing but listen to your commands." K*in
Ch'ing then proceeded from the army to Loo to
meet the duke."

Par. 4. Of Yuen-low (Kuh-l§ang has 4£3£f

and says it was 50 h from the capital of Ts'e),

Ykas n.

DUKE CU'ING.

347

the site is not exactly determined. Chang Heah

says it was in the west of the pres. dis. of Lin-

taxe, dept. Ts^ing-chow. Others find it in the

dis. of Tsze-ch'nen (y^ A^^), dep. Tse-nan.

The Chuen says : — * In autumn, in the 7th month
the army of Tsin approached the capital of Tfi*e.
Kwoh Tso made a covenant at Yuen-low, by
which the people of Tain were required to re-
turn to us the lands of Wftn-yang.'

[The Chaen adds here :— *The duke [of Loo]
met the army of Tsin at Shang-ming, and to
each of its three commanders (Keoh K^ih, Sze
Seeh, and Lwan Shoo) he gave a carriage of
leather, with the robes of a minister of three
degrees. The marshal of the host, the superin-
tendent of entrenchments, the master of the
chariots, the master of the scouts, and the other
great officers inferior to them, all received the
robes of an officer of one degree.*]

Par. 5. The Chuen says : — * In the 8th month
duke Wftn of Sung died. He was the first [duke
of Sung] to whom they gave an extravagant in-
terment, using mortar made of [burnt] frogs
[for the walls of the grave], with more than the
usual number of [earthen] carriages and [straw]
horses. For the first time men ( ? images of men)
were interred with the corpse. The number
of articles prepared for such an occasion was
augmented. The outer coffin was made with
4 pillars, aod the inner one was ornamented
above and on the sides. The superior man
will say: — **Hwa Yuen and Yoh Keu did not
act on this occasion as ministers ought to
do. It is the part of ministers to control the
lestless movements and remove the errors of
their ruler, striving to do so even at the risk of
their lives. These two officers, while their ruler
was aliTO, allowed him to take the way of error;
and when he was dead, they acted as if they
were increasing his extravagance. They aban-
doned their ruler to wickedness, having nothing
aboutthem of the proper character of nunisters."

Par. 6. The marquis of Wei must have died

cither during, or immediately after, his return
from Ts'e. Knng-yanggives bis name 4^ instead

d Hg. The Chuen says:— < In the 9th month,

duke Muh of Wei died. The three generals of
Tain, on their way from the campaign [in Ts*e],
went [to the capital of Wei] to offer their con-
Meneee, and wept outside the great gate [of
the palace]. The officers of Wei met them there,
and the women wept inside the gate. The same
rule was observed when the generals were escort-
94 away;— «nd this became the regular method
of condolence when there was to be an interment
pn Wei].'

[The Chuen appends here two long narra-
tives:— 1st, *When Ts'oo punished the Head
of the Hea family in Ch'in [See VIL xi. 5,
•ad sead the Chuen there and on ix. 18, x. 8]
king Chwang wanted to take [his mother],
H&i Ke, to his harem ; but Woo-shin, duke of
Shin, ssid to him, ** Do not do so. You called
out the States to punish a criminal. If you
BOW take Hea Ke to your harem, it will be
tbreugh deaire of her beauty. Such desire is
]«rdii6is, and lewdness is a groat crime. One of
$bm Books of Chow [Shoo, V.ix.2] says, *He
SloitKatBd virlna ana carefully abstained from
wickedness;' — it was thus that King Wftn made

Chow [what it became]. 'He iUnstrated hi8<
virtue;' — that is, he did his utmost to exalt it.
^He carefully abstained from wickedness;' —
that is, he did his utmost to put it away. If,,
having roused the States to this expedition, you
go on to commit a great wickedness, that is not
careful abstinence from it. Let your lordship
well consider the matter." The king on this
desisted from liis purpose.

* Tsze-f an then wislied to take her ; but Woo-
shin said to liiin, " She is a woman of evil omen.
She brought [her brother] Tsze-man, to an early
death ; proved the death of [her husband] Yu-
shuh; occasioned the murder of the marquia
Ling, the execution of [her son] Hea Nan, tlie
expulsion of R'ung and £, and the ruin of the
State of CliMn. What more inauspicious a wo-
man could there be ? Man's life is encompassed
with difficulties; — is there any one who cannot
[naturally] find death ? There are many beau-
tiful women in the world ; — why must you have
this one?" Tsze-fan on this [likewise] gave up
his purpose.

The king then grave her to the Leen-yin, Seang
Laou, who died at the battle of Peih [In the
12th year of duke Scuen], though his body had
not been found. His son Hih-yaou then had a
connection with her; but Woo-shin sent •
message to her, saying, ^* Return [to Ching],
and I will make you regularly my wife." He
further brought it about that they should send
from Ch'ing to call her then\, on the ground
that the body [of her husband. Seang Laou]
could be found, and that she must come and
meet it. [Heaj Ke informed the kin^ of this
message, who asked K'enh Woo [Woo-shin] aboul
it. Woo-shin replied, *The thing is true. The
father of Che Ying [A prisoner in Ts^oo, since
the battle of Peih] was a favourite with duke
Ch'ing [of Tsin], and is the youngest brotiiev
of Chung-hang Pih [Seun Lin-foo]. He h^ia
recently been made assistant-commander of the
army of the centre, and is very friendly with
Hwang Seuh of ChMng. He is nmch attached
to this son, and is sure, through Ch'ing, to offer
to restore our king's son [A prisoner, since the
same battle, in Tsin] and the body of Seang
Laou in exchange for him. The people of Ch4ng
are afraid [of Tsin] in consequence ut the battle
of Peih, and anxious to conciliate its favour, so
that they will agree to the wishes of Che Ying's
father." [On hearing this], the king sent Hea
Ke back to Cli'ing, and aa she was about to
commence the journey, she said to those who
were escorting her, " If I do not get the body
[of my husband], I will not return here." [Thua
she went to Ch'ing, and by and by], Woo-shin
made proposals of marriage with her to the eaji
of Ch4ng, who accepted them.

'After the accession of king Kung [in Ts'oo]
when he was arranging for the expedition to
Yang-k*eaou [In the winter of this year], he sent
K'etth Woo to go on a friendly mission to Ts^,
and to inform the marquis of the time of taking
the field. Woo-shin took all his family along
with him, and was met by Shin Shuh-kwei, who
was going to Ying in the suite of his father.
Shuh-kwei said to him, * How strange I You
have the anxiety of all the armies of the State
on your mind, and yet you are aa bright
aa if proceeding to an encounter among the
mulberry trees. You ought to be steeling
a marriage with some lady!" When Woo-

s »

TEi CS.'Z

BOOK YUI.

wOt Vat OOOHOO,

the amiy of IVoo

Wlacnjojed

; our Ute ruler,

jing, "When

to ffCAch to di«taot

plaaii to abov tindnew and

people, and use theoi

fton

kind to the

gsve hrip to the needy, and

He then laiaed all the

Stote. The king't own troopa alw

Ming drove the king's ttarioCi

Kii« oflVae on the left, and duke

the right. Theae tvo

toaecnreiL
Pair.M^OL TheChnennjas—* Dolce Seven
_jid aent to aak the Mend^ip [and aid! of
TaSmrSeethe Chnoi aflerTILxniL8and5],
hoi in caonaeqnenee of hia death and that of
tiny Qiwai^ Loo and TVoo had not beoome
allied. When dnke Ching anececded to the
State, he accepted a covenant with Trin, and
knned that State in the invasion of Ti^e. [At
titt aame time], the pe^e of Wei had negle&ed
to aend any.nuasion to Taxx^ and had alio ac-
cepted a covenant with Tdn, and followed it
againat TftV. Tsae-diHing, the chief minister
of TsHx), therefore, made the expedition of
Tang-k*aum for the reUef of Ts^e. When he
was about to raise the army for the aenrice, he
taSd, ''Our ruler is young, and we are not equal
to the great olBcers of a fonner day. We shall
lequlre a large force in order to soooeed. The
ode (She, IILi. ode hZ) says,

into

at Shoh. The duke wished

[Sencn-shuh] to it, bat he

_ [The army off TaSx> has come

far, and been king on the way. It Is sure to with-

diaw, and I do not dare to receive the lame of

* Tk*oo then advanced

[MlngHeen-taae^

called alao Chang-aun MediJ begged leaye togo

it fto retreat]. He took with him 100

I, lOOfemale embroidererB, and aamany

with [the duke*8 aon] Kung-hlng, as a

and with them requeated a oovoiant,

TVoo agreed to make peace.

'In the 11th month, the duke, with Ung

ri(nh*s] son, Tlng-ta«e of TsHm, the marquis of

Trne, the baron of Hen, Tueb, great officer of

the i^t, of Tsin, Hwa Tuen, of Sung, Knng-

Ktng of Qiin, Son Leang-foo of Wei, the

Knng-tsaeK*ea-tsth of Ching, and a great officer,

of Ts^ made a covenant at Sbuh.'

IW-she adds: — 'The names of the ministen
of the different States are not given in the text^
thia was an imperfect oorenant. It
may be called so, because they were at this time
afraid of Trin, and made the oorenant with
Ts'oo by atealth. The marquis of Ts'ae usd
the baion of Heu are not mentioned, because
they had occupied Uie carriage of [the Tisooont
of] TsHx), and might be said to hare lost their
llie superior man will say, " His rank ii
what a man must be careful ofl When once ths
rulers of Ts*ae and Hen had failed to asesit
their rank, they were not numbood with the
princes of the States ;-^ow much greater would
be the conseqi^^mce to men of tnfmor station!
What the ode (She, lU. iL ode Y. 4) aays,

' Hot being idle in their atationa,
Th^ secure the repose of the people,'

may be applied to a case like this."*

Siuh was a place bdonging to Loo,— ia ths
weat of the dis. of T'ae-gan, dep. of the sane
The K'ang-he editors observe that tihe

is the lint thM
any scion of tne House of Tste is thw
designated; that the precedence given to Tli^
and Tiin in p. 10 shows the power of tiioM
States; and that Tso-she is right in the leasoa
whidi he assigns for the abeeaoe of TVm vA
Hen in the cnumaratioii.

^ -^ in p. 9 bef ore n. ^ ia
that any scion of the House of

Tbar III.

DUKE CH'ING.

349

[The Chuen giyea here the two following nar-
ntiyes: — let, 'When the anny of Ts^oo reached
8ung [on its return], Kung-h&ng [See aboye
in the Uut ChnenJ stole away from it, back to
Loo. Tsang Seuen-shuh said "Hftng-foo, in
thus shrinking from the discomfort of a few
years, has had no regard to the welfare of the
State of Loo. How shall the State deal with
the case? Who will sustain the consequences?
Hereafter, the people will hare to suffer
them. The State has been abandoned.** During
this expedition, Tsin avoided Ts^oo through fear
of the multitude of its army. The superior man
will say, " Numbers cannot be dispensed with.
Oreat officers, having the authority in their
hands, could overcome by numbers; — ^how much
more must an intelligent ruler who uses his
numbers well do so ! What * The great Declara-
tion ' (Shoo, in. L Ft. ii. 6) says, about Bhang's
having millions of people, divided in heart and
Chow*s having ten men united, illustrates the
value of numbers (?)*"]

2d. * The marquis of Tsin sent Kung-soh [Sze
Chwang-pih -{^ ^ >f j^] to Chow with the
prisoners and spoils of Ts*e, but the king would
not see him, and made duke Seang of Shen decline
[the offerings], saying, *' When any of the wild
tribes, south, east, west or north, do not obey
the king's commands, and by their dissoluteness
and drunkenness are violating all the duties of
society, the king gives command to attack them.
Then when the spoils taken from them are
presented, the king receives them in person, and
rewards their punishers; — thus curbing the

disrespectful, and encouraging the meritorious.
When States, ruled by princes of the same
surname with the royal House, or by princes of
other surnames, are doing despite to the king's
rules, he gives command to attack them. Then
an announcement is made of the service perform-
ed, but no trophies of it are presented : — [the
king] in this way showing his respect for his
relatives and fViends, and preventing rude license
[in the punishment]. Now my uncle [of Tsin],
having obtained a victory over Ts*e, yet has not
sent any of his ministers commissioned by me
to guard and comfort the royal House. The

messenger whom he has sent to comfort me, the
One man, is this Kung-pih, whose office gives
him no introduction to the royal House, which
is contrary to the rules of the former kings.
Though I wish to receive Kung-pih, yet I do
not dare to disgrace my unde by setting at
naught the old statutes. And Ts*e is a State
ruled by princes of another surname, descend-
ants of the grand-tutor [of king Wftn]. Grant-
ing that its ruler rudely indulged his own
desires so as to excite the anger of my uncle^
would it not have been sufficient to remonstrate
with him, and instruct himf**

*To this speech Sze Chwang-pih could make
no reply, and the king entrusted the entertaining
of him to his three [principal] ministers. They
treated him with the ceremonies due to the great
officer of a president of the States, announcing
his ruler's conquest of his enemies, — a degree
lower than the ceremonies proper to a high
minister. The king also gave him an entertain-
ment, and presented him privately with gifts,
making the director of the ceremonies say to
him, ** This is contrary to rule. DonotmaJtea
record of it.***]

Third year.

ni o

urn XMM

350

THE CHUN TS-EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEX.

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Tbab ni.

DUKE CH'INQ.

351

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m ir T a -^ w.

III. 1

2
3

8
9

In his third year, in spring, in the king's first month, th«
duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the
marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ts'aou, in invading
Ch'ing.

On Sin-hae there was the burial of duke Muh of Wei.

In the second month, the duke arrived from the invasion
of Ch'ing.

On Keah-tsze the new temple took fire, when we wailed
for it three days.

On Yih-hae there was the burial of duke Win of Sung.

In summer, the duke went to Tsin.

K'eu-tsih, duke [Muh's] son, of Ch'ing led an army, and
invaded Heu.

The duke arrived from Tsin.

In autumn, Shuh-sun E'eaou-joo led an army, and laid
siege to Keih.

There was a grand sacrifice for rain.

Keoh K'ih of Tsin, and Sun Leang-foo of Wei, invaded the
Tseang-kaou-joo.

In winter, in the 1 1th month, the marquis of Tsin sent
Seun KS,ng to Loo on a friendly mission; and the mar-
quis of Wei sent Sun Leang-foo on the same.

352

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vin.

13 On Ping- woo we made a covenant with Seun K&ng, and

on Ting-we we made one with Sun Leang-foo.

14 Ch4ng invaded Heu.

Far. 1. This par. ahowa how the weaker
States oscillated between the two great ones of
Tsin and TsH>o, making covenants with them,
and immediately after breaking them, accord-
ing as the pressure came from them. Loo,
Sung, Wei, and Ts*aou had all been parties
with Ching to the covenant at Shuh, in which
the presidency of Ts'oo was acknowledged, only
two months before this ; yet here they are, at
the summons of Tsin, banded together with it,
and invading Ch'ing. The Chuen says: — ^In
the 8d year, in spring, the States [mentioned]
invaded ChHng, when their armies halted at
Pih-new; tlie object being to avenge the battle
of Peih [? Sufficient reasons for the attack of
Ch*ing may be found without going back so far
as that battle]. A detachment then proceeded
eastwards into tlie country, which was met by
duke [Muh'sl son, Ten, who defeated it at
K*gw-yu, having previously placed an ambus-
cade at Man in the eastern borders. Hwang
Seuh proceeded to Ts*oo with the trophies of
this victory.'

As the last earl of Ts*aon and the marquis of
Wei were both unburied, their successors should
not be mentioned here by their titles, but sim-
ply as H^ -7- and ^ -?-, according to the

*n*logy of -^ -^ in V.ix.2. Why this «vlo-

lation of rule,' as Too calls it, is committed here,
we cannot tell. The failure of the enterprise is
also kept back.

Par. 2. Kung-yang has d» for i^. The
interment took place a month behind ^ proper
time. The delay was probably occasioned by
the expedition against Ch*ing.

Par. 4. By ^Sf ^, 'the new temple,' we

are to understand the temple or shrine-house of
duke Seuen. So Kung-yang says expressly-—

^P ,^ ^ ^, and Kuh-leang has, to the

same e£fect, — Hn b'. The three years of

mourning for hitnnad been completed, and his
Spirit-tablet had been solemnly and regularly
inducted into the shrine-house proper to it [See
on IV. ii. 2], when thus, shortly after, it took fire.
It was according to rule for duke Cliing and his
ministers to wail 8 days on such an occurrence.

Par. 6. The extravagant interment given to
duke Wftn is described on p. 5 of last year.
Perhaps it was in the same spirit that the
funeral was delayed, as if he had been emperor,
till the 7th month after his death.

Par. 6. Tso-she says that the duke now went
to Tsin to make his acknowledgments for the
lands of W&n-yang, which Tsin had compelled
T8*e to restore to Loo.

Par. 7. K*eu-t8ih was the name of Tsze-

ISsng (-^ jp^), a son of duke Muh of ChHng,

who appears, very creditably to himself, in the
Chuen on VII. iv. 3. Tso says that he now in-
vaded Heu, because that State, relying on the
protection of Ts*oo, would not serve Ch*iug. It
will be remembered how the earl of Ch'ing ex-

tinguished, or nearly so, the State of Heu in
the 11th year of duke Yin. The young prince
of Heu recovered his patrimony in the 15di
year of duke Hwan ; after which the text re-
cords sundry invasions of Heu by Ching, tili
the 6th year of duke He, when Ts'oo laid siege
to its capital, and Ching waa obliged to cease
from troubling Heu in deference to Uiat stronger
power. For some reason or ot^er, Ch*ing now
thought fit to revive its ancient claims.

Par. 8. [The Chuen introduces here the fol-
lowing narrative, a aequel partly to the first
introduced after par. 6 of last year: — *The peo-
ple of Tsin restored the Kung-tsze Kuh-shin
and the body of the Leen-yin, S^ang Laou, ask-
ing that Che Ting might be sent to Tsin in ex-
change for them. At this time Seun Show,
[Che Ting's father], was assistant-commander
of [Tsin's] army of the centre, and* on that ac-
count Ts'oo agreed to the exchange. When the
king was sending Che Ting away, he said to
him, ''Do you feel resentment against me?"
Ting replied, " Our two States were trying the
appeal to battle, when I, through my want of
ability, proved unequal to the duties of mv
position, became a prisoner, and, lost my left
ear. That your servants did not take my blood
to smear their drums with [See Mencius, I. Pt.
I.vii.4], and that you now send me back to
Tsin to be punished there, is your kindness. I
have to blame only my own want of ability;
— against whom should I feel resentment f*
"Then," continued the king, "do you feel
grateful to me?" "Our two States," was the
reply, " consulting for the [security of] their
altars, and seeking to relieve the toils of their
people, are curbing their an^, and exercising a
mutual forgiveness. Each is giving up ita pris-
oner, to establish the good understanding be-
tween them. The good of the two States is
what is contemplated ; there is no special refer-
ence to my [good]: — to whom ahould I presome
to be grateful?" The king went on to ask,
" When you return to Tsin, how will you repay
me ?" Ting replied, " 1 have nothing for wh&di
to feel resentment, and your lordship has no-
thing for which to demand gratitude. Whers
there is no resentment and no gratitude, I do
not know what is to be repaid." "Tea,** urged
the king, " but you must give me aa answer."
Ting then said, "If, through your lordship, I,
your prisoner, get back with my bonea, to Tsin,
should my ruler there order me to execution, in
deaUi I will remember your kindness*. If by

Sour kindness I escape that fate, and am de-
vered to [my father] Show, who is not a mini-
ster of Ts^oo, then should he request permission
from our ruler, and execute me in our ancestral
temple, I will still in death remember your
kindness. If he should not obtain permission
to inflict such a doom, but I be appointed to the
office hereditary in my family ; and should
troubles then arise, and I be leading a troop to

look after the borders of Tsui, and meet with

your officers, I will not presume to avoid them.

I will do my utmost, even to death, and with

an undivided heart discharge my duty as a

Ykab IV.

DUKE CHING.

353

Msrvant [of Tiin] : — it is thus I will repay you.*'
The king said, "Tain is not to be contended
with." He then treated Ying with exceeding
courtesy, and sent him back to Tsin.']

Par. 9. Tso observes that when Loo took or
received from Ts*e the lands of Wftn-yang, the
city of Keih refused its submission, and in
consequence Sbuh-sun K'eaou-joo now laid siege
to it, and, we must suppose, took it. According
to this, Keih was in the territory of W&n-yang.
It is referred to the pres. dis. of Fei-shing, dep.
T*ae-gan.

Par. 10. See on II. v. 7.

Par. U. The tribe of TsSang-kaou-joo is
mentioned in the last Chuen on V. xxiii., where
we also learn that the surname of the chief was

R^. Kung-yang gives the name with a oSC

instead of J^, and Koh-leang with a Jj^. Tso-

she says that the reason for the expedition was
that the Tseang-kaou-joo were a remnant of
the Red Teih. He adds, 'When it is said, "The
Tseang Kaou-joo dispersed,*' we are to under-
stand that the chief had lost his hold on the
people.'

Parr. 12, 13. The Chuen says : — * In winter,
in the 11th month, the marquis of Tsin sent
Seun K&ng to Loo on a friendly mission, and to
renew the covenant [between Loo and Tsin]
riliat made at Chih-keih, in Ch'uig*s Istyearj.
The marquis of Wei [also] sent Sun Leang-fuo
on a similar mission, and to renew the covenant
between Loo and Wei [That in the 7th year of
duke Seuen]. The duke consulted Tsang Seuen-
shuh saying, "The station of Chung-hang Pih
(Seun K&ng) in Tsin is that of a minister of the
8d degree, while Sun-tsze is in Wei its niiniHter
of the 1st degree. With which shall I covenant
first ?" Seuen-shuh replied, " A minister of the
1st degree in a second-rate State corresponds to
one of the 2d degree in a great State ; its 2d degree
corresponds to the great State's 3d ; and its 3d
degree to the great State's great officers of the
highest class. In a small State, the minister of
the 1st degree corresponds to a great State's of

the lowest ; the 2d degree to the great State's
highest class of great officers, and tlie 3d degree
to the second class. These are the relations of
high and low [as concerns ministers and great
officers], fixed by ancient rule. Now Wei, as
compared with Tsin, cannot be regarded as a
State of the 2d degree; and Tsin is lord of
covenants: — give the precedence to it.*' [Ac-
cordingly], on Ping-woo a covenant was made
with Tsin, and on Ting-we, with Wei;>-which
was right'

Par. 14. [We have here three narratives ap-
pended in the Chuen : — 1st. * In the 12th month,
on Keah-seuh, Tsin constituted six armies [See
the Chuen at the end of V. xxriii.]. Han Keueh,
Chaou Kwoh, Kung Sob, Han Ch'uen, Seun
Chuy, and Chaou Chen, were all made high
ministers, — in reward for their services at Gaii.'

2d. * The marquis of Ts*e paid a court-visit to
Tsin. When he was about to deliver his symbol
of jade, Keoh K*ih ran forward and said, "This
visit is on account of the laughter of your lord-
ship's women, and the disgrace thereby inflicted
[on me] [See the Chuen on VII. xvii. 5];our
ruler dare not accept this ceremony." Wlien
the marquis of Tsin was feasting him of Ts'e,
the latter looked [stedfastly] at Han Keueh,
who said, "Does your lordship know me?"
"Your clothes are (Afferent," was the reply [See
the account of the battle of Gan, p. 3 oflast
year]. Han Keueh ascended the steps with a
cup of spirits, and said, ' I did not presume not
to risk my life, in order that your lordships
might meet in this hall." '

3d. 'When Seun Ying was [a prisoner] in
Ts'oo, a merchant of Ch4ng formed a plan to
convey him out of it in a bag of clothes. The
plan was not carried out ; but when Ts'oo had
restored Ying, the merchant went to Tsin, wliere
Ying treated him as well as if he had really deliv-
ered him. The merchant said, " 1 did not do the
service, and dare I receive this treatment as if I
had done it? I am but a small man, and must
not for my own advantage impose on a superior
man." He then went to Ts^e/]

Fourth year.

n I o

VOL V.

354

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VIIL

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It.

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IV. 1

3
4

6
7
8
9

In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, the duke of Sung
sent Hwa Yuen to Loo on a friendly mission.

In the third month, on Jin-shin, Keen, earl of ChHng,
died.

The earl of Ke paid a court-visit to Loo.

In summer, in the fourth month, on Keah-yin, Tsang-sun
Heu died.

The duke went to Tsin.

There was the burial of duke Seang of Ch4ng.

In autumn, the duke arrived from Tsin.

In winter, we waUed Yun.

The earl of ChHng invaded Heu.

Par. 1. Before this liine, in all the period of
the Ch^on Ts'ew, Sung had sent no friendly
miMion of inqnity to Loo. It had sent no
response even to the mission of the Kung-taze
Suy in W&n's 11th year, lliere was probably
some reason for Hwa Yuen's visit more than
what Tso-she assigns, — that it was to open
communication with Loo on the part of the new

duke of Sung (jg^ g^ g").

Par. 2. On Too Yu*s scheme of the calendar,
Jin-shin was the 28th day of the 2d month.

Par. 3. lliis earl of Ke was married to a
daughter of Loo, of whose return to her native
State, divorced, we read in the 1st par. of next
year. Tso says the visit he now paid to the
court of Loo was in preparation for that event ;
—to explain, that is, the reasons which made it

advisable. On the ^j^, see on VL xii. 2.

Par. 4. Heu had been an important officer
of Loo. He was succeeded by liis son, Heih

(jjjfc), known as Tnog-son Woo-dixug (^

#).

Parr. 5,7. The Chuen says; — 'When the
marquis of Tsin saw the duke, he did not be-
have to him with respect. Ke W&n-tsxe [Ke-
sun H&ng-foo] said, ** The marquis of Tsm is
sure not to escape [a violent death]. The ode
(She, IV.i. [iii.]Ul.)Bays,

* Let me be reverent, let me be reverent
Heaven's method is clear; —
Its appointment is not easily preaerved.'

The appointment of the marquis of Tsin de-
pends on the States ; ought he not to treat them
with respect?" In autumn, when the doke
came n)aL'k] from Tsin, he wished to seek for a
frieudly understanding with Tk'oo, and to re-
volt from Tsin; but Ke Wftn-tsxe said to him,
* You should not do so. Though Tsin has be-
haved unreasonably, we should not revolt frum

Y«A» V.

DUKE CH'INQ.

355

it. Hie State is large; its ministen are har-
monioiu; and it is near to us. The [other]
States reoeive its orders. We may not yet
cherish disaflfection to it. The work of the
historit^^pher Tih says, * If he be not of our
kin, he is snre to have a different mind.' Al-
though Ts^oo be great, its ruler is not akin to
US ; — will he be willing to love us ?" On this,
the duke desisted from his purpose.'

Par. 6. There were troubles, probably, in
Ch4ng, which occasioned this hasty interment
of duke Seang.

P»r.8. §P.-Kung.yanghas^. Toothinks

that the duke walled Yun, as a precautionary
measure against Tsin, having it in mind to
revolt from it. If this be a correct guess, then
the Yun here must have been on the west
of Loo, and a different place from the Yun
in VI. xii. 8, which was fortified against any
attempts <rf Keu from the east. But ace.
to Too, on XI. X. 4 there was a Yun in the dis-
trict of WAn-yang; and I agree with the K^ang-
he editors in approving the view of Tae K*e

Cj£ jSL I Sung dyn., towards the end of the
12th cent.) that this was the city in the text, and
that Loo now fortified it, simply to strengthen
itself, without reference to Tsin. The Cliuen
on p. 7 says that the duke had desisted from his
purpose to brave that power.

Par. 9. The Chuen says : — * In winter, in the
4th month, Kung-sun Shin of ChMng led a force.

and endeavoured to lay out the boundaries of
the fields of Hen, [which Ch*ing had taken in
its recent inroads]. The people of Heu defeat-
ed him at Chen-p^, when the earl of Ch'ing in-
vaded that Slate [himself], and took the lands
of Tseu-jin and Lmg-tun. Lwan-shoo of Tsin,
in command of the army of the centre, with
Seun Show, as assistant-commander, and Sze
Seeh, assistant-commander of the 1st army, in
order to relieve Heu, made an invasion of Ch'ing,
and took Fan-chae. Tsze-fan of Ts'oo then
came to the relief of Ch*ing; and the earl of
Ch'ing and the baron of Heu sued each other
[before him], Hwang Seuh pleading the case
of the earl. Tsze-fan could not detennine the
matter in dispute, and said, " If you two princes
will go before my ruler, then he and some of his
ministers will hear together what you want to
prove, and the merits of your case can be known.
If you will not do so, then I (Tsze-fan's name

was iB||) ^^ ^^^ ^^ myself able to ascertain

the merits of it."'

The critics dwell on the incongruousness of
the earl of ChMng's being so styled, and of his
engaging himself in the invasion of Heu, before
the year in which his father died was expired.

[The Chuen adds here: — *In winter, Chaou
Ying [A younger, or the youngest, brother of
Chaou Tun, the great minister of Tsin in
duke Wftn's time] had an intrigue with Chaou
Chwang-ke (Chwang-ke was the wife of Chaou
Sob, or Chaou Chwang-taze, the son of Chaou
Tun).']

Fifth year.

m ^^

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a n.

356

THE CH UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VIII.

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In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, the third daughter [of duke W&n, who had been
married to the earl] of Ee, came back to Loo.

Chung-sun Meeh went to Sung.

In summer, Shuh-sun K'Saou-joo had a meeting with Sean
Show of Tsin in Kuh.

[A part of] mount Leang fell down.

In autumn, there were great floods.

In winter, in the eleventh month, on Ke-yew, the king [by]
Heaven's [grace] died.

In the twelfth month, on Ee-ch^ow, the duke had a meeting
with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts^e, the duke
of Sun^, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Gh^g,
the earl of Ts^aou, the viscount of Choo, and the
earl of Ee, when they made a covenant together in
Ch'ung-laou.

Ykar V.

DUKE CHISG.

357

Par. 1. See on tlie 3d par. of last year.
Conip. also VII. xvi. 3, where we have a similar
reconl c»nceming another daughter of Loo. The

4S^ ijS In the text could not be a daughter of

duke Ch*ing who was now only about 21 years
old. Nor is it likely she was a daughter of duke
Seuen, for his eldest daughter's marriage appears
4 years after this The remarks of Uoo Gan-
kwoh on this passage are, perhaps, worth
translating: — 'The Ch'un Ts^ew is careful in
recording the marriages and divorces of the
daughters of Loo, because tlie relation of hus-
band and wife is the greatest bond of society.
When a son is bom, the parents wish to get
bim a wife, and for a daughter they wish to
get a husband. This is characteristic of all
parents; and if they cannot select a proper wife
and a proper husband, then the lot of husband
and wife is bitter, and occasion is given to
lewdness and evil. The royal laws attach great
importance to this matter; it lies at the root of
the human relations ; and the Classic ia careful
in recording it, as a warning to future ages.'

[The Chuen continues the brief narrative at
the end of last year: — *This spring, [Ting's
brothers], he of Yuen (Chaou T^ung), and he of
Ping (Chaou- Kwoh), banished him to Ts^e. He
said to them, '* While I am here, I can prevent
the House of Lwan from rising [against us] ; if
I be gone, you, my brothers, will have to be
Borry [for your step]. £yery body has what he
can dO) and what he cannot do. What harm
will your letting me alone dor" His brothers
would not listen to him.

* Ying dreamt that Heaven sent [a Spirit] to say
to him, *^ Sacrifice to me, and I will bless you."
He sent and asked SzeChing-pih [Sze Uh-chuh]
about the dream, who said he did not know its
meaning. Afterwards, however, he [Probably
Ching-pih] told it to one of his followers, who
said, ** Spirits bless the virtuous, and send ca-
lamity on the lewd. When one guilty of lewd-
ness escapes without punishment, he is blessed.
Is his banishment to be a consequence of the
sacrifice ?" The day after he sacrificed [to that
Spirit], be went into exile.*]

Par. 8. *This visit to Sung,' says Tso-she,

*was the return for Hwa Yuen's visit to Loo,'
in the spring of last year. It will be remem-
bered that Chung-sun Meeh is often mentioned
as Mftng Heen-tsze.

Par. 4. Kuh,— see m. vu. 4. It was in Ts'e.
Tso-she says that Seun Show (Kung has
^f instead of gf) had gone to Ts'e to meet
the bride [Probably for his ruler], and therefore
Seuen-pih (K'eaon-joo) [met him at Kuh] with
A supply of provisions for his journey.'

Par. 5. Mount L^ang was in Tsin,— 90 le to
the north-east of the pres. dis. city of Han-shing,
dep. Se-gan, Shen-se ; — see on the Shoo, III. i.
Ft. 14. The Chuen says:— * When a part of
mount L^ng fell, the marquis of Tsin sent
couriers to call Pih-tsung to him. Pih-tsung
met a waggon, which he told to get out of the
way to make room for his fast carriage. The
waggoner said, " You will make more speed by
taking s short road than by waiting for me."

Pih-tsung anked him what place he was of,
and he replied, **0f Keang.'* He then asked
what was taking place there. ''Mount Leang
has fallen," said the man, "and [the marquis] is
calling Pih-tsnng to consult aoout what is to
be done." " And what do you think should be
done ?" pursued the oflScer. " When a mountain
becomes disintegrated, it falls down ; what can
be done?" was the reply. "However, [each]
State presides over [the sacrifices to] the hills
and rivers in it; therefore when a mountain
falls or a river becomes dry, the ruler in conse-
quence does not have his table fully spread,
does not appear in full dress, rides in a carriage
without any ornament, hushes all his music,
lodges outside the city, makes the priest pre-
pare ofierings, and the historiographer write a
confession of his faults, and then does sacrifice
[to the hills and rivers]. This is what the
ruler has to do ; what else can he do, even with
the advice of Pih-tsung?" Pih-tsung wished
to introduce the man at court, but he refused.
However, he told what he had heard from him,
and gave counsel accordingly.'

[The Chuen gives here two narratives: — 1st.
' Duke Ling of Heu accused the earl of Ch'ing
in Ts'oo [See the Chuen on p. 9 of last year] ;
and in the 6th month, duke Taou of Ching
went to Ts'oo to reply. He did not succeed,
however, and the people of Ts'oo seized and held
Hwang Seuh, and [duke Muh's son], Tsze-kwoh.
On this account, when the earl of Ch'ing return-
ed, he sent the Kung-tsz& Yen to ask for peace
with Tsin. In autumn, in the 8th month, the
earl of Ch'ing and Chaou Kwoh of Tsin made a
covenant at Ch'uy-keih.' 2d, * Wei-kwei, duke

[Wftn's] son, of Sung, returned from being a

hostage in Ts'oo. Hwa Yuen made a feast for

him, when he asked [duke Kung] that he might

leave his palace amid drums and clamour, and

return to it in the same style, saying, " I will

practise how to attack the Hwa family." On

this the duke of Sung put him to death.']

Par. 6. This was king Ting (^ ^). Some-
how this par. has got transposed in the Chuen,
and follows the next. No remark is made on it
which is contrary to Tso-she's practice, and has
set Too Yu conjecturing that the par. is an in-
terpolation.

Par. 7. Ch*ung-laou was in Ch'ing,— 3/^
north from the present dis. city of Fung-k'ew
(^^ J^), dep. K'ae-fung. The Chuen says:
— *In winter, the States [mentioned] made a
covenant together at Ch'ung-laou;— on occasion
of the submission [to Tsin] of Ch'ing. They
were consulting about another meeting, when
the duke of Sung made Heang Wei-jin decline
on his part, on account of the difllculties about
Tsze-ling [The Wei-kwei in the 2d narrative
after par. 6].'

On ^ see IIL xvi. 4. It here much perplexes
the critics. The famous Ch'ing E interprets it
of the parties thus meeting with one accord,
neglectful of the duties incumbent on them upon
the king's death!

858

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEH.

Si^th year.

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Year VI.

DUKE CH'INO.

359

VI.

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10
11

Wife,

mSL\

In his sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the

duke arrived from the meeting [at Ch'ung-laou].
In the second month, on Sin-sze, we set up a temple to

[duke] Woo.
We took Chuen.
Sun Leang-foo of Wei led a force, and made an incursion

into Sung.
In summer, in the sixth month, the viscount of Choo came

to Loo on a court-visit.
Kung-sun Ying-ts'e went to Tsin.
On Jin-shin, Pe, earl of Ch'ing, died.
In autumn, Chung-sun Meeh and Shuh-sun K'eaou-joo

led a force, and made an incursion into Sung.
The Kung-tsze Ying-ts*e of Ts*oo led a force, and invaded

Ching.
In winter, Ee-sun HSng-foo went to Tsin.
Lwan ShOo of Tsin led a force and relieved Ch*ing.

Far. 1. [The Chuen introduoes here :— ' Thii
•prSng, the earl of Ch*iDg went to Tsin to pay
his acknowled^onents for the peace [to which
Tsin had admitted him], Taze-yew [The Kung-
laze Ten in the Ist Chuen after p. 5 of last year]

attending him. He delivered his mace of jade

on the east of the eastern pillar [of the hall J, on
which Sze Ching-peh r Sze Uh-chuh) said, *« The
death of the earl uf Cn*ing cannot be far off.*'
He quite forgets himself. His eyes roll about>

«c««^

THZ CE C5 T^EW. WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VUI.

in !sxs puce
Ik wt^ boc fire

Pac: 3. T«-^e ^Wbos tti aifc» jt ^ **

a pauiise <jf ▼tcTury/ <ir *a temple of
T!i]» tJJiisen. itfr — ^Iii riie^ :M HMWid> K«
W|n>iBKL oa airtMiinc jf 'iie >ii:uir« it GflOL flEft
wg a aBDoifs 'if ^S'lrt — w^tuiril ws <:t>n£zarr fei>
RIL& ~A :5taaid~ itf^MBdiau >m ac&tan 6» iav« a

iimic <ssOkbuA a dhoraciv fir

T^ «9GU3UJ:ia]Bl£B£ if t&at Wlf fTIX

d:aei£ aui mit fna adtera.' Too

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dbkc ^ ^tmxhi rear a aKionmBK «tf itis tiiiiBiph
Bb oa bNfSBL. viszL WBttt <if c&a crgki^ to tMJot

j( BE *» «BBa of j^ ^ ^infcs Woo,' »

Tlbqr

IrfW Wick

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T!ii»

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t^ thixLk» r^ brint rvoird ta tbe text iacxmatw

tktf ig—e wica vtLJL'k cb« uunc vat acv«ffip£&*^0d.

Fte. 4. Tbe Ch mett saTs :^- la (be ;ki\BoedL
PiJk^fesaBir sn*i H<»a-Ta0«r Toifk of Tsiil S«n
L^o^-tW and yiny Seaiar of W«u aB odicvr of
Chiz^. tb« JaB^ oc' E and L*)& [5e« tke Chvea
af^MT V.xLif]. thotw gf Ljh^&wAa rS!« tW CbaeB
ar'Wr T. xsiL :i] lad (be Maa-^h^. ■
cursioB iDU> >iizu£» — Uicasw [cbe duke]
t^'iicaed to anend th«t mee«inir [priipoMd at
Ch'UBc-iatftt w When their ^rmj va:» at £*€«■»
the |i«ev>9te of Wet wvt* nt>t Baintaintn:^ anj
fcnanU and Yoeb vL>bed to ouAke a da^ apoB
iu capttAk]. saTin^. "> Ahhoo^ we bmj bo4 be
able to enter tt. jvt we ^h^ill brin^ back manj
pnsooerft. and o«r off^ncv wtU not be deeflDwd a
DKirtal «»e-* Pih>t»iin«« bowexer. said, -^Xol
Wei is tmstin^ T^in : and thefvt'oce. tboa|[li oar
annr » in the oatsktrt» of the citr. tt has made
no prefMKratk^ns a^raicLM an attack, if we make
a da$h apoo it. we abandvMi oar i^iod faith.
Thoaich we shi>ttld take uumx prisoaera* jet
baTin^ lost oar faith, how euoWl T>in seek the
leading of the States ?** Tneh then gare np his
purpose. When the annjr retained, the peufile
of Wei manned their parapeta."

Since the natoie of the attack on Sanit was
aa here de^scribed in the Chnen. it i:» not easr to
andeTStand whj the text should simplj' at-
tribute it to Wei Nor can we acci>nnt for the
•ndden purpuge of Yneh of Tsin to attack WeL

(The Chnen ftirea here the foUowin^r nam- [
tiTe aboat Tsin: — 'The people of Tsin were
consulting about learing Qheir capital at] old
Kcang; and the great officers all said. ^We ,
must oi-cupT the site of the [former] Sean-
hca. The soil is rich and fruitful, and it

' tte Mh narsh. Tbcfe is profit in
the people; and enjoTment for the
S«eh a site ie noC to be kwl." [At this
] Has UeeD-tsae [Han Keueh] commanded
J of the centre, and was also high
The marquis bowed to him to
which he did to the court before the
: and as they stood there, the
asked his opinion on the subject. Heen-
''At SeoB-hM the soil is thin
shallow. The eril airs about it are
eamtj developed. This will make the people
mmiwJtkt. Ib their miseiy thej wiU become fee-
bieaad Stressed ; and then we shall hsTe swollen
fcfs^ and an the di ir s sps generated by damp. The
site thin, is Bot fike that of Sin-t^een, where
the soft is good and the water deep. It may
be uttBpied without fear of disease. There
are the Fbb aBd the Kwci to carry away the
evil sirs; ttsd the people, mofeorer, are dodle. It
otfersadvaatages for ten generations. Mountains,
fctests, and nlt-grounds are indeed
to a State; but when the country
and fndtfal, the people grow proud and
Where a capital is near such precious
the ruling House becomes poor; — such s
be c^led enjond^le." The marquis
and followed the suggestion. In
; in the 4th month, on Ting-ch'ow, Tsin
its cental to Sin-t^een.*]
Psrr. 6;» S. Kimg-sim Ting-ts'e was the son
of Shnh-heth, whose death is mentioned in VIL

xTn.& He was the grandson C^.^) of duke
Win. He is knows as Tsae-shtih Shing-pih
(^^ItSffi)- HieChuensaysr-'Tsie-
shuh Shing-pih went to Tsin, and got orders
[for Loo] to inrade Sung. In autumn, Ming
HtCB tsae and Shuh-sun Seuen-pih made an
iBCBrsaoB iBto SuBg, according to the orders of
Tsin.'

Pkr. 7. Too obserres that in this death of the
earl of Chnng — duke Taou — we hare the fuUU-
meat of Sae Ching-pih's words in the Chuen
after par. 1.

Plsr. 9. Tm-she says, *Tsze-ch'nng of Tis^oo
invaded Ching; because C3i4ng was [now] fol*
lowing the party of Tsin.*

Plsr. la Tso says the object of this visit was
to congratulate Tsin on the transf ereixse of its
capitaL Chaou P*ing-fei, however, thinks it
was to tell Tsin of the subtuission of Sung, as in
p. 3 of next year we find that State again con-
federate with Tsin against Ts*oo.

Pur. 11. Kung-yang has ^t instead of 5n^;

— evidendy an error. The Chnen says : — * Lwan
Shoo of Tsin [marched] to rdieve Ching, and
at Jaoa-ki.ih, met with the army of Ts*oo which
retired from the State. The army of Tsin then
pruceeded to make an incursion into Ts^ae, to the
relief of which came the Kung-tsaoee. Shin and
Shing. with the forces of Shio and Seih, which
took up their position at Sang-suy. Chauu
Tmng and Chaou Kwoh wished to ri»k a battle,
and begged Woo-tsze [Lwan Shoo] to do so.
He was about to adi'de to their request, when
Che Chwang-tsze [Seun Show], Fan Win-ts»
[Sze Seeh], and Han Heen-tsae [Han Keoeli]
remonstrated, saying, ^ Do not. we came to re-
lieve Ching. and when the army of Ts^oo mored
away from us, we came on liere. Thus we have
transferred the scene of our attack ; and if we

ybar vn.

DUKE CUBING.

361

go on to attack the army of Ts'oo, shall enrage it,
and be sure to lose any battle. Even shoald
we conquer, it will not be well. We came out
with all oiir hosts; and should we defeat the
forces of two districts of Ts*oo, what glory will
there be in the achievement ? But should we
not be able to do so, the disgrace will be extreme.
Our best plan is to return.'* Upon this, the
army returned to Tsin. At this time nearly all
the leaders of the army wished to fight, and some
one said to Lwan Woo-tsze, ** The sages found
the way to success in the agreement of their
wishes and those of the multitude. Why not
[now J follow the multitude? You are commander-
in-chief, and should decide according to the views

of the people. Of yonr eleven assistant command-
ers there are only three who do not wish to fight ;
— those who wish to fight may be pronounced a
great majority. One of the Books of the Shang-
shoo (Shoo, V. iv. 24") says, 'When three men
obtain and interpret tne indications and symbols,
two [consentingj are to be followed;* — the two
being the majority." Woo-tsze said, " [To follow]
the best is as good as to follow the multitude.

The best are the lords of the multitude. Such

are the three high ministers [who advise against

fighting] ; — they may be called a majority. Am

I not doing also what is proper in following

them?"

Seventh year.

VOLxV,

362

THE CnxrS Ts-EW. MTTH THE TSO CHTEX.

BOOK YHL

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VII. 1

2
3

In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, in the king's first
month, some field mice ate the horns of the bull for the
border sacrifice. It was changed, and another divined
for; but the mice again ate its horns, on which the
bull was let go.

Woo invaded T*an.

In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Ts^aou came
to Loo on a court- visit.

There was no border sacrifice, but still we offered the
sacrifices to the three objects of Survey.

In autumn, the Kung-tsze Yiiig-ts*e of Ts'oo led a force
and invaded Ch'ing. The duke joined the marquis of
Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the mar-

Tbar YU.

DUKE CH'ING.

363

8
9

quis of Wei, the earl of Ts^aou, the viscount of Keu,
the viscount of Choo, and the earl of Ke, in relieving
Ch'ing; and in the 8th month, on Maou-shin [these
princes] made a covenant together in Ma-ling.

The duke arrived from the [above] meeting.

Woo entered Chow-lae.

In winter, there was a great sacrifice for rain.

Sun Lin-foo of Wei fled from that State to Tsin.

Parr. 1, 4. Coupling these two paragraphi to-
gether, as it would seem we ought to do, we
must conclude that the border sacrifice referred
to was not that at the winter solstice, but that
in the spring, as in V. zxxi. 3, and that the bulls
whose horns were injured were those which
were being fed for that somewhat distant cere-
mony. Many critics contend that the sacrifice

was that of the solstice;— tee the ^^ j^ ^/^

^ ^' ^ ~P £' ^^^ par. 4 is fatal to
that view.

The he is described as the smallest of all mice.
The wound of its bite is said to be poisonous,
and I have heard the same afiirmed in Scotland
of the bite of the harvest mouse. At the same
time, the pain may not be felt immediately, and
hence it is called Hhe mouse of the pleasant

mouth (~H^ [3 ^L^-' ^^ Heang and a host

of critics dwell upon the event as a mysterious
figuring of the state of things in Loo, where
the ruling family was coming more and more
into contempt, and mean men were usurping
the power of the State. Chaou P*ftng-fei speaks
the views of others, saying that the thing was
firom Heaven thus intimating its dissatisfaction
with Loo's usurpation of the border sacrifice.
Some more sensibly see in the narrative only
the record of a remarkable fact, — though we
must believe that it was superstition which
prompted the undue regard which was paid to
such occurrences.

On ^g --^ ^z, see on V. xzxi. 5. The of-
fering of these sacrifices in the 5th month was
an irreg^larit}', which uiiglit be recorded and so
animadverted on.

Par. 2. This is the first mention of Woo in
the text, and in the Chuen it is only once be-
fore mentioned,— on VII. viii. 7. Its lords were
viscounts, descended from T*ae*pili, the cele-
brated, self-denying, son of king T*ae, of whose
virtue Confucius speaks ui the Analects, VIII. i.
The 1st capital of the State was called Mei-ie

(>nS y ). in the pres. dis. of Woo-seih (ffl£

^St), dep. Chang-chow (*S 444), Keang-soo.

Afterwards, at a time subsequent to the present,
the capital was removed to a place in the pres.
dep. of Soo-cliow. It will be seen immediately
that at this time the States of the north still re-
Iparded Woo as wild and uncivilized. The sim-
ple ^^ of the text is supposed to be expressive
of contempt; but there is no real ground for
such a view. T^an, — see VII. iv. 1.

The Chuen says: — *Woo invaded T'an, and
T'an submitted to the terms of peace [which it

imposed]. Ke WAn-tsze said, "The Middle
States do not array their multitudes, and the wild
tribes of the south and east enter and attack
them, while there is none to pity the sufferers.
rT*an] has no comforter.' It is of such a case
that the ode (She, II. iv. ode VII. 6) speaks,

* O unpitying great Heaven,
There is no end to the disorders.'

When the highest State offers no condolence,
what one is not liable to similar injury? We
shall perish, and that soon.** The superior man
will say, *' That he knew to be th\is apprehen-
sive was a proof that he would not perish.'* '

[The Chuen here adds:—' Tsze-leang of Ch4ng
attended duke Ch^ing of Cli*ing on a visit to
Tsin, that he might, [on his accession to the
State], be introduced [to the marquis], and to
give thanks for the army [of relief, of the past
year.']

Par. 3. Tso-she observes that this was duke
Seuen.

Par. 5. Ma-ling was in Wei, — 50 le to the
south-east of the pres. dept. city of Ta-ming.
The Chuen says: — ^Tliis autumn, Tsze-ch*ung oi
Ts'oo invaded CIiMng, and encamped with his
army at Fan, when tlie States came to relieve
it. Rung Chung, and How Yu of Ch4ng as-
saulted the army of Ts*oo, and took prisoner
Chung-e, duke of Yun, whom tliey presented to
Tsin. In the 8th month, the [assembled] States
made a covenant together at Ma-ling, renewing
the covenant at Ch'ung-laou [In the 5th year],
and recognizing the submission of Keu [to Tsinj.
The people of Tsin took Chung-e back with
them, and kept him a prisoner in the arsenal.'

Par. 7. Chow-lae was a city belonging to

Ts^oo, — 80 /e north of the pres. city of Show

Chow (^^ 444), dep. Fung-yang, Gan-hwuy.

Immediately on its appearance on tho scene of
the Ch'un Ts^ew, Woo becomes the antagonist
of Ts*oo, and the balance of power nmong tlie
States is sensibly affected. The Chuen says: —
'After the siege of [the cnpital of] Sung by
Ts'oo [in the I4th year of duke Seuen], wlien the
army returned, Tszc-ch'ung requested that he
might receive certain lands of Shin and Leu an
his reward, to which the king conscuted. Woo-
shin, duke of Shin, however, represented the
impropriety of the grant, saying, "It is these
lands which make Shin and Leu the States they
are. From them they derive the levies with
which they withstand the States of the North.
Take them away, and there will be no Shin and
Leu. Tsin and Cli'ing are sure tb come as far
as the Han." On this tho king gave up all
thought of the partition, but the resentment of
Tsze-ch'ung against Woo- shin was excited.

364

THE CH*UN TS-EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vm.

' When Tsze-fan wished to take Hea Ke to his
harem, Woo-shin interfered to prevent him,
through he afterwards married her himself,
and left Ts'oo [See the Chuen after p. 6 of the
2d year]. In consequence of this, Tsze-fan also
resented Woo-shin*s conduct; and when king
Knng succeeded to his father, these two ministers
put to death Tszo-yen, Tsze-tang, and Fuh-ke,
commandant of Tsing, the kinsfolk of Woo-shin,
destroying also their families. They put to death
in the same way Hih-yaou, the son of Seang-
laou, and then divided the property of their
Tictims among themselves [and their friends].
Tsze-ch*ung took the property of Tsze-yen, and
made the commandant of Shin and the king's
son P^e diride that of Tsze-tang, while Tsze-fan
took all that had belonged to Hih-yaou and the
commandant of Ts4ng. Woo-shin then sent
them a letter from Tsin, saying, ^^You have
served your ruler with slanderous malice and
covetous greed, and have put to death many
innocent persons. I will cause you to be weary
with running about on service till yon die.'*

* After this, Woo-shin obtained leave from
the marquis of Tsin to go on a mission to Woo,
the viBcount of which, Show-mung, was pleased
with him. In this way he opened a communica-
tion between Woo and Tsin. He went to Woo

with a hundred choice chariotmen, and he left a
fourth of them [This passage is obscure] with
some archers and charioteers, who taught the
men of Woo how to ride in chariots, and how
to form the order of battle, leading them on to
revolt from Ts^oo. He [also] left his son, Hoo-
yung, to be minister of Woo in its communications
with other States. Woo then began to attack
Ts'oo, invading Ch*aon and Sen, to the relief of
which Tsze-ch'ung was obliged to hurry. After
the meeting at Ma-ling, when Woo entered
Chow-lae,Tsze-ch'ung hurried there fromCh*ing.
Thus it was that he and Tsze-fan in one year
flew about on seven different commissions. The
tribes of the south and east which belonged to
Ts^oo were all taken by Woo, which now began
to have much communication with the superior
States [of the north].'

Par. 8. See on II. y,7,etaL

Par. 9. This Sun Lin-foo was the son of Sun
Leang-foo, the chief minister of Wei. The city
held by the family was Ts'eih, which Lin-foo
would appear to have surrendered to Tsin. The
Chuen says: — ^Duke Ting of Wei hated Sun
Lin-foo, who left the State this winter, and fled
to Tsin. The marquis went to Tsin, which restor-
ed Ts'eili to WeL' We shall find hereafter this
Lin-foo a great trouble to Wei.

Eighth year.

I ^iJ.T ^ <&• % ^

-sr%o

Tbab VUL

DUKE CH»ING.

365

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366

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vm.

mm m^nmB.m^

t..^. It %M m # ZM

VIIL 1 In the [duke's) eighth year, in spring, the marquis of

Tsin sent nan Ch^uen to Loo, to speak about the
lands of W&n-yang, which were [in consequence]
restored to Ts'e.

2 Lwan Shoo of Tsin led a force, and made an incursion

into Ts*ae,

3 Kung-sun Ying-ts'e went to Keu.

4 The duke of Sung sent Hwa Yuen to Loo on a friendly

mission.

5 In summer, the duke of Sung sent Kung-sun Show to

Loo, to present his marriage-offerings.

6 Tsin put to death its great officers, Chaou T^ung and

Chaou Kwoh.

7 In autumn, in the seventh month, the son of Heaven

sent the earl of Shaou to confer on the duke the
symbol [of investiture].

8 In winter, in the tenth month, on Ewei-maou, [duke

W&n's] third daughter, [who had been married to
the earl] of Ke, died.

9 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze Seeh to Loo on a friendly

mission.

10 Shuh-sun K*eaou-joo joined Sze Seeh of Tsin, an officer

of Ts^e, and an officer of Choo, in invading T*an.

11 An officer came from Wei, with ladies of that State to

accompany to her harem [the bride of the duke of
Sung.J

Far. 1. After the battle of Gan, Tsin had re-
quired Ti'e to restore to Loo the lands of Wftn-
yang, and Loo had taken possession of them,
as lelated in p. 7 of 2d year; but now, to gratify
Ts^ Tsin exerts its authority and obliges Loo
to restore the territory to it The Chuen says : —
'On this occasion, Ke Wftn-tsxe made a feast to
Han Ch'aen on the way, as he was leaving, and
then privately said to him, " Your great State,
by its righteoos decisions, maintains its claim to
pfeside over covenants; and on this account the
[other] States cherish its favours and dread its
punishments,' without any thought of disaffection.

At to the lands of Win-yang, they were an old

possession of our poor State^ and after the ex-

pedition against Ts'e you caused it to restore
them to us. Now you give a different command,
requiring us to restore them to Ts^. Good
faith in the doing what is right, and righteous-
ness in the carrying out its orders: — tbeee are
what the small States hope [from Tsin], and for
these they cherish it. But if your good faith
is not to be seen, and your righteousness is not
to be found, which of all the States will not
separate from you? The ode (SheyLvLods
IV. 4} says,

* I am not different.
But you are double in your ways.
It is you, Sir, who observe not the perfect ruls,
Thus changeable in your conduct.'

Year VHI.

DUKE CH^ING.

367

Here in the space of 7 years, jon give us [Wftn-
yang] and you take it awav; — what greater
changeableness could there be? The gentle-
man [in the ode], by his changeableness, lost
[the affections of] his wife; what must not the
prince who assumes to be the leader of the
States lose? He is to employ the influence of
virtue ; but when he changes about, how can he
long retain [the attachment of] the States?
The ode (She, III. iL ode X. 1} says,

' Tour plans do not reach far,
And tlierefore I strongly admonish you.'

Apprehensive lest Tsin, by the want of a far-
reaching foresight, should lose the States, 1
have ventured privately thus to speak to vou."*
Par. 2. In the Chuen on p. 11 of the 6tn year
we have the troops of Tsin making an incursion
into Ts*ae, wliich was relieved by Ts'oo, when
Tsin withdrew from the fleld. Tsin now again
attacks Ts*ae, and goes on to enter Ts^oo. I'he
Chuen says: — *Lwan Shoo of Tsin made an
incursion into Ts^ae, and went on to an inroad
into Ts'oo, when he captured [the great officer],
Shin Le. After the army of Ts*oo withdrew
ffrom Jaou-koh, in the 6th year], the troops of
Tsin made an incursion into Shin, and captured
its viscount, Tseih. This wAs through [Lwan
Shoo*8] continuing to take the advice ot Che,
Fan, and Han. The superior man will say,
"lie followed the wise and good, as on the
course of a stream, and right it was [lie should
be so successful]." llie ode (She, Ill.i. ode
V.3) says,

* Our amiable, courteous prince
Extensively used the [good] men.'

[So did king Wlin], seeking for the wise and
good; nnd he who uses such is sure to accom-
plish much.**

* During this expedition, the earl of Ch*ing
was going to join the army of Tsin, when he
attacked the eastern gate of [the capital of]
Hen, and got great spoil.*

Par. 3. Tso-she says: — *Shing-pih went to
KeUf to meet his bride.' The case is analogous
to that of the Kung-sun Tszc inV.v.S. See
the Chuen there.

Par. 4. Tso-she would assign to Jf& here a

more definite meaning than usual. He says the
object of Hwa Yuen's visit to Loo was to ar-
range about a marriage between the eldest
daugiiter of duke Seucn and the duke of Sung

(J& ^^ jtp). This may have been— proba-
bly was — the object of the minister's visit, but
the W& alone gives no intimation of it.

Par. 5. Tso-she says this proceeding was
according to rule. Princes of States observed
only two ceremonies preliminary to their mar-
riage;— the contract and the offerings or pre-
sents of silk. They did not themselves appear
in the negotiations, being subject to the general
rule that marriages should be made by the pa-
rents. Of course when a prince was not married
till after his accession, there could be no father
living to get his wife for him; and, as the duke
of Sung appears hero sending Kung-sun Show
with tlie offerings, Maou observes that his mo-
ther also must have been dead.

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — *Chaou Chwang-
ke of Tsin, because of the banishment of Chaou

Ting [See the Chuen at the end of the 4th year,
and after p. 1 of the 5th] slandered [his brothers]
to the marquis of Tsin, saying, ** (the lords ofj
Yuen and Ping are intending to raise rebellion,
and [the chiefs of] the Lwan and Keoh [clans]
can attest the fact." In the sixth month, [there-
fore], Tsin put to death Chaou THmg and Chaou
Kwoh. Woo [the son of Chaou Sob] was brought
up by [his mother Chwang], the lady Ke, in the
ducal palace [and so escaped] ; but the maxquis
gave the lands [of the Chaou family] to K<e He.
Han Keueh represented to him, saying, ** Thus,
notwithstanding the services of Ch'ing-ke [Chaou
Ts'uy] and the loyalty of Seuen-mftng [Chaou
Tun], they are left without any posterity ; — this
is enough to make good servants of the State
afraid. The good kings of the three dynasties
preserved for several hundred years the dignity
conferred by Heaven; — there were bad kings
among them, but through the wisdom and vir-
tue of their predecessors, they escaped [the ex-
tinction of their sacrifices]. In one of the Books
of Chow (Shoo, V. ix. 4) it is said, " He did not
dare to show any contempt to the widower and
widows ; — it was thus that [king W&n] display-
ed his virtue." On this [the marquis] appointed.
Woo [the representative of the Chaou family],
and restored to him its lands.

A different account of the disasters of the
Chaou family and its narrow escape f^m ex-
tinction is given by Sze-ma Ts*een; — see the
Historical Records, Book XXXIU. The * His-
tory of the various States,' Book LVH., embel-
lishes the story, and makes a tale of romantic
interest out of it.

Par. 7. For ^ Rung and Kuh have ^; but

it seems impossible toestablish any distinction be-
tween the meaning of those terms. They are both
applied to a gift from a superior to an inferior

(•^ ± ^ T -^ ll{^>- P«>«p^a. the
K'ang-he editors think, ^& is more appropriate

where the gift is one of favour, and ^^ where
it is according to established conventions. The
reader will observe the use of ^P -4r for the

king, instead of ^3E ^^^^^ ^® ^•^^ hitherto
found. Tso-she tells as that the earl of Shaou
in the text was duke Hwan. As to the symbol
sent to duke Ch4ng, see on VI. L 5. In duke
W&n's case, however, it was sent at the proper
time, immediately after he succeeded to his
iather. Here it comes Mate,* as Too Yu says

[The Chuen adds here: — *The marquis of
Tsm sent Woo-shin, duke of Shin, on a mission
to Woo. Having asked leave to pass through
Ken, he was standing with duke K'eu-kew above
the city-moat, and said to him, *' The wall is in
a bad condition.*' The viscount of Keu replied,
"Keu is a poor State, lying among the wild
tribes of the east; who will think of taking
any measures against me?" Woo-shin said,
" Crafty men there are who think of enlarging
its boundaries for the advantage of the altars of
their State; — what State is there which has
not such men? It is thus that there are so
many large States. Some think [there may be
such dangers] ; some let things take their course.

368

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vm.

But a brave man keeps the leayes of his door
shut; — ^how much more should a State do so! *]

Par. 8. See y. 1. Tso-she sajs the record of
her death was made, because she had come back
from Ke.

Parr. 9, 10. The Chuen says:—* On this
occasion, Sze Seeh spoke about [Loo's] invading
T*an. because it was rendering service to Woo.
The duke offered him bribes, and begged that
the expedition might be delayed. W&n-tsze fSze
Seeh], however, refused, saying, "My ruler's
command admits of no alteration. If I fail in
my faith, I cannot stand [in Tsin]. Gifts can-
not be admitted among the ceremonies due to
me. The business cannot be done to please both

my ruler and you. If your lordship come after
the other princes, my ruler will not be able to
serve you [any more]." Seeh was about to
return with the duke's request to Tsin, when
Ke-sun became afraid, and sent Seuen-pih with
a force to join in the invasion of T'an.'

Par. 11. See on I.vii 1. The bride of the duke
of Sung — known as Kung Ke — was famous, it is
said, for her worth; and the States contended
for the privilege of sending their daughters to
accompany her to the harem. The canon which
Tso-she lays down, that such attendant ladies
must be of the same surname as the bride, and
not of a dififerent surname, was broken down,
we shall see, in her case.

Ninth year.

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870

THE CU'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BQUK VUL

3
4

IX. 1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, in the king's first

month, the earl of Ke came to Loo, to meet the coffin of

duke W&n's third daughter, and took it back with him

to Ke.
2 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the

marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei,

the earl of Ch'ing, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscount of

Keu, and the earl of Ke, when they made a covenant

together in P'oo.
The duke arrived from the meeting.
In the second month, duke [Seuen's] eldest daughter went

to her home in Sung.
In summer, Ke-sun H&ng-foo went to Sung, to celebrate the

completion of the above lady's union with the duke of

Sung.
An officer came from Jsin with ladies of that State to goto

the hareui [of Sung].
In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ping-tsze, Woo-yay,

marquis of Ts'e, died.
The people of Tsin seized and held the earl of Ch*ing, and

Lwan Shoo of Tsin led a force and invaded Ch^n^.
In winter, in the eleventh month, there was the burial of

duke K'ing of Ts*e.
The Kung-taze Ying-ts*e of Ts^oo led a force and invaded

Keu. On KSng-shin the people of Keu dispersed, and

the troops of Ts'oo entered Yun.
A body of men from Ts'in and the white Teih invaded

Tsin.
A body of men from ChHng laid siege to [the capital of]

Heu.
We walled Chung-shing.

11
12

Par. 1. The Chuen says:— * The carl of Ke
came thas tu meet the coffin^ because we had
asked him to do so. The record [In p. 8 of last
year] that '* Shuh Ke of Ke died '^ is because of
[the relation the lady had sustained in] Ke;
this record of the earl's meeting her [comn], is
because of [the relation slie had sustained to]
us.* Kung-yang says that Ke was compelled
by Loo to take the divorced wife^s coffin back
to Ke and bury it tliere. The K'ang-he editors
observe that this account and Tso-she*s are quite
recoQcileable.

Par. 2. P*oo, — see 11. lit 2. The Chnen uyi ^

— *■ Because of the restoration of the lands of
W&n-yang [See p. 1 of last year], all the States
becaiue disaffected to Tsin. The people of Tsin
were afraid, and called a meeting at PHx) to
renew the covenant of Ma-ling [See VIL 5]. Ke
Wftn-tsze said to Fan Wftn-tsze, *' Since your
virtue is not strong, of what use it the renewal
of covenanU^" llie other replied, ''By dili-
gence in encouraging [the States], by generosity
in our treatment of ttiem, by firm strength in
withstanding [our enemies], by appealing to the
intelligent t^pirits to bind [our agreements], b^

Tbab TXi,

DUKE CH*ING.

371

gently dealing with those who snhmit, and hj
punbhing the disafiFected, we exhibit an in-
flnence only secc^d to that of virtue." At this
meeting it was intended that Woo should for
the first time meet [with the other States] ; but
no officer from Woo came to it.'

Par. 4. The duke of Sung ought now to have
sent a high minister to meet his bride. It is
supposed that he sent an officer of inferior rank,
and therefore we hare the bare record of the
bride's going to Sung.

[The Chuen adds here :— * The people of TsVx)
sought by bribes to recover the adherence of
Ching, and the earl of Ch'ing had a meeting
with the Kung-tsze Ch'ing of Ts*oo in TSLng.]

Par. 5. The phrase ^ -^jr here is difficult
to translate. See on II. ill 9, where the Chuen
has Sjy ^t^ ^^, — ^the phrase equivalent to

that in the text, when the lady spoken of is
a bride or young wife in Loo. After being
married three months, the young wife was in-
troduced into the ancestral temple, and appeared
before the parents of her husband, or their
shrines ; and the marriage was then considered
complete. This was the solemn proclamation
that she was Ms wife, and she could not after
this be sent back to her parents, excepting
there were proper grounds for divorcing her.
A message from her parents at this time was
called SJ7. It was the finishing and crowning

act of her nuptials.

The Chuen says:— * When Ke Wftn-tsze re-
turned to Loo and reported the execution of his
commission, the duke entertained him, and the
minister sang the oth stanza of the Han-yih (She,
lU. iii. ode VII.). Muh KUnng rrhe bride's
mother, the widow of duke Seuenj then came
out from her chamber, and bowed twice to him,
saying, ** This laborious journey you undertook
mmdful of our late marquis, and of his son and
heir, and of me, his relict : — this was what he
even still would expect from you. Let me thank
you for your very toilsome service." She then
sang the last stanza of the Luh-e (She, I. iii. II.),
and went in.'

Par. 6. Tso-she sars this was according to
rule. See on p. 11 of last year.

Par, 8. The Chuen says : — * In autumn, the
earl of Ch4ng went to Tsin, the people of which,
to punish him for his disaffection, and inclining
to Ts'oo [See the Chuen after p. 4], seized him
in T*ung-te. Lwan Shoo then invaded Ch'ing,
which sent Pih-keuen to go and obtain peace.
Tlie people of Tsin, however, put him to death,
which was contrary to rule ;— -during hostilities
messengers may go and come t^tween the
parties. Tsze-ch*ung of TsH>o made an incur-
sion into Ch*in, in o^er to relieve Ch'ing.'

[The Chuen introduces here: — *The marquis
of Tsin was surveying the arsenal, when he
observed Chung-e [See the Chuen on VII. 5],
and asked about nira saying, *Who Is that
bound there, and wearing a southern cap?"
The officer in charge said, **It is the Ts'oo pri-
soner, whom the people of Ch4ng delivered to

»»

us/' Tlie marquis made them loose his bonds,
called him, and spoke comfortingly to him.
The man bowed twice before him, with his
head to the ground, and the marquis asked him
about his family. " We are musicians," said he,
** Can yon play ?" "Mutiic," said he, " wns the
profession of my fatlier. Dared I leani nny
other ?" The marquis made a lute be given to
him, which he lH>pan to touch to an nir of the
south. He was then asked about the character
of the king of Ts^oo, but he answered that that
was beyond the knowled^re of a small man like
himself. The marquis urging him, he replied,
** When he was prince, his tutor and his guardian
trained him; and in the morning he was to be
seen with Ying-ts^e, and in the evening with
Tsih. I do not know anything else about him."
'The duke repeated this conversation to Fan
Wftn-tsze, who said, ^* That prisoner of Ts'oo is
a superior man. He told you of the office of his
father, showing that he is not ashamed of his
origin. He played an air of his country, show-
ing that he has not forgotten his old associations.
He spoke of his king when he was prince,
showing his own freedom from mercenariness.
He mentioned the two ministers by name, doing
honour to your lordship. His not bdng ashamed
of his origin shows the man's virtue; his not
forgetting his old associations, his good faith ;
his freedom from mercenariness, his loyalty;
and his honouring your lordship, his intelligence.
With virtue to undertake the management of
affairs, good faith to keep it, and loyalty to
complete it, he is sure to be competent to the
successful conduct of a great business. Why
should not your lordship send him back to
Ts*oo, and make him unite Tsin and TsHx) in
bonds of peace?" The nwrquis followed this
counsel, treated Chung-e with great ceremony,
and sent him back to Ts*oo to ask that there
might be peace between it and Tsin.*]

Par. 10. The Yun (Kung-yang has ^ft)
mentioned here is difft. from that in IV. sTout
it is probably the same as that which appears
in Vl.xii 8, as being walled by duke Wftn.
Tills was in the possession, — now of Ken, and
now of Loo. The Chuen says : — * In winter, in
the 11th month, Tsze-ch'ung of Ts'oo went on
fVom Ch*in, and invaded Ken. He laid siege to
K^eu-k*Sw, the walls of which were so badly
built, that the people all dispersed, and fled to
Keu, the troops of Ts'oo entering K^u-k'Sw on
Maou-shin. The* people of Keu made the
Kung-tsze P4ng of IVoo a prisoner, and put
him to death, notwithstanding that the enemy
begged them not to do so, and promised, if they
would spare him, to restore their captives.
The army of Ts'oo then laid siege to the city of
Ken, whose walls were in the same condition as
those of K^eu-k'ew ; and on Kftng-shin the people
dispersed. Ts'oo went on to enter Yun, for
Keu had made no preparations against an
enemy. A superior man will say, **To trust to
one's insignificance and make no preparations
against danger is the greatest of offences; while
to prepare beforehand against what may not be
foreseen is the greatest of excellences. Keu
trusted to its insignificance, and did not repair
its walls, so tliat in the course of twelve days,
Ts'oo subdued its three chief cities. This re-
sult was all , from the want of preparation,'
The ode [It is' now lost] says,

372

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEK.

BOOK vm.

*T>iough you hftve silk and hemp,
Do not throw away your grass and rushes.
Though your wife be a Ke or a Keang,
Do not slight your sons of toil.
All men
Have their vicissitudes of want.*

This shows that preparation ought never to be

intermitted."

Par. 11. In VII. viii. 6, we found the White
Teih confederate with Tsin against Ts^in; here
they are leagued with Ts*in against Tsin ;—* be-
cause,' says Tso-she, * of the general disaffection
of the States to Tsin.'

Par. 12. The Chuen says: — *The people of
Ch*iug laid siege to Heu, to show Tsin that
they were not urgent about their earl, [whom
it was keeping a prisoner]. The plan proceeded

from Rung -sun Shin, who said, **If we send
out a force to besiege Heu, and make as if we
would appoint another ruler, taking our time to
send a messenger to Tsin, that State is sure to
send back our ruler."

Par. 12. Too Yu, Maou, and others, think
Chung-shing was the name of a city of Loo,
which is the most natural interpretation of the
phrase. Others think the meaning is that the
duke now repaired the wall of the capital, or the
walls of the cities generally. See on Xi. vi 6.
All that Tso-she says is that the thing was done
at the proper season.

[The Chuen adds here: — 'In the 12tb month,
the viscount of Ts^oo sent the Kung-tsze Shin
to Tsin, in return for the mission of Chnng-e,
asking that the two States should cultivate
friendship and knit the bonds of peace.']

Tenth year.

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DUKE CH<INO.

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In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, Hih-pei, younger bro-
ther of the marquis of Wei, led a force and made an
incursion into Ch'ing.

In summer, in the fourth month, we divined a fifth time
about the border sacrifice. The result was unfavourable,
and we did not offer the sacrifice.

In the fifth month, the duke joined the marquis of Tsin,
the marquis of Ts^e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of
Wei, and the earl of Ts*aou, in invading Ch'ing.

An officer came from Ts^e with ladies of that State to go to
the harem [of Sung].

On Ping- woo. Now, marquis of Tsin, died.

In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke went to Tsin.

It was winter, the tenth month.

X. 1

5
6
7

[The Chaen introdaces here:— 'In the lOth
▼ear, in spring, the marquis of Tsin sent T*aoQ
Fei to TbSdo, in return for its mission of the
grand-administrator, Tsze-shang (See the Chnen
at the end of last year)*]

Par. 1. Tso-she says that this expedition of
Tsze-shiih Hih-pei was undertaken by command
of Tsin.

Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 8. There, howerer,
and in other passages, the idea of the sacrifice
is abandoned after a 4th unfaTOurable divina-
tion, while here a 5th was attempted. Maou
thinks that during the 8d month, which was
the proper season rar this sacrifice, the shell had
then been consulted on the 8 sin days in it;
and that it was stiU possible to dirine twice in
the 4th month, before the equinox. Woo Ch*ing
says that the shell had been consulted once in
the last decade of the 2d month, thrice in the 8d
month, and once again in the 1st decade of the
4th month ; — a pertinacity which was very dis-
respectful to the Spirits. These differing views
of really great scholars show how vague is the
knowledge which can now be gleaned of thip
and other ancient practices. . • , • •

Par.8. The Chuen says :—« When the 1^ in spnng, in the king's third month,

tsze Pan of Ch*ing heard of the schem^(] frOtU TsilK

Sliin [See the Chuen on par. 12 of la* j.iz*' \ i^i t ^ r /» • n

set up the Kung-tsze Sen. In sut sHi Sent Keoii Oh'ow to Loo on a triendly mis-
4th month, tiie people of ch^ingj Ke-ch'ow the duke made a covenant with him.

set up K*w&n-wan, Tsze-joo [The Knug-tsae
Pan] neeing to Heu. Lwan Woo-tsze then said,
** Since the people of Ch*ing hare set up [an-
other] earl, he whom we hold is but a common
man. Of what use is it [to keep him] ? W'
had better invade Ch'ing, restore its nilerjr
thereon seek for peace." [At that tim<>C
marquis of Tsin was ill, and the Stsl BH
his eldest son, Chow-p*oo, to his pls;v ~.*
sembled the other States to
han [A son of duke Muh'
the bell [from tlie temp]
Tsie-jen [Another son ofj^ y^ {jA^ ^^
covenant with the Sute'<^^» Ih»W |JIJ
[A 8d son of Muh] bgj ^|J ^
and the earl return" fJJIi ^ TT
According to f jjfjj p^ iH
to the text w. IJ^^^^

ZMM::^
m AJ^^

son, whom
caused t^
Many *-
acco*^

874

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vra.

for 10,000 ages;— could it have recogDized the
succession of a son while the father was yet alive,
giving him his title? The former critics have
all disputed this matter.' Maou, it may be ob-
served, accepts Tso-she's statement without
question.

Par. 4. Tso-she makes no remark on this
paragraph. It is in contradiction of his canon
at the end of the 8th year, that the ladies, the
attendants of a bride to her harem^ must not be
of a different surname fn)m herself. The ladies
of Wei (V III. 11), and those of Tsin (IX. 6), were
all Kes like the daughter of Loo, but here are
Keangs claiming to join her company as well.
Then the prince of a State was understood to-
be provided at once with nine partners, — the
wife proper, and eight attendants; but in this
case the duke of Sung was provided with twelve.
There has been no end of speculation and dis-
cussion on the text, without any satisfactory
conclusion. The thing may have been * contrary
to rule,' but the fact remains. There is no-
thing in the text to indicate that the action of
T8*e was not as proper as that of Wei and Tsin.

Par. 5. The Chuen says: — *The marquis of
Tsin saw in a dream a great demon with
dishevelled hair reaching to the ground, which
beat its breast, and leaped up, saying, "You
have slain my descendants unrighteously, and I
hare presented my request to Ood in conse-
quence [This would be the Spirit of the founder
of the Chaou danl ." It then broke the great gate
[of the palace], fulranced to the gate of the State
chamber, and entered. The duke was afraid
and went into a side-chamber, the door of which
It also broke. The duke then awoke, and called
for the witch of 8ang-t*een, who told him evenr-
thing which he had dreamt. "What will be
the issue?" asked the duke. "You will not
taste the new wheat," she replied.

'After this, the duke became very ill, and
Mked the services of a physician from Ts*in,
the earl of which sent the physician Hwan to
do what he could for him. Before he came,
the duke dreamt that his disease turned into
two boys, who said, " That is a skilful physician ;
't is to be feared he will hurt us; how shall we

«: out of his way?" Then one of them said,
e take our place above the heart and be-

low the throat, what can he do to us?" When
the physician arrived, he said, " Nothing can be
done for this disease. Its seat is above the heart
and below the throat. If I assail it [with medi-
cine], it will be of no use ; if I attempt to puncture
it, it cannot be reached. Nothing can l^e done
for it." The duke said, " He is a skilful phy-
sician," gave him large gifts, and sent him back
to Tsin.

* In the sixth month, on Ping-woo, the mar-
quis wished to taste the new wheat, and made
the superintendent of his fields present some.
While the baker was getting it ready, they call-
ed the witch of Sang-t*een, showed her the
wheat, and put her to death. As the marquis
WHS about to taste the wheat, he felt it neces-
sary to go to the privy, into which he fell, and
so died. One of the servants that waited on
him had dreamt in the morning that he carried
the marquis on his back up to heaven. The
same at mid-day carried him on his back out
from the privy, and was afterwards buried
alive with him I '

[Tlie Chuen adds here :^* The earl of Ch'ing,
punishing those who had set up other earls
[in his place], on Maou-shin, put to death
Shuh Shm and [his brother] Shuh K'in [See
the Chuen on par. 12 of last year]. The su-
perior man will say, "Loyalty, as a praise-
worthy virtue, is still to be shown only to a
proper object; — ^how much less should it be
shown where it may not be deemed praise-
worthy!'"]

Par. 6. The Chuen says, *When the duke
this autumn went to Tsin, they detained him
there, and made him attend the burial of the
marquis. At this time T'aou Fei had not re-
turned from Ts'oo [See the Chuen at the begin-
ning of the year]. In winter there was the
burial of duke King which was followed by the
duke. No other prince of a State was present,
and the historiographers of Loo, because of the
disgrace connected with the thing, did not re-
coil, but concealed it'

Par. 7. Kung-yang has not this par., and it
may be doubted whether the editions of Kuh-
leang and Tso-she before the T'ang dvnasty had
it See the note in loe^ in Twan xuh-ts*ae's
* Old Text of the Ch<un Ts*ew.'

Eleventh year.

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YlSAK XI.

DUKE CH'ING.

375

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1 In his eleventh year, in spring, in the king's third month,

the duke arrived from Tsin.

2 Themarquisof Tsin sentKeoli Ch*ow to Loo on a friendly mis-

sion; and on Ke-ch'ow the duke made a covenant with him.

376

THE CH'UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VUI.

3 In summer, Ke-sun H&ng-foo went to Tsin.

4 In autumn, Shuh-sun K'eaou-joo went to Ts^e.

5 It was winter, the tenth month.

■>

Par. 1. The duke had thus been fnlly 8
months in Tsin, — ^more than half a year away
from his own State. Tlie Chuen says: — *The
people of Tsin, thinking that the duke had been
inclining to the side of Ts'oo, detained him, till
he requested that he might be permitted to
make a covenant with Tsin, and then they sent
him home.' The duke had gone to Tsin, to offer
his condolences on the death of duke King.
They had charged him, we may suppose, with
disaffection, and when he denied it, they wished
to keep him a sort of prisoner, till they could
learn fh)m T'aou Fei, on his return from Ts^oo,
whether their suspicions were well grounded or
not. He seems, however, to have got away
before that officer returned.

Par. 2. For f^, or without the '^, Knng-

yang has j^. Keoh Cb*ow was a first cousin of

Keoh KHh. ' He came to Loo,' says the Chuen,
' on a friendly mission, and to make [on the part
of Tsin] the covenant [which the duke had re-
quested.' It then proceeds to the following strange
and melancholy narrative. — *The mother of
SShing-pih [The Kung-sun Ying-t8*e; see on VI.
6] had been without [the regular ceremony of]
betrothal; and Muh Keang [Duke Seuen's wife;
sister-in-law, therefore, to this Uidy] said, '* I
will not acknowledge a concubine as my sister-
in-law." After the birth of Shing-pih, his
father [Shuh-hdh of VII. xvii. 8] sent away the
mother, who was afterwards married to Kwan
Yu-he of Ts*e. She bore him two children, and
was then left a widow, when she came back with
the children toShing-pih. Hegot his half-brother
made a great officer [of Loo], and married his
half-sister to She Heaou-shuh [A descendant of
duke Hwuy of Loo]. When Keoh Ch*ow came
on his firiendly mission, he applied for a wife
to Shing-pih, who took this half-sister from
She Heaou-shuh, and gave her to him. She
said [to her husband], *' Even birds and beasts
do not consent to lose their mates; what do
you propose to do?" He said, ''I am not
able to die for you." On this she went, [to
Tsin], where she bore two children to Keoh.
After his death, they sent her back from Tsin
to [her former husband^ She, who met her at
the Ho, and drowned m it her two children.
She was angry, and said to him, '*You could
not protect me when I was your wife, and let
me go away from yon, and now you are not able
to cherish another man's orphans and have
killed them; — what death do you expect to
die ?" She Uien swore that she would not live
again with him.'

Par. 3. Tso-she says : — * Ke W&n-tsze went
to Tsin on a friendly mission in return for that
of Keoh Ch'ow; and to make a covenant [on
the part of Loo].' This second object of his mis-
sion is not mentioned in the text. Perhaps a
covenant was not made after all ; or the mar-
quis of Tsin did not make it in person, so that
the historiographers of Loo purposely omitted
to record it.

[The Chuen introduces here :— * Ts'oo, duke
of Chow, disliked the pressure of [the clans

descended from the kings] Hwuy and Seang,
and he had a contention, moreover, about the
chief place in the government with pih-yu.
Being worsted in this, he was angry and left
the court, proceeding to Yang-fan. The king
sent the viscount of Lew to bring him back
from there, with whom [also] he made a cove-
nant in Keuen, before he would enter [the capi-
tal]. Three days afterwards, however, he again
fled to Tsin.']

Par. 4. Tso-she says of this visit that
< Seuen-pih went on a friendly mission to Ts*e,
to renew the former friendship between it and
Loo.'

Par. 5. [Here we have three narratives in
the Chuen : — Ist, ' Keoh Che [A grand-nephew
of Keoh K'ih] had a contention with [the court
of] Chow about the lands of How. The king
commissioned duke K'ang of Lew and duke
Seang of Shen, to dispute the question with him
in Tsin. He urged that Wftn was an old grant
made to his family, and he dared not allow [any
part of] it to be lost. The viscounts of Lew and
Shen said, * Formerly, when Chow subdued
Shang, it gave the various princes the territories
which they should gently rule Soo Fun-sing
received Wftn, and was minister of Crime, and
his territory and that of the earl of T*an extend-
ed to the Ho. One of his descendants afterwards
went among the Teih, and when he could do
nothing among them, he fled to Wei [See V. x.2].
* [By and by]. King Seang reward«l duke Wftn
with the gift of Wftn [See the Chuen after V.
XXV. 4.]. The families of Hoo and Yang were
the flrst to occupy it, and then it came to Keoh.
If you examine its history, it was a city held by
an officer of the king ; — how can Keoh Che be
allowed to have it? The marquis of Tsin then
insisted that Keoh Che should not presume to
contend about the place [any longer].'

2d, * Hwa Yuen of Sung was on good terms
with Tsze-chung, the chief minister [of Ts'oo],
and also with Lwan Woo-ts2e [of Tsin]. When
he heu^ that the people of Ts*oo had granted
the peace proposed by Tsin through T*aou Fei,
and had sent that officer back to give such a re-
port of his mission, he went this winter, flrst to
Ts'oo and then to Tsin, to cement the good un-
derstanding of the two States.'

3ci, *Ts*in and Tsin, having made peace,
proposed to have a meeting at Ling-hoo. The
marquis of Tsin came first to the place, but tlie
earl of Ts*in was then unwilling to cross the
Ho. He halted in Wang-shing, and made the
historiographer Ko go and make a covenant
with the marquis of Tsin on the east of the
river. Keoh Ch^ow of Tsin [then went and]
mndc a covenant with the earl on the west of it.
Fan Wftn-tsze said, "Of what use is this cove-
naii t ? Two parties make a covenant to establish
their good faith. But a meeting together is tlie
first demonstration of that good faith ; and if
the first step be not taken to it, is it likely to
be evidenct»d afterwards ?" When the earl re-
turned to Ts'iu, he broke the [treaty of] peace
with Tsin.'J

Tkar XII.

DUKE CH*ING.

Twelfth year.

377

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tit

VOL V.

878

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vni.

XII. 1 In the [duke's], twelfth year, in spring, the duke of Chow

left and fled to Tsin.

2 In summer, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of

Tsin and the marquis of Wei in So-tsih.

3 In autumn, a body of men from Tsin defeated the Teih

at Keaou-kang.

4 It was winter, the tenth month.

Par. 1. See the Chuen after par. 8 of last
Tear. The dnke of Chow fled to Tsin, accord-
ing to that, in the Ust jear. Tio-she sappoaes
his flight iB entered now, hecauae it was not till
this spring that it was communicated to Loo.
He sajs: — * This spring, the king sent the news
to Loo of the troubles connected fiith the duke
of Chow. The text says that ** he went out and
fled to Tsin." Now the words " went out *' are
not applied in the case of parties leaving Cliow,
but they are used here because the duke of
Chow out-cast himself.'

Tso-she's meaning is this: — A fugitiTe might

So out from one State to another; but the whole
ingdom belonged to Chow. The States were
all Chow. An officer might flee from one part
of Chow to another, but he could not go out
from Chow. It was proper in such a case to
say simply — ** he fled to such and such a State ;**
— see X. xxTi 1. In the text the proper style is
departed fW>ra, because the duke of Chow re-
peated his flight, after the king had recalled
him,' * out-casting himself.' — After all, the canon

may be called in question.

Par. 2. Kung-yang has ^ }S for ^ }^.
The place so denominated has not been ascer-
tained. Tlie Chuen says: — *■ Hwa Tuen of Sung

haying succeeded in cementing the peace be-
tween Tsin and Ts'oo [See the 2d Chuen at the
end of last year], this summer, in the 5th month,
Sze Seeh of Tsin had a meeting with the Kung-
tsze P*e of Ts^oo, and Hen Ten. lliey made a
oovenant on Kwei-hae outside the west gate of
[the capital of} Sung, to the following eifect: —
"Ts^oo and Tsin shall not go to war with each
other. They shall have common likings and
disUkings. They shall together compassionate
States that are in calamity and peril, and be
ready to relieve such as are unfortunate. Tsin
•hall attack any that would injure Ts^oo, and
Ts*oo any that would injure Tsin. Their roads
shall be open to messengers that wish to pass
with their offerings from the one to the other.
They shall take measures against the disaffected,
and punish those who do not appear in the royal
court. Whoever shall violate this covenant, may
the intelligent Spirits destroy him, causing de-
feat to his amiies, and a speedy end to his
possession of his Ststel** [After this], the earl
of Chnng went to Tsin, to receive [the conditions
of] the peace, in consequence of its being [thus]
established at the meeting in So-tsih.'

This Chuen has occasioned a good deal of
speculation among the commentators, llie text
says nothing of the covenant between Tsin and
Ts'oo, and the Chuen says nothing of the pre-
sence of Loo and Wei in the meeting at So-tsih.
The K*ang-lie editors say that Chaou K*wang
denies that there was such a c(»venant, while
the frequent meeting? betwet^n Kcoh Che and

the Kung-tsxe P<e of Tb*oo show thai it mntl
hare taken place. They suppose, therefore, that
the sage, condemning and disltidng the treaty
between those Powers, here used hit praning
knife, and cut away the record of it. They say
ftirther that Lew Chiang denies the truth of the
Chuen's account of the meeting at So-taih, but
they preserve that account themselves out of
deference to the general authority of Tso-she.

Par. 8. The situation of Keaou-kang is, like
that of So-tsih, undetermined. Hie Chuen
says: — * A body of the Teih took the opportuni-
ty of [Tsin's being occupied with the] covenant
in Sung to make an inroad into it; but not bar-
ing ma^de preparations [against a surprise], th^
were defeated in the autumn at Keaou-kang.'

[The Chuen gives here the following narra-
tive:— 'Keoh Che of Tsin went to Ts*oo on a
friendly mission, and on the part of Tsin to make
a covenant. The viscount of Ts^oo invited him
to an enterainment, when Tsxe-f an, who directed
the ceremonies, had caused an apartment to be
made under ground, in which the instruments
of music were suspended. When Keoh Che wai
ascending the hall, the bells struck up [the signal
for performance] underneath, which frightened
him so that he ran out. Tsie-fan said to
him, ** The day is wearing late; my ruler is wait-
ing; be plealsed, Sir, to enter." The gnett
replied, ** Your ruler, mindful of the friendship
between our former princes, extendis his favour
to my poor self, treating me with great cere-
mony, even to a complete band of music. If by
the blessing of Heaven our two rulers hare an
interview, what can take the place of this ? I
dare not receive [such an honour]." Tsxe-fan
said, "If by the messing of Heaven our two
rulers have an interview, they will have nothing
but an arrow to give to each other; they wiU
not be using music. My ruler is waiting ; be
pleased. Sir, to enter." The other said, " If it be
an arrow that they mutually offer and dedine^
that will be the greatest of evils ; —there will be no
blessing in that. When good order prevails, the
princes, in their intervals of leisure from the king't
business, visit at one another's courts. Then
there are the ceremonies of entertainment and
feasting ; those of entertainment heing a lesson
of reverence and economy, those of feasting a
display of indulgent kindness [Comp. the Chuen
after Vll. xvi. 3]. Reverence and economy are
seen in the practice of ceremonies; indulgent
kindness is seen in the arrangements of the
govemmen t. When the business of goremmdat
is perfected by ceremonies, then the people
enjoy rest, and the officers receive orders about
the business they have to perform in the morn-
ing [only], and not in the evening [as well].
It is in this way that the princes prove them-
selves the protectors of their people. Therefore
the ode (She, I. i. ode VII. 1) says,

tmjjL xm.

DUKE CU U^G.

379

* That bold and martial man
Is shield and wall to his prince.'

But in a time of disorder, the princes are full
of covetous g^eed, indulge their ambitious de-
sires without' shrinking, and for a few feet of
territory will destroy their people, taking their
martial officers and using them to carry out
their hearts' purposes as arms and legs, as claws
and teeth. Therefore the ode says (i6ui,
stanza 8),

'That bold and martial man
Is the mind and heart of his prince.*

When throughout the kingdom right ways pre-
vail, the princes are shields and walls to the

people, and repress [the selfishness of] their
own hearts; but in a time of disorder, it is the
reverse. Now your words, Sir, speak the ways
of disorder, which cannot be taken as a pattern.
But you are host here, and I will not presume
to disobey you." He entered accordingly.

' When his business was over, and he returned,
he told what had occurred to Fan Wftn-tsze,
who said, " With such want of propriety, they
are sure to eat their words. Our death will ho
at no distant day." In winter, the Kung-tsze
P*e of Ts*oo went to Tsin on a friendly mission,

and to make a covenant on the part of Ts^oo.

In the twelfth month, the marquis of Tsin

covenanted with him in Ch'ih-keih.']

Thirteenth year,

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Yk^h XIII.

DUKE CHINQ.

381

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XIII. 1

WBMm

lu the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the marquis
of Tsin sent Keoh £ to Loo, to beg the assistance of
an army.

2 In the third month, the duke went to the capital.

3 In summer, in the fifth month, the duke, going on from

the capital, joined the marquis of Tsin, the marquis
of Ts*e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the
earl of Ts*aou, an officer of Choo, and an officer of
T*ang, in invading Ts'in.

4 Loo, earl of Ts*aou, died in the army.

5 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from

the invasion of Ts*in.

6 In winter, there was the burial of duke Seuen of Ts^aou.

Par. 1. Tsin was now calling out the troops
of the States which adhered to it for the inva-
sion of Tsin, mentioned in the 3d par. It was
right therefore that it should use the phrase

^. l^jQ, and *beg the assistance of an army/

as it had not the authoritj of the king in the
first place, for the expedition. The Chuen says :
— ' When Keoh £ (The son of Keoh Kih) came
to Loo, he was not respectful in the execution
(k his mission. M&ng Heen-tsze said, "This
Keoh will [soon] perish I Propriety is the stem
of character, and respectfulness is its founda-
tion. Keoh-tsze has not that foundation, and
his ministry has come to him by inheritance.
Having received a charge to ask for [the assist-
ance of] an army, it must be for the defence of
the altars [of Tsin], and he carries himself
rudely, — throwing away tlio charge of his ruler.
What can happen to him but to perish [soon] ?" '
Par. 2. Though the duke now went to the
capital, he only did so because it lay in his
way, as he proceeded to join the army of Tsin.
It would appear, indeed, that the other princes
did the same, it being, probably, part of Tsin's
policy in this way to get the king's sanction and
the help of his troops to its enterprise against

Ts'in. The Chuen says : — * When the duke was
going to the * capital, Seuen-pih [Shuh-san
K*eaou-joo], wishing to obtain gifts [from the
king], begged to be sent on beforehand. The
king, however, received him [only] with the
ceremonies due to an envoy. Mftng Heen-tsze
[Chung-sun MeehJ came on in attendance [on
the duke], and the king considered him to be
the duke's director for the visit, and gave him
large presents. The duke and the other princes
had an audience of the king, and then followed
duke K^ang of Lew and duke Suh of Ch*ing, to
join the marquis of Tsin in the invasion of TsHn.
When the viscount of Ch'ing received the flesh
of the sacrifice at the altar of the land, his
manner was not respectful. The viscount of
Lew said, **I have heard that men receive at_
birth the exact and correct princrples of Heaven"
and .Kartli. and tliese are what is caltcd their~ap«
pointedXnature}._ There are the rule's of action,
propriety, righteousness, and demeanour, to esta-
blish this nature. Men of ability nourish those
rules so as to secure blessing, while those devoid

of ability violate them so as to bring on them-
selves calamity. Therefore superior men dili-
gently attend to the rules of propriety, and men

382

THE CH'UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN. BOOK VUI.

in an inferior position do their best. In regard
to the ruies of propriety, there is nothing like
using the greatest respectfulness. In doing
one's best, there is nothing like being earnestly
sinoere. That respectfulness consists in nour-
ishing one's spirit; that earnestness, in keeping
one's duties in life. Th^ great aflfairs of a
are sacriflce and warT^ At sacnnces | m ike an-
cestral teuipiej, (^tne o&cers] receive the roasted
flesh; in war they receiye that offered at the
altar of the land: — these are the great cere-
monies in worshipping the Spirits. Now tlie
Tiscount of Ch^ng by his lazy rudeness has cast
from him his proper nature ; — may we suppose
tiuit he vrill not return from this expedition ?*' '
See an account of this visit of duke Ch4ng to

the king's court in the g| ^, ^ ^ ^,

Art. 9.

Par. 8. Kuh-lSang, after £ B , has ^

2g 1^ "& ^Jlp,— evidently an error. The
Chuen says : — *In summer, the marquis of Tsin
aent Seang of Leu [Known as Leu Seuen-tsze

< S !^ -?•)•»•«»'"'' Wei E (g| ^X who

appears in the Chuen on the battle of Peih] to
declare the end of his friendly relations with
Tsin in the following terms : — ** In former times,
our duke Heen and your duke Muh were on
terms of friendship, which they cultivated with
all their might and with one mind, adding to it
corenants and oaths, and cementing it by the
affinities of marriage. When Heaven was af-
flicting Tsin, our duke Wftn went to Ts'e, and
duke Hwuy went to Tsin. When, through our
•vil fate, duke Heen left the world, duke Muh
was not unmindful of their old friendship, and
assisted our duke Hwuy, so that he presided
over the sacrifices of Tsin fSee the 2d Chuen at
the end of V. ix]. But he could not complete
his great service to Tsin, and there ensued the
battle of Han [See V. zv. 13]. Afterwards,
however, he repented of this, and secured the
accession of our duke W&n ; — ^this was accom-
plished for us by Muh.

** Duke Wan then donned buff -coat and hel-
met, traversed the plains and crossed the
streams, taking his way through the most
dangerous defiles, and operated against the
States of the east, held by descendants of Yu,
HSa, Shang and Chow, till he brought them
all with him to the court of Ts4n: — this surely
was enough to repay the old kindness [of duke
Muh]. And when the people of Ch'mg had
been angrily troubling your borders, our duke
Wftn led the other States and Tsin, and laid
siege to the capital of Ch*ing. Then the great
officers of TsHn, without consulting with our
ruler, presumed to make a corenant with Ch'ing.
The States were indignant at such conduct,
and wished to risk the lives of their men against
Tsin. Duke Wftn, however, afraid of the
eonsequenoes, sootiied and pacified them, so
that the army of Ts4n effected its return, with-
out suffering any injury. And thus we rendered
the greatest service to your western State.

«*llirough our evil fate, duke Wftn [also] left
the world, and your Muh sent no message of
oondolence. Contemning duke Wftn as dead,
and slighting the youth of our duke Seang,
he assailed our territory of Heaou, violated and
broka q& all friendship with us, attacked our

city of Paou-shing, cruelly extinguished our Pe,
[the capital of] Hwah [See V.xxxiii. 1], scattered
and dispersed our brethren, broke the covenants
that were between us, and would luive overthrown
our State. Then our duke Seang was not un-
mindful of the former service which Muh had
rendered [to his father] ; but he was afraid lest
our altars should be cast down, and there ensued
the battle of Heaou [See V. xxxiii.d].

** [Our Seang], even after this, wished to seek
the forgiveness of duke Muh, but the duke
would not listen to him. On the contrary he
applied to Ts'oo [See the 2d Chuen after YL
xiv. 7], planning against us. But through the
influence which Heaven exerts on men's minds,
king Ch4ng lost his life fSee VI. i. 10], and
duke Muh did not succeed m carrying out his
hostile intentions.

'* When Muh and S^ng left this worid, K'ang
and Ling succeeded to them. [Your] duke
K*ang was the son of a daughter of Tsin, but
he still wished to uproot and cut down our
House, and to orertum our altars. He gave an
army to a vile insect [I'he Kung-tsze Yung of
Tsin] to disturb our borders, in consequence of
which we had the engagement at Ling*hoo [See
VI. vii. 6].

" Still persisting in his hostility, K*ang entered
our Ho-k*euh, invaded our Suh-ch*uen, cap-
tured our Wang-kwan, dismembered our Ke-ma,
in consequence of which we had the battle of
Ho-k*euh [See VI. xii Tj.

*'That the way eastward was thus rendered
impracticable to Ts4n was through duke K^ang's
own rejection of our friendship. When your
lordship succeeded to him, our ruler, duke
King, looked to the west with outstretched
neck, saying, *Now, perhaps, Ts'in will have
compassion on us I' But, unkindly, you would
not respond to us with a covenant, and took
advantage of our difficulties with the 'Teih.
You entered our Ho-heuen, burned our Ke and
Kaou, cut down and destroyed Uie labours of
our husbandmen, and killed the people of our
borders, so that we had the gathering at Foo-
she [See on vn.xT.4]. Then you also were
sorry for the long continuance of our miserable
hostilities; and wishing to obtain the blessing of
the former rulers, Heen and Muh, you sent
Pih-keu with your commands to our duke King,
saying that you and we should be friendly to-
gether, put away all evil feelings, and again
cultivate the old kindliness, thinking of the
services that had formerly passed between our
rulers. Beforeanoathinaccordance with these
words could be taken, duke King left the world,

and I [«[ jS^j here^ and elsewhere in the

speech, should be ^[ ^] went to have a meet-
ing with you at £ing-hoo, when with an un-
happy purpose you turned back, and rejected
the covenant and oath [See the last Chuea
after XI. 6].

'*The White Teih and you aie in the sama
province [Yung Chow], lliey are your enemies,
while between us aiid them there have been
intermarriages. You sent your commands,
saying that you and we should invade the
Tdh. I then dared not consider our affinities
with them, but, in awe of your majesty, I re-
ceived the command from your messenger.
You, however, with a double heart, represented

Tear XIV.

DUKE CH ING.

383

to the Teih that Tsin was going to attack them ;
and thoogh they responded to you, they caroe
with indignation, and told us of your conduct
The people of Ts'oo, hating your double-dealing,
also came and told me saying, ** Ts4n is violat-
ing the covenant of Ling-hoo, and came to ask
a covenant with us, plainly appealing to God
in the great heavens, to the three dukes of
Ts*in and the three kings of Ts'oo, that notwith-
standing all its communications with Tsin, its
only view had been to its own advantage. I,

Sthe king of Ts^oo], hating such want of virtue,
iec'lare it to you, that such insincerity may be
punished.** The princes of the States, hanng
heard these things, are pained by them in heart
and head, and are come to me. I will lead them
to hear your commands, seeking only your
friendship. If you will show a kind consideration
for them, and, in compassion for me, grant me a
oo?enant, this is what I desire. I will then
rec*eive your wishes, quiet all the princes, and
retire ; — how should I dare to seek the confusion
[of strife] ? If you will not bestow on us your
great kindness, I am a roan of plain speech ; — I
cannot withdraw with the princes. I have pre-
sumed to declare all my mind to your servants,
that they may consider what it will be best to
do.**

* Because duke'Hwan of Ts'in, after making
the covenant of Ling-hoo with duke Le of Tsin,
proceeded to call on the Teih and TsVk), wish-
ing to persuade them to invade Tsin, therefore
the States rendered their friendly aid to the
latter. Lwan Shoo commanded Tsin's army
of the centre, with Seun Kftng under him ; Sze
Seeh the Ist army, with Keoh E under him;
Han Eeueh the 3d army, with Seun Ying un-
der him; Chaou Chen the new army, with Keoh
Che under him. Keoh E [Different from the
Keoh E above] drove the chariot of the com-
mander-in-chief, and Lwan K^een was spearman
on the right. Mftng Heen-tsze said, " The gen-
erals of Tsin and its chariot-men are harmonious;
— this army will accomplish a great success.*'

* In the 5th month, on Ting-hae, the army of
Tsin, with the armies of the States, fought with
the army of Ts'in at Ma-suy. The army of
Tsin received a great defeat. Ch4ng Ch'ae of

Ts*in was taken, and the Puh-kftng, Joo-foo.
Duke Seuen of Ts*aou died in the army, which
then crossed the King, proceeded to How-ie, and
returned, meeting the marquis of Tsin at Sin-
ts'oo. Duke Suh of Ching [See the last Chuen]
died in Hea.'

The speech of Leu Seaiig in this narrative is
considered one of the master-pieces of Tso K*Sw-
ming. And so it is, as regards the composition;
but it is sadly disff gured by its misrepresentations
and falsehoods. As between Tsin and Ts4n, each
State had its injuries from the other of which to
complain ; but the balance of right would have
inclined rather on the side of Tsin. The battle of
Ma-suy, however, was very important, and kept
Tsin shut up in the west for a long tlmeaf terwarm.

[The Chuen adds here: — **In the 6th month,
on Ting-maou, the Kung-tsze Pan [See on X.3.]
of Ching, [comingl from Tsze, sought by night
to enter the grand temple, and when he was
not able to do so, killed Tsze-yin and Tsze-yu
[sons of duke Muh]. He then returned, and
took up a position with his followers in the
market place. On Ke-sze, Tsze-sze [another
son of duke Muh] led the people to the temple
and made a covenant with them, and afterwards
burned the market place, killing Tsze-joo [Pan],
[his brother] Tsze-mang, [his son] Sun-shuby

and [Tsze-mang's son], Sun-che.]
Par. 4. For|^Tso-shehasj^. The Chuen

says: — *The p&^le of Ts^aou appointed the

earl's son, Foo-ts'oo, to take charge [ot the
capital], and another son, Hin-she, to meet the
cofiin of the earl. In autumn, Foo-t8*oo pi^t to
death the earl's eldest son, and made himself
earl. The princes begged to go and punish
him, but Tsin, in consequence of the fatigues of
the service [in which they had been engaged],
asked them to wait till next year.*

Par. 6. The Chuen says: — *In winter, after
the burial of duke Seuen, Tsze-tsang [the above
Hin-shel was going to leave the State, and the
people all wished to follow him. Duke Ching
(Foo-ts*oo) became afraid, acknowledged his
offence, and begged [Tsze-tsang to remain]. Tlie
latter returned accordingly [to the capital], and
surrendered his city [to the duke].*

Fourteenth year.

m A %'^ wm ^m s- jE +

ft in

384

THE CH*UN TS*KW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vni.

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XIV.

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da

1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's

first month, Choo, viscount of Keu, died.

2 In summer, Sun Lin-foo of Wei returned from Tsin to

Wei.

3 In autumn, Shuh-sun K*eaou-joo went to Ts^e, to meet

the [duke's] bride.

4 The Kung-tsze He of Ch*ing led a force, and invaded

Heu.

5 In the ninth month, K*eaou-joo arrived from Ts'e with

the [duke's] wife, the lady Keang.

6 In winter, in the tenth month, on Kang-yin, Tsang, mar-

quis of Wei, died.

7 The earl of Ts'in died.

Yka» XV.

DUKE CH'ING.

385

Par. 1. We have the death of the viscount of
Keu here recorded^ hut there is no suhsequent
record of his burial; for which the following
reason is assigned. — ^'ilie honorary title, with
the style of * duke,' is always given in mention-
ing the burials of princes. But the lords of
Keu had no honorary titles assigned them after
death, the State not being sufficiently advanced
in civiliration to have adopted that custom.
Hence their burials are not recorded. — It may
be added here that burials of the lords of Ts*oo
and Woo are not given in the Ch*un Tsew, be-
cause they had usurped the style of king.

Par. 2. See the flight of Sun Lin-foo to Tsin
in VII. 9.

The Chuen says :— »* In spring, the marquis of
Wei went to Tsin. where the marquis of Tsin
insisted on introducing Sun Lin-foo to him; but
he would not see him. In summer, when he
retnnied to Wei, the marquis of Tsin sent Keoh
Ch*ow with Lin-foo, to procure him an interview
there. The marquis wanted [f till] to refuse,
but [his wife], Ting Keang, said, *' Do not. He
is the heir of the ministers of your predecessors,
scions of your own House. The great State,
moreover, makes intercession for him. If you
do not grant its request, yo*i will perish. Al-
though you hate him, is it not better [to see
him] than to perish ? Be pleased to endure the
mortification. Is it not proper to give repose
to the people, and deal leniently with a minister
so related to yourself?" ^On this] the marquis
granted Lin-foo an interview, and restored [his
office] to him.

*Tne marquis [also] feasted Ch'ing-shuh of
K'oo [Keoh Ch*owl, Ntng Hwuy-tsze directing
the ceremonies. Cn^ng-shuh behaved insolent-
ly, and Ning-tsze said, " He and his family are
likely to perish [soon] I Among the ancients
entertainments and feasts were used to see the
demeanour [of the guests], and to judge of their
prosperity or calamity [in the future]. Hence
It is said in the ode (She, II. vii. ode 1. 4),

* There is the curved cup of rhinoceros horn,
With the spirits in it, rich and soft.
While it passes from one to another, they

show no pride.
All blessings must come to seek them.*

Now he conducts himself with pride; — it is the
way to bring on himself calamity."'

Par. 8. The duke was now marrying a
daughter of Ts^e. The preliminary steps have
not been mentioned. Tso-she nays that Sencn-
pih now went to meet the lady, and that his
clan-name is mentioned, to do honour to the
duke's commission.

Par. 4. See on rV.9. The Chuen says: —
* In the 8th month, Tsze-han of Ch*ing invaded.
Hen, and was defeated. On Mow-shin the earl
himself again invaded it, and penetrated to the
outer suburbs of its capital, when Heu made
peace by [surrendering] the territory with which
[Ch*ing] had endowed Shuh Shin.'

Par. 5. See on VII. i. 8. The K*ang.he edit-
ors argue against Kuh-leang and other critics,
who insist here that the duke ought to have
met his bride in person. Tso-she thinks that
the minister is mentioned here without his clan-
name, in deference to the lady, adding, *The
superior man will say, "The Ch*un Ts^ew, in
the appellations which it uses, is clear with an
exquisite minuteness, distinct through obscurity,
elegant by its gentle turns, and full without
descending to be low, condemning what is evil,
and encouraging what is good; — who but the
sage could have compiled it as it is ?" '

Par. 6. The Chuen says :^* When the mar-
quis of Wei was ill, he made K*ung Ch*ing-tsze
and Nlng Hwuy-tsze appoint K*an, his son by
King Sze, to be his successor. On his death
in winter, in the 10th month, his wife, the Indy
Keang, after she had done her weeping and
lamentation, saw that K*an wore no appearance
of sadness. She would not so much as drink,
but sighed and said, " This fellow will not only
prove the ruin of the State of Wei, but he will
begin with me, his father's relict. Alas! Heav-
en is afflicting the State of Wei, and I could
not bring it about that Chuen [A brother of
K^an] should preside over its altars 1" When
the great officers heard that she thus expressed
herself, they were all filled with dread. After
this Sun W&n-tsze would not venture to leave
his articles of value in the capital, but deposited
them all in Ts^eih, and cultivated assiduolisly
the friendship of the great officers of Tsin.'

Fifteenth year.

mioi^% ^

(si J6fi.f6.# ^.% ^.

fS.m

^-3E

VOL V,

386

THE CH*UH TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vm.

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Tun XT. DUKE CH'QIQ. 357

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XV. 1 Id the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's
second month, there was the burial of duke Ting of
Wei. _

2 In the third month, on Yih-Bze, Chung Ying-ts'c died.

3 On Kwei-ch'ow, the duke had a meeting with the marquis

of Tsin, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch 'ing, the earl
of Ts'aou, Ch'ing the heir-son of Sung, Kwoh Tso of
Ts'e, and an officer of Choo, when they made a covenant
together in Ta'eih.

4 The marquis of Tsin seized the earl of Ts'aou, and deliver-

ed him at the capital.

5 The duke arrived from the meeting [at Ts'eih.]

6 In summer, in the sixth month, Koo, duke of Sung, died.

7 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.

8 In autumn, in the eighth month, there was the burial of

duke Kung of Sung.

9 Hwa Yuen of Sung left the State and fled to Tsin. From

Tsin he returned to Sung. Sung put to death its great
officer Shan. Yu Shih of Sung fled to Ts'oo.

tS3

TBE TSO CHUES.

BOOK Ym.

l-> Ll wirier.

Eeu

in T^e elerenth mooth, Shoh-san K^eaon-joo
ird Siir S^h of Tain, Kaoq Woo-k*ew of Ts'e, Hwa
-=:2 cf SnniT- Sun Lin-foo of Wei, the Kung-tsze
^T cf Ciirz. and an office' of Choo, in having a

Wc-o at Chaiig4e-
:>Ted its capital to ShdL

-rf Sit
:•.-« VTL

to Tr^fi. Kvrtif-Tvv ssts liat t^ pBcp«e oi
Lox CTaeT«c ir^u K-ve-t^-*:* f£>:^LJi fee left viib-

d^e C^.-isc iJae nwcc-ii:^ a oc sis brocber Ti3«-
H« tbe« WcHBe his brc^ber's

f c&Qvcd \rr Too T« mad
Kaom TEJeca it viih zreaS
kkm of Yins-ts^s's faasc as
giaodMb of the Knng-fsie S«t.

aadtbe

Fnr. 3^4. Ia par. 4, for the sin^ ^g Kon^

Ti*eth,-«e YLL9. As

the death €i the duke of S«]i|r appean in the
6rh par^ ve maj prerame that he vas ili at the
tinie of this iiKetinz. and that ifaervfore his too
attended it in his nxMS. Tsi>«he aajs that the
object of the meeting was *to pcmish duke
Chin^ €i Ts'aoa [See his czixne ia the Choen
onXJilL4y Tsin. which v^4i)d call the meet-
ing, most haTe concealed this froiB Ch'ing.
Tso then gives a Teiy donbtfnl canon to explain

its being nid that the marqais of Tdn (^

.0^ and not the people of Tsin (^ \\

seised the colprit, saying that when a niler has
dealt with his people withont anr regard to
what was right, and the States pnnish and setae
him* then we rttd that *• the people of sach and
focfa a State seized him,' hot if his wickedness
has not extended to bis people, it is said, * the
roler of sach and sach a State seixes him.*
Lew Chiang has sufficientl j exploded this damsj
role. Tso adds from hie tablets : — ' The princes
wished to introdoce Tsze-tsang [the eari's bro-

;seeanX[IL«] tntkekiag,aiid have him
aaocc2t£d eari. btt he refned. sajing, *'It is
frr-nagd ia books of an carfier tane, thai a
awe is eqwal to tkedaiies of an positions; that

is fomamz amd that one of tiae knvest dass
fii^s ia the dittj of kia. It is not my poaitioa
Al^ongh I camot attain to the
I fafl to maintaiB [what is mj do-
rr?' He tihea wiAdicw aeoca J, and fled to

Pte.C TlDaBJs^-^b enBBMr, in the 6tfa

dake Km^ of Stov died.
F^. 7. TWCkacBsa7B:—^Ts«oo being about

to the north, Tsae-nai^

of king Cbwang]

-Is it Bot impiopei thns to Tiolale the

so reoently

Tsm^

most ad-
of eorenants*

S&ah-^ie of Shin

^f«in

then old and iiTing in

he heard of Tsae-f an'e speedi, he

Tsae-fsjB will eertainlj not escape an

Good £aith is seen in the ■ffi*ntmannt

a protection to

pot away both good faith

to avoMi an eril

an inroad into CLIqg as
on to oremm
Wei. as fsr as Sbow-che, [while, in the meaa-
tinkel. Tsae-han of Ching made an inroad into
Ts*ocv and took Sin-shih. Lwan Woo-tssie wish-
ed to repay Ts*oo [for this expedition], hot Hsa
Heen-tsae' said, ^ Ton need not do aou Let the
king go on. aggraTariag his ollenoes, till the
people rerolt from him. Without the people^
who wiU fight for him r"

Pair. 8C9. Hie Choen says: — ^Tn antomn,
in the ^th seonth, there was the borial of dnke
Knngof Sang. At this time Hwa Ynen was
omster of the Right, and Tn Shih master of the
Left; Tai^ Tsih was minister of War; Hwa
He. minister of Instruction; Knng-siin Sae,
nnnister of Works; Hcang W<a-jin, grand
minister of Crime, and Lin Chcx>, the assistsnt
minister; Heang Tae, the grand administrator,
and Yn Foo» the assistant. Tang Tkih, seeing
the weakness of the docal House, kiUed dnke
[Win*s] son, Fei. on which Hwa Tnen ssid, "I
am master iii the Right. It belongs to me as
snch to inculcate the duties between ruler and
ministers. When the ducal House is now thus
humbled, if I cannot deal with the wrong, my
crime will be great. I am unable to disdiarge
the duties of my office, and dare I rely on the
fsTonr [of the duke]?* With this, he left the
State, and fled to Tkin.

'The two Hwa were descended from duke
Tae ; the minister of Works from duke Chwang;
and the other six muusten were all sprung from
duke Hwan. Tu Shih was going to stop Hwa

Ykab XVL

DUKE CEDING.

38S

Yuen, when Ya Foo §aid, **If the master of the
Bight return, he is sure to set about punishing, and
the dan of H wan wUl perish." Yu Shih said, " If
the roaster of the Right get to return, although we
should allow him to punish, he will certainl j not
dare to do so. His services, moreover, have been
many and great, so that the people of the State
are all with him. If he do not return, I am afraid
that the Hwans will not be allowed to maintain
their sacrifices in Sung. Should he set about
punishing, there is [Heang] Seuh. It is only a
small portion of the Hwans that will perish."
rOn this] Yu Shi^ went himself and stopped
Hwa Yuen at the Ho. Yuen said that he must
be allowed to punish, and when this was grant-
ed, he returned, and made Hwa He and Kung-
sun Sze lead the people to attack the Tang
family, when they put to death Tsze-shan
[Tang Tsih]. When it is said in the text that
** Sung put to death its great officer Shan," the
style intimates that he was rebelling against the
ducal House of which he was a scion.

* [After this], Yu Shih, Heang Wei-jin, Lin
Chdo, Heang Tae, and Yu Foo, went out [from
the capital] and halted near the Suy. Hwa
Yuen sent to stop them, but they refused to
stop. In winter, in the 10th month, he went to
them himself, but returned with the like result.
Yu Foo said, ** If we do not now [immediately]
follow him, we shall not be able to enter [the
capital] again. His glances were rapid and his
words also; — ^his purposes towards us were
hostile, as if he would not receive us again. He
will now be driving off rapidly." They ascend-
ed a mound and saw [that Yuen was doing so],
on which they tooK to their chariots, and
hurried after him. The waters of the Suy,
however, had been let out on the country, the
gates of the city were shut, and the parapets
were manned. The master of the Left, the two
ministers of Crime, and the two administrators,
were obliged to flee to Ts'oo. Yuen then ap-
pointed Heang Seuh master of the. Left, Laou

Tso minister of War, and Yoh E minister of
Crime, thus quieting the people.'

Kungand Kuh give^^fi;^^ ^J

*°^ ^ ^ 5 til # ^ " ^^*^^ p*"-

graphs. The integrity of the whole of the para-
graph, indeed, has been called in question. Tlie
text says that Hwa Yuen had fled to Tsin and
that he returned to Sung from Tsin, whereas,
aoc. to the Chuen, he was brought back to Sung
before he reached Tsin. The double occurrence

of ^1^ ifiS yj^, and the use of ^1^ five timet

in so short a space, certainly look suspicious.
See Maou tn he

[The Chuen adds here about Tsin:— * The
three Eeoh fCh'ow, Che, and E] of Tsin injured
Pih-tsung slandering him and procuring his
death, and also that of Lwan Fuh-ke, on whidi
[Tsung's] son Fih Chow-le fled to Ts'oo. Han
Ueen-tsze said, ** Those Keoh will not escape
an evil end ! Qood men are appointed for gov-
emment by Heaven and Earth. If destroying
in this way one and another of them be not
sufficient to ruin those who do so, what [greater
offence] is to be waited for ?" Whenever Fih-
tsung went to court, his wife had been accus-
tom^ to say to him, *' Thieves are angry with
the master [they want to rob], and the people
hate their superiors. You are fond of straight-
forward speiucing, but it will bring you into
difficulties."']

Par. 10. Chung-le belonged to TsHx), — ^in the
pres. dis. of Fung-yang, dep. Fung-yang, Gan-
hwuy. ' This,' says Tso, * was the first instance
of communication between the States of the
north and Woo.'

Par. 11. Sheh,— see Analects, Vn.xviiL The
Chuen says : — * Duke Ling of Heu, dreading the
[constant] pressure of Ch*ing, asked leave of
Ts*oo to remove its capital [into its territory].
Accordingly, on Sin-ch*ow, the Eung-tsze Shin
of Ts*oo removed Heu's chief city to Sheh.'

Sixteenth year.

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T.T.

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DUKE CH'ING.

393

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XVI. 1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's

first month, it rained, and the trees became encrusted
with ice.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-we, the viscount

of T'&ng died.

3 Duke [Muh's] son, He, of Ch'ing led a force, and made

an inroad into Sung.

4 In the sixth month, on Ping-yin, the first day of the

moon, the sun was eclipsed.

5 The marqub of Tsin sent Lwan Yin to I<oo, to ask the

assistance of an army.

6 On ESah-woo, the last day of the moon, the marquis of

Tsin fought with the viscount of Ts'oo and the earl
of Ch'irig at Yen-ling, when the viscount of Ts'oo and
the army of Ch'ing received a great defeat.

7 Ts'oo put to death its great othcer, the Eung-tsze Tsih.

8 In aututrin, the duke [went to have] a meeting with the

marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the marquis of
Wei, Hwa Yuen of Sung, and an officer of Choo, in
Sha^8uy; [but the marquis of Tsin] would not see him.

T»AS XVL

DUKE CH'ING.

395

9 The duke arrived from the meeting.

10 The duke went to join the viscount of Yin, the marquis

of Tsin, Kwoh Tso of Ts*e, and an officer of Choo, in
invading Ch'ing.

11 The earl of Ts'aou returned from the capital.

12 In the ninth month, the people of Tsin seized Ke-sun

H&ng-foo, and lodged him in T'eaou-k'8\v.

13 In winter, Jn the tenth month, on Yih-hae, Shuh-sun

K'eaou-joo fled to Ts^e.

14 In the twelfth month, on Yih-ch*ow, Ke-sun HSng-foo

and Keoh Ch'ow of Tsin made a covenant in Hoo.

15 The duke arrived from the meeting.

16 On Yih-yevv we put to death the duke's half-brother,

Yen.

Par. 1. The critics bring all their powers of
interpretation into the field to find the moral
and political significance of this phsenomenon in
the State of Loo and of the kingdom generally ;
— very needlessly. We hare simply the record
of a striking fact; — ^it had rained heavily, and
immediately after came a severe frost, so that
the ice lay on and hung from the trees. Rung
and Kuh both explain the text by saying,

^ tfij >fw i^JC, 'There was rain, and the
trees became all over ice.*

[The Chuen adds here: — *In spring, the vis-
eoUnt of Ts*oo sent the Kung-tsce Ching from
Woo-shing to seek for peace with Ch'ing by the
offer of the lands of Joo-yin. [On this], Ching
revolted from Tsin, and Tsze-sse went to the
Tiscoant, and made a covenant in Woo-shing.*]

Par: 2. Tso tells us this was duke Wftn

(^ ^). He had held T'ftng 10 years, and
was succeeded by his ton Tuen.()S),— duke

Ching (J^ ^\

Par. 8. Tlie Chuen says: — *Ts2e-han of
Ching invaded Sung, and was defeated at Choh-
pe by Tseang Ts*oo and Yoh Keu. [The con-
querors then] retired and halted at Foo-keu,
where they were not on their guard. The men
of Ch'ing [consequently J overthrew and defeated
them at Choh-ling, takmg both the leaders; —
as Sung had been relying on its previous victory.'

The above attack by Ch'ing on Sung was
probably at the instigation of Ts'oo. The re-
turn for it was not long in coming, for the
Chuen adds: — *The marquis of Wd invaded
Ch'ing, and advanced as far as Ming-yen; — in
behalf of Tsin.'

Par. 4. This eclipse, visible at noon, took
place on the 1st May, B. C. 574.

Far. 6. The Chuen says: — * The marquis of
Tsin was going to invade Ch*ing. Fan Wftn-
tsxe said, **To satisfy my desires, all the States
Would revolt from Tsin, and then T«tin might
be satisfied [W&n-tsze saw great evils in Tsin
itself, which he thought couid only be kept in
check by apprehensions fh>m without, and their
removal was necessary in his view to the pros-
perity of the State]. If only ChMng revolt from it,

the sorrow of Tsin will not hav^ to be wafted tot
long." Lwan Woo-tsze said, ** We must not in my
time lose the States. We nmst invade ChMng."
On this the armies were called out. Lwan Shoo
commanded that of the centre, with Sze S^h at
assistant ; Keoh £ the 1st army, with Seun Yen
as assistant; Han Keueh, the 8d; Keoh Che
acted as assistant-commander of the new army,
Seun Ying remaining and keeping guard in
Tsin. Keoh Ch'ow went to Wei, and then on
to T8*e, to ask the assistance of their armies.
Lwan Yin came to Loo to ask the aid of an
army from it. M&ng Heen-tsze said, '* He Will
be victorious.*' '

Par. 6. Yen-ling was in Ch*ing. The name

remains in the dis. So called, in the dep. of K*a6«

fung. There had been a State of Yen, which
was extinguished and incorporated with Ch*ing
by duke Woo.

The Chuen says: — ^*0n Mow-yin, the armlet
of Tsin commenced their march; and Ch4ng;
hearing of their approach, sent word to Ts*oo,
Yaou Kow-urh going with the messenger. The
viscount of Ts'oo marched to the relief of ChMng.
The minister of War [Tsze-fan] commanded the
army of the centre; the chief minister [Tsze^
ch^ng] commanded on the left, and Tsze-sin,
minister of the Right, on the right. As they
passed by Shin, 'I'sze-fan entered the city, to
see Shin Shuh-she [see on XV. 7], and asked
him what he thought of the expedition. The
other replied, ** Virtuous goodness, punishments,
religion, righteousness, propriety, and good faitli,
all are the appliances of war. Virtuous good-
ness appears in the exercise of kindness; punish*
ment in the correction of what is wrong, religion
in the service of the Spirits ; righteousness in
the establishment of wliat is beneficial ; proprie-
ty in doing things at the proper times; and good
faith in the watchful keeping of everything.
[When these things obtain], the people live well
oflT, and their virtue is correct ; all movement*
are with advantage, and affairs are rightly
ordered ; the seasons are all accorded with, and
everything is prosperous ; harmony prevails be-
tween superiors and inferiors; all movements
are made without insulK)rdinate op{)ositio»;
whatever the superiors require is responded to;
everyone knows his dntv. Hence it is said in
the ode (She, IV. i. [i.] X.),

396

THE CH*UN TSEW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK vm.

'Tboa didst establish [and nourish] the

multitudes of our people, —
The immense gift of thjr goodness/

In consequence of this, [in that ancient time], the
Spirits sent down their blessing, and the seas^ms
aU passed without calami tj or injury. The
wants of the people were abundantly supplied,
and with consenting harmony they rec Jved the
orders of their superiors. They all did their
utmost to obey those orders, and would devote
themselves to death to supply the places of any
that were lacking. This was the way to secure
Tictory in battle. But now [the gOTcmment of]
Ts*oo abandons the people in the State itself,
and it breaks off its friendships with other
States; it irreligiously violates its covenants,
and eats its words ; it moves in the season when
it ought not to do so, and wearies its people to
gratify [its ambition]. The people have lost their
confidence in its good faith ; let them advance
or retire, they will be held guilty. When men
are thus anxious about what will come to them,
who will be prepared to go to the death ? Bo
yon, Sir, do your utmost, but I shall not see you
again." Taon Kuw-urh returned [to Ching]
before the messenger, and Tsze-sze asked hun
[about the army of Ts^oo]. He replied, '^ Its
marc^h is rapid, and it passes through danger*
ous passes without order. The rapidity of its
march leads to the want of proper thought, and
its neglect of order disorganizes its ranks. With •
out thought aud with its ranks disordered, how
can it fight? I am afraid that Ts'oo willJie of
no use to us.*'

*In the 5th month, the army of Tsin crossed the
Ho, and heard of the approach of that of Ts^oo.

Fan W&n-tsze wished that they should return, and
said, ** if we make as if we were avoiding Ts^ it
may lighten [our own] sorrow. We cannot unite
the States in allegiance to Tsin. Let us leave that
to some one who can unite and hold them all.
If we, the ministers of Tsin, can harmoniously
serve our ruler, we may be well content." Woo-
tsze refused to take this counsel ; and in the 6th
month, Tsin and Ts'oo met at Yen-ling. [Then]
Fan WAn-tsze did not want to fight, but Keoh
Che said to him, '< At the battle of Han [See
y.xv. 13], duke Hwuy could not marshal his
troops; at the battle of Ke [See V. xxxiii. 8],
Seen Chin [died, and] could not return with an
account of his commission; at the battle of Peih
[See VII. xii. 3], Seun Pih could not return by
the way he had advanced. These battles were
all to the disgrace of Tsin ; — ^you, Sir, are your-
self acquainted with the history of our former
rulers. If we now avoid Ts'oo, it will be an
additional disgrace." Wan-tsze replied, " Tliere
was reason for the frequent battles of our former
rulers. [In their times], Ts'in, the Teih, Ts'e,
and Ts'oa were all powerful enemies; and if
they had not exerted their strength, their de-
scendants would have been reduced to weakness.
But now three of those strong ones have sub-
mitted, and we have only to cope with Tsoo.
It is only a sage ruler who can safely be without
trouble either from abroad or within bis State.
Excepting under a sage ruler, when there is
quietness abroad, sorrow is sure to spring up at
home; why should we not leave Ts'oo to be an
occasion of apprehension to us from abroad ?"

'On Keah-woo, the last day of the month, the
army of Ts'oo came close up to that uf Tsin,

and drew up in order of battle. The officers of
Tsin were perplexed by this movement, when
Fan K'ae [A lad, son of W&n-tsze] ran forward,
and said, ^'Stop up the wells, and level the
cooking places, marshal the army within the
encampment, and make room for the heads of
the colunms to issue. BefffP**" "^itn aiflil "^1

vJCtOiy must be thP pt?tnf Ho<nrf n ; — what

tsitV is there ter fa^

lexed?" _Wfa-

necessii

ta"

tsze took a lance and cbase<i [his sonj, saying,
*• The preservation or ruin of tne State depend
on Heaven; what does a boy like you KnowT*
l.Wan Shoo said, "The army of Ts'oo is full
of levity. Let us keep firm within our en*
trenchments, and in 3 days it will be sure to
withdraw. H we then attack it, we shall get
the victory." Keoh Che said, *^ Ts*oo alffords os
six advantages, which should not be lost:^the
two ministers [commanding it] hate each other;
the king's soldiers are old; the army of Ch^ing
is marshalled, but not in good order; the wild
tribes of the south are there, but their forces
are not marshalled; the army of Ts*oo has been
marshalled without regard to its being the last
day of the month ; there was a clamour during
the marshalling, and there is still more now
that it is effected, each man looking behind him,
without any heart for fighting. The old soldiers
cannot be good; and with them to violate the
day which Heaven requires men to stand in
awe on, — we shall surely conquer."

^The visiH)unt of T8*oo got up on a carriage
with a look-out on it to survey the army of
Tsin; and Tsze-ch^ung sent the grand-adminis-
trator, Pih Chow-le [See the Chuen after p. 9
of last year] to wait behind him. The king said,
" There are men running to the left and to the
right. What does that mean?" "They are
calling the officers," replied Chow-le. "They
are all collected in the army of the centre.
"They are met to take counsel." "They are
pitching a tent." "It is reverently to divine
before the Spirit-tablets of Tsin's former rulers,"
"They are removing the tent." "The com-
mands of the marquis are about to be given
forth." "There is a great clamour, and there
are clouds of dust." "They are shutting up
the wells and levelling the cooking places in
order to form their ranks." "They had mounted
their carriages, and now the men on the left and
right descend, with their weapons in their
hands." "It is to hear the speech of the gen-
eral." " Will they fight ?" " I cannot yet telL*
"They had [again] mounted their carriages,
and [again] those on the left and right descend."
"It is to pray in reference to the battle."
Chow-le [also] told the king about the mar-
quis's own men.

* [At the same time], Meaou Fun-hwang [A
fugitive from Ts^oo, a son of Tow Tseaou; see tne
Chuen after VII. iv. C], was by the side of the
marquis of Tsin, and told him about the king's
own men. On both sides [the armies] said,
" There is an officer of our State [with the ene-
my], and their number is great, not to be re-
sisted." Meaou Fun-hwang said to the marquis,
" The best soldiers of Ts'oo are in the army of
the centre, which is made up of clans descended
from the kings of Ts^oo. Divide your best
soldiers and attack the left and right armies of
Ts^oo, and then bring all your three armies to-
gether against the king's men ; in this way yon
will inflict on Ts'oo a great defeat" The mar-

T»AB XVL

DUKE CH*ING.

397

quia consulted the milfoil about it when the di-
viner said, *'The result is fortunate. The
diagram found is fuh (==)» which indicates

that the southern State is reduced to extremi-
ty; its great king is shot, and hit in his eye.
If this, — the State reduced to extremity and its
king wounded— does not intimate defeat, what
would you wait for ? "

^ The marquis accordingly [determined to fight].
In front of his entrenclunents there was a slough,
and to avoid it the chariots separated, some
going to the left, and some to the right. E of
Poo (Keoh E) was charioteer to the marquis, and
Lwan K^een was spearman on the right. P'ftng
Ming drove king Kung of Ts*oo, with P*wan
Tang on the right. Shih Show drove duke
Ching of Ch'ing, with T'ang Kow on the right.
Lwan [Woo-tsze] and Fan [Wftn-tsze], with
their clansmen, advanced on either side of the
marquis, whose carriage sank in the slough.
Lwan Slioo came to take him into his, but K^een
said, '* Retire, Shoo. You have the great charge
from the State, and how can you take it on you
[to abandon it for another]? Moreover, to
encroach on the office of another is presumption ;
to abandon your own office is an act of disrespect ;
to leave your own game is treachery. Here are
three offences, which you must not incur."
[With these words] he dragged [the carriage of J
the marquis out of the slough.

*0n Kwei-szc, Tang, [the son] of P*wan Wang
and Yang Yew-ke had set buff-coats and shot at
tliem, their arrows going through seven at once.
[The spectators] took [the proof of their skill
and strength] to show it to the king, saying,
'* Since you have two officers like these, you
need not be anxious about the battle." The
king, however, was angry, and said [to the
archers], ** You are a great disgrace to the State.
To-morrow morning, your archery will be found
the art that will cause your death."

*E of Leu [Wei £] dreamt that he discharged
an arrow at the moon, and hit it, but that, on
retiring, he got into the mire. An interpreter
told him, ^* [Princes of] the surname Ke are
represented by the sun; those of other surnames,
by the moon. Tour dream must respect the
king of Ts*oo, — you shall shoot and hit him ;
but the getting into tlie mire, as you retired,
shows that you will also die." In the battle,
accordingly, £ shot king Kung in the eye. The
king called for Yang Yew-ke, and gave him two
arrows, that he might shoot Leu E. [The first]
hit him in the neck, so that he fell dead on his
quiver, and Yew-ke returned the othef arrow,
and report«<l the execution of his commission.

*Keoh Che three times met the viscount's
soldiers ; and whenever he saw the viscount, he
dismounted from his chariot, took off his helmet,
and ran like the wind, llie viscount sent Seang,
minister of Works, to salute him, and present
him with a bow, saying, **In a time of so much
business and excitement as the present, that
man with the gaiters of red leather shows him-
self a superior man. [Say that] I am afraid
lest, running as he does when he recognizes me,
he should hurt himself." When Keoh Che saw
tJie stranger, he took off his helmet, received his
message, and then said, ** I, Che, the minister of
another State, following my ruler to the wars,
by the pow'erful influence of your ruler find
myself among the buffcoats and helmets. I do

not dare to kneel in acknowledgment of your
message, but I venture to say how the con-
descension of it from your ruler makes me feel
not at ease. In consequence of present circum-
stances, I will venture with my hands to the
ground to salute liis messenger." And thus he
sainted the messenger three times, and then with-
drew.

* Han Keueh of Tsin was pursuing the earl of
Ch*ing, when his charioteer, Too Hwftn-Io, said to
him, ** Let us make haste after him. His driver
often looks round, and has not his mind upon his
horses. He can be overtaken." Han Keueh,
however, said, *^ I ought not a second time to
disgrace the ruler of a State [See the account
of the battle of Gan in the 2d year];" and de*
sisted from the pursuit.

* Keoh Che [then J pursued the earl, and the
spearman on his right, Fuh Han-hoo, said to
him, '^ Let some runners get before and intercept
him, and I will get into his chariot from behind,
capture him, and descend." Keoh Che said,
**He who injures the ruler of a State gets pun-
ished ;" and also gave up the pursuit. Shih
Show (The earl's charioteer; see above] then
said, " It was only because duke E of Wei would
not take down his flag, that he was defeated at
Yung [See on IV.ii.7. The present passage

Shows that we should there read ^t iM! ^&\ "
and he put the earl's flag into the quiver. T'an
Kow [the spearman] said to Shih Show, ** You
are by our ruler's side. Our defeat is great. I
am not so important as you. Do you make your
escape with the earl, and let me remain here.'*
And there he died.

* The army of Ts*oo drew near to a dangerous
pass, and Shuh-shan Jen said to Yang Yew-ke,
** Notwithstanding the king's command, it being
for the State, you must shoot." Yew-ke shot
two arrows, each of which killed its man. Shuh-
shan Jen seized a man, and hurled him against
the cross bar in front of his chariot which was
broken by the force; and the army of Tsin,
[seeing such archery and such strength], stop-
ped its pursuit, having made a prisoner of Fel,
a son of the viscount of T8*oo.

* Lwan K'cen, seeing the flag of Tsze-ch'ung,
made a request to the marquis, saying, "The
people of Ts^oo say that flag is the signal flag of
T8ze-ch*ung. That then is Tsze-ch*ung. For-
merly, when I was sent onamissiontoTs*oo, he
asked me in what the valour of Tsin was seen.
I told hira it was seen in our love of orderly
arrangement, and when he asked in what be-
sides, I said, in our love of being leisurely. Now
his State and ours have engaged in battle, with-
out any messenger having gone from us ; — that
is not what can be c«nlied orderly arrangement.
And if in the time of action I eat my words,
that cannot be called acting leisurely. Allow
me to send a drink to him." The marquis
granted the request, and K'een then sent a
messenger with a vessel of spirits to Tsze-
ch'ung, and to say for him self, **My ruler,
through want of other officers, has employed me
to be in attendance on him with my spear, so
that I cannot in person dispense bounty to your
followers, and have sent So-and-So with a drink
to you in my room." Tsze-ch'ung said, ** This
must be in consequence of what he said to me
in Ts*oo; — do I not remember his words?" He
then received the vessel and drank, let the

398

TH£ CU*UN TS'EW, WITH TH£ TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VIII.

meflsenger go, and resnined the beating of his
dmin.

*It WW morning when the lighting begmn,
mnd when the ttan appeared, it waa not over.
Tne-fan ordered the officers of the armj to ex-
amine the wounded, to rappij from the reserves
the place of those who had fallen, to repair the
tnilT-coats and weapons, to inspect the chariots
and horses, and that all should take a meal at
eock-crow, so as to be ready for orders. On the
aide of Tsin tliej were troubled about these
arrangements, and Meaou Fun-hwang went
round the host, saying, " Review the reserves,
and supply the place of the fallen; feed your
horses and sharpen yom* weapons; maintain the
same array, and strengthen your ranks; take a
meal in your tents, and repeat your prayers; —
to-morrow we will resume the engagement.** At
the same time they let go some of their prisoners.

'When the king heard this, he called Tsse-
An to him to consult, but Tsae-fan's servant,
Kuh-yang, had supplied him with spirits till he
was now drunk, and not able to see. The king
said, *« Heaven is defeating Ts^oo. We must
not remain here." He withdrew accordingly
during tlie night, and Tsin entered the camp of
TsVx>, and found grain in it sufficient for three
days. Fan W&n-tsze stood before the marquis's
horses, and said, ** With your lordship so young,
and your officers so wanting in ability, however
did we attain to this? Let your ^loidship be-
ware [of being lifted up]. It is said in one of
the Books of Chow (Shoo, V.ix,23) that Hhe
appointments of Heaven are not constant,' in-
dicating that it is virtue [which secures them]."

Far. 7. See on V. xxviii. 6. The remarks
made there on Tih-8hin*s death are applicable
here to that of Tsze-fan. He is called the
Kung-tsae, being a son of duke Muh. The
Chuen says: — * Tlie army of Ts'oo returned, and
when it had got as far as Hea, the king sent a
messenger to Tsze-fan saying, ** When a former
great officer of our State [Tih-shin] caused the
overthrow of his army, the ruler was not prNent.
Do not consider [the present disaster] as your
fault ;~the guilt of it belongs to me." Tsae-f an
bowed twice, with his head to the ground, and
aaid, **The king grants me death, and I will die
without shrinking from it My soldiers did
really flee, and I feel that the guilt is mine."
[At the same time], Tsze-ch'ung sent a message
to Tsie-fan, saying, '* You have heard the case
of him who formerly lost his army; why should
you not consider and act accordingly?" He
replied, ** Though there had not been such a
case, dare I do anything but approve of your
command [thus conveyed]? Having lost our
ruler's army, dare I forget to die?" Tlie king
sent to stop him fVom hU purpose, but, before
the messenger arrived, he had died [by his own
hand].'

Par. 8. Sha-suy was in Sung, — 6 U to the
west of the pres. dis. ci^ of Ning-ling (SlI^X

dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. If we translate "^ by

*had a meeting,* aa in other cases, then the

beginning and ending of the par. would not

agree. The duke was disgraced, say the critics,
by the marquis of Tsin ; and if there had been
reason for tne disgrace, then Confucius would
have concealed it, as his duty to his native State
required him to do. But as in this case Loo

was in the right and Tsin in the wrong, the text
does not shrink from intimating the disgrace!
It must be confessed that the disgrace is in-
timated in a very indefinite manner.

The Chuen says :— ' On the day of the battle,
Kwoh Tso and Kaon Woo-k*ew of Ts<e reached
the army [of Tsin] ; the marquis of Wei com-
menced his march [to join it] from his capital;
and the duke proceeded from Hwae-tHiy. Seuen-
pih [Shuh-sun K'eaou-joo] had an intrigue with
Muh Keang [the duke's mother], and wanted to
make away with Ke and MAng [Ke-sun Hing*
foo or Ke Wftn-tsae, and Mftng Heen-tsae or
Chung-sun Meeh] and appropriate their pro-
perty. When the duke was commencing his
march, Muh Kgang escorted him, and urged
him to drive out those two ministers; but he
represented to her his difficulties with Tsin, and
begged [that the matter might be in abeyance]
till his return, when he would bear her com-
mands. She was angry; and the duke's two
half brothers Yen and Ts*oo [just then] hurry-
ing past, she pointed to them, and said, '*If yon
refuse, either of these may be our ruler." The
duke waited at Hwae-t'uy, renewing his orders
for a carefhl watch to be maintained m the pa«
lace, and appointed officers to guard [the city].
After this he marched, but the delay made him
too late [for the battle]. He had appointed
Mftng Heen-tsce to keep guard in the palace.

''i'^e meeting in autumn at Sha^suy was to take
measures for the invasion of ChHng. Seuen-pih
sent information to Keoh Ch*ow that the duke
had waited in Hwae-tHiy, till he should see which
side conquered. [Now] Keoh ChHiw command-
ed the new army, and was president of piit
branch of] the ducal relatives, with the manage-
ment of the States of the east. He took bribes
fW>m Seuen-pih, and accused the duke to the
marquis of Tsin, who consequently leAiaed to
see him.'

Par. 9. [The Chuen appends here: — *The
people of Ts*aott made a petition to Tsin, saying,
"Since our last ruler, duke Seuen, left the
world, our people have been saying, < How is it
that our sorrows do not ever come to an end ? '
And now you have further punished our present
ruler, so as to send into exile his brother [S<M
on XV. pp. 3, 4], the guardian of the altars of
Ts'aou [See on p. of last year] 7 Thus you are
greatly destroying Ts'aou. Is it not because
our former ruler was chargeable with offences?
If [our present one] be gnilty, yet he had taken
his place in an assembly [of the States]. Your
lordship is chief and leader of the States, be-
cause the punishments you have inflicted have
not been contrary to virtue; — how is it thai
your dealings with our poor State should be the
single exception to this? We venture thus
privately to set forth our case." ']

Par. 10. The viscount of mn was a nobto

and minister of the royal court, his dty of Tin

being, probably, in the pres. dia. of £-yang

(*§f D|r), dep. of Ho-nan. That Tsin should

call out a minister of Chow to accompany it in
the invasion of another State shows how low
the royal authority was now reduced.

The Chuen says: — ^*In the 7th month, the
duke joined duke Woo of Yin and the States in
an invasion of Ching. When he was about to
set out, Muh Keang laid her commands on him
in the same way as before, while he also repMtf*

Yejol XVI.

DUKE CH*ING.

399

cd his lurrimgementB for keeping guard, and
went his way. The ftrmiee of the other States
halted on the west of Ch*ing, and our army
halU?d at I'uh-yang, not daring to pass through
that State. Tsze-shuh Shing-pih \Tbe Kung-sun
ying-to*ej sent Shuh-sun Paou [brother of
K*eaou-joo] to ask a party from tlie army of Tsin
to come and meet us, saying he would remain
without eating, in the borders of Ch*ing, till it ar-
rived. When the party did come to meet us,
Shing-pUi liad been waiting for it 4 days without
eating anything; and then he gave food to Paou's
messenger [also], before he ate himself. The
SUtes then removed [with their forces] to Che-
t*een. Che Woo-tsze (Seun Ying) was acting as
the assisUnt-coinmander of the 8d army ; and
with it and some forces of the States, he made an
Incursion into Ch4n, as far as Ming-luh. Thence
he went on into Ts*ae ; and before he returned,
the SUtes had removed to Ying-shang. There,
on Mow-woo, Tsze-han of Ch'ing attacked them
in the night, and the leaders of the armies of
Sung, T8*e, and Wei aU got separated from

Par. 11. The Chuen says:— "The people of
Ts'aou again begged Tsin [to return to them
their eari]. The marquis said, "If Tsze-tsang
return, I will send back your ruler." Tsze-
tsang did return [from Sung] [See on p. 4 of
last year], and then the earl returned to Ts^aou.
Tsze-tsang surrendered [to his brother] his city
and his office of minister, and did not leave [his
house to engage in the public service],*

Par. 12. We must understand that Ke-sun
Hftug-foo was in attendance on the duke in the
invasion of ChHng. T*eaou-k*cw was a city of
Tsin, but its situatu>n is not known. Kung-

yang has :^ J^.

The Chuen says :— * Seuen-pih [K*eaou-joo]
sent word to Keoh Ch'ow, saying, "Ke and
M&ng are in Loo what Lwan and Fan are m
Tsin;— by them is all the action of the govt,
determined. Now they have consulted together,
and say, " The govt, of Tsin issues from many
gates; tsin is not to be followed. We had bet-
ter serve Ts*e or Ts*oo. [In any wise] we can
only perish; we will not follow Tsin.*^ If you
wish to get your will in Loo, let me ask you to
detain Hftng-foo, and put him to death. I will
[here] cut off Meeh, and serve Tsin with an
unwavering fldeUty. When Loo does not waver
in its adherence to Tsin, the smaller States are
sure to agree in their service. If vou do not do
as I request, when he returns, he is sure to
revolt from you." In the 9th month, the people
of Tsin seized and held Ke Wftn-tsze in T*eaou-

k*ew.

* rhe duke, returning [from the expedition],
waited in Yun, while he sent Tsze-shuh Shing-
pih to ask Tsin to liberate Ke-sun. KSoh
Ch»ow said to him, " if you will take off Chung-
sun Mech, and we detain [here] Ke-sun Hftng-
foo, I will be more ftriendly with your Stat»
than with our own ducal House." Shing-pih
replied, "You must have hoard all about K'eaou-
joo. If you Uke away Mfieh and H&ng-foo, it
will be a great casting away of Loo, and will
involve my ruler in guilt [towards you]. But
if you will not cast Loo away, but bestow on
it your favour as a blessing of the duke of
Chow, so that my ruler can [continue to] serve
yours, then these two men are the ministers on

whom Loo*s altars depend. Destroy them in the
morning, and in the evening Loo is lost to you,
for it lies near to the States that are hostile to

you. If it be once lost to you and become
hostile, how can you remedy such an issue?"
Keoh ChH)w urged, "I will ask a city for you."
The other replied, " I am but an ordinary un-
derling of Loo; dare I seek to become great
through your great State? I have received my
ruler's order to present to you this request. If
I obtain it, your gift will be great; what more
should I seek for?"

*Fan Wan-toze said to Lwan Woo-tsze, ** Ke-
sun has been minister to two marquises of Loo,
yet his concubines have never worn silk, and
his horses have not fed on grain. If we believe
the sUnderous and bad, and cast awair the loyal
and good, how shall we appear to the States?
Tsze-shuh Ying-ts'e has discharged his ruler's
commission without any selfishness. He consult-
ed for his State, without swerving from his
purpose ; consideration for himself did not make
him forget his ruler. If we deny his request,
we shall be abandoning a good man. You ought
to take measures accordingly." [On this], they
agreed to peace with Loo, and liberated Ke-sun.'
Par. 13. On the liberation of Ke Wftn-tsze,
the scale turned against K*gaou-joo. The Chuen
says:— * In winter, in the lOth month, [the
people drove] away Shuh-sun K*eaou-joo, and
[the great officers] entered into a covenant
regarding him. He fled to Ts«e.'

Par. 14. The Chuen says:— * In the 12th
month, Ke-sun and Keoh made a covenant in
Hoo. [Ke-sun] then returned to Loo, and put
to death the duke's half brother Yen [see on p.
8]. [Loo subsequently] called Shuh-sun Paou
from Ts'e, and made him the representative [of
the Shuh-sun family];— see in the 2d year of
next Book.' Hoo, — see III. xxiii. 10.

Par. 16. [The Chuen gives here two narra-
tives:—Ist, 'Shing M&ng-tsze [the mother of
the marquis of Ts*e, a daugliter of the House of
Sung; the eldest daughter by a concubine] began
an intrigue with K'caou-Joo, and gave him a
position between that of naou and Kwoh. He
said, however, "I must not be charged with
such an offence a second time," and fled to Wei,
where also his position was between that of its
ministers.' 2d, * The marquis of Tsin sent Keoh
(3he to Chow to present the spoils of Ts*oo ; and
there, in talking with duke Seang of Shen, he
frequently boasted of his services. The vis-
count of Shen said to the great officers of the
court, "Keof wan [Keoh Che; see the Chuen
at the end of the 11th year] will come to an
evil end! His position is below that of seven
others, and he seeks to hide the merit of those
above him. When resentmenU gather round a
man, there is the root of all disorder. How can
he who excites many resentments and prepares
the steps of disorder continue in a high position ?
One of the Boolcs of Hea (Shoo, III. iii. 5) says,

* Should resentment be waited for till it
appears f
It nmst be cared for before it is seen ;'

sliowing how cautious we should be in small
things, but now he publishes what must occa-
sion resentment. Can that end well?" 'j

400

THE CH*tJN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHTJEN.

BOOK vm.

Par. 16. The execution of Ten is ascribed in
the Chuen on p. 14 to Ke Wftn-tsze, while here
it would appear to be the action of the duke.
The duke, no doubt, ordered it under the direc-
tion of the minister. The critics are puzzled to

account for the execution of Yen, while his
brother Ts*oo was spared [See on p. 8], and thej
Tex themselves also witli the force of the wy
[See on V. xxviii. 2J.

Seventeenth year.

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XVII. 1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, Pih-kung Kwoh of

Wei led a force, and made an incursion into Ching.

2 In summer, the duke joined the viscount of Yin, the

viscount of Shen, the marquis of Tsin, the marquis

of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the

TiA« xvn.

DUKE Cn»INO.

405

earl of Ts^aou, and an officer of Choo, in invading
Ch'ing.

3 In the sixth month, on Yih-yew, they made a covenant

together in Ko-ling.

4 In autumn, the duke arrived from his meeting [with

the other princes].

5 Kaon Woo-k*ew of Ts*e fled to Keu.

6 In the ninth month, on Sin-clrow, we offered the bor-

der sacrifice.

7 The marquis of Tsin sent Seun Ying to Loo to ask the

assistance of an army.

8 In winter, the duke joined the viscount of Shen, the

marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of
Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, an officer of Ts'e, and an
officer of Choo, in invading Ch'ing.

9 In the eleventh month, the duke arrived from the in-

vasion of Ch*ing.

10 On Jin-shin, Kung-sun Ying-ts'e died in Le-shin.

1 1 In the twelfth month, on Ting-sze, the sun was eclipsed.

12 Keoh-tseu, viscount of Choo, died.

13 Tsin put to death its great officers, Keoh E, Keoh

Ch*ow, and Keoh Che.

14 The people of Ts'oo extinguished Shoo-yung.

Par. 1. The Chaen 8iiy§: — 'This year, in
•pring, in the king's 1st month, Tsze-sze of
Ch4ng made an incursion into [the districts of]
Hen and Hwah in Tsin, when Jpih-kung Kwoh
of Wei, to relieve Tsin, made an incursion into

ChHng, as far as Kaou-ehe.' For i^ Rung-
yang has j^. Pih-kung Kwoh is also known

as Pih-kung E-tsze CJfc *§* ^ -^). Too

•ays he was a great-grandson of duke Ch'ing
of Wd. Many of the critics insist upon a canon

here regarding the use of "^y that it is used

instead of 4^ when the inyasion was made by

a State at the command of the larger one whose
superiority it acknowledged. The canon is with-
out foundation, and would only mystify the text.

Par. 2. See on par. 10 of last year. In VI.
xiy. II, et€iL^ we have *the earl of Shen;' here
'the visoount.' The title had been reduced.
The Chuen says: — 'In summer, in the 5th
nonth, K*w&n Wan, the eldest son of the earl
of Ching, and How Now, became hostages
in Ts'oo, and the two Kung-tszes of Ts*oo, Ch'ing
and Tin, came to guard the territory of Ch'ing.
The duke joined duke Woo of Yin, duke Seang
of Shen, and [the forces ofj other States, in
invading Ch*ing, from He-t*ung to K^uh-wei.'

(The Chuen introduces here: — *When Fan
WAn-tsze returned from Yen-ling, he made the

Sriest of his ancestral temple pray that he might
ie, saying, ** Our ruler is haughty and extrava-
gant, and, by this victory over his enemie8,Heaven
li increasing his disease. Troubles will soon arise.
Let him that loves me curse me, so that I may

soon die, and not see thi-^se troubles ; — that will
be my happinesA.' In the 6th month, on Mow-
shin, Sze iSeeh [Wfin-tszc] died.' Too says that

he committed suicide ( |^ ^^)9 ^"^ ^ ^^ ^^^

know on what authority.]

Par. 8. Too says that Ko-ling was in the
west of Cli'ing Nothing more is known of it.
The object of the covenant, aoc. to Tso-she, waf
to renew that of Ts'eih in the past year. The
parties to the covenant were of course the
princes and ministers mentioned in the former
par. The omission of them here is unimportant,
though many critics dwell on it, as intended to
conceal the part taken in the covenant by the
representatives of the king.

Par. 4. The duke returned so soon, the coali-
tion having been foiled. The Chuen says:—
* Tsze-ch'ung of Ts^oo relieved Ch'ing, and took
post with his army at Show-che, on which [the
armies of] the States returned.*

Par. 5. The Chuen says:— *K*ing K*ih of
Ts'e had an intrigue with Shing M&ng-tsze [See
the 1st Chuen after p. 14 of last year], and waa
carried through a street leading to the palace
in a carriage along with a woman, himself dis-
guised as a woman. Paou K*een [A great-
grand-son of Paou Shuh-ya of duke Hwan's
time] saw him, and told Kwoh Woo-tsze [Kwoh
Tso], who sent for K'ih, and spoke to him.
K4h [in consequence] for a long time kept in
bis house, but he informed the duchess that
Kwoh-tsze had been reproving him, which en-
raged her. When duke Ling went to join [the
other princes], Kwoh-tsze attended him, while
Kaou and Paou remained in charge of the capi-
tal. When he was returning, before his arrival.

404

THE CHUN TS^EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VIII.

these officers kept the gates of the city shut,
aod made inquisition for strangers [who might
attempt to enter]. On this Mftng-tsze accused
them, saying that they had meant not to admit
the duke, bat to appoint duke King's son, Keoh,
in his room, and that Kwoh-tsze was privy to
their design. In autumn, in the 7th month, on
Jin-shin, [duke Ling] caused Paou K'een's feet
to be cut off, and drove out Kaon Woo-k*ew, who
fled to Keu. [His son], Kaou Joh held [their
city of] Loo against the State; and the people
pf Ts'e called Paou Kwoh [K'een's brother]
from Loo, and appointed him the Head of his
family.

' Before this, Paou Kwoh had left the Paou
family in Ts'e, and come to Loo, where he be-
came a servant to She Heaou-shuh [See the
Chuen on XL 2]. She was consulting the tor-
toise-shell about a steward, and K'wang K'eu-
seu was indicated for the appointment. Now
the steward of the She family had a town of 100
houses, which was assigned to K^wang Keu-seu.
He, however, declined the appointment in fa-
vour of Paou Kwoh, and gave the town up to
him. She Heaou-shuh said, "The divination
gave a favourable response for you." K^wang
replied, " And what could be a greater proof of
its being favourable than my giving the office
to a faithful, good man ?" Paou Kwoh served
the She family faithfully, and therefore the
people of Ts*e now chose him to be the repre-
sentative of the Paou family. Chung-ne said,
**The wisdom of Paou Chwang-tsze (Paou K^een)
was not equal to that of a sunflower. Though
but a flower, it is able to protect its roots!'. —
This certainly is not like one of Confucius' re-
marks; and the critics unanimously agree in
protesting against the ascription of it to him.

Par. 6. The 9th month of Chow was the 7th
of Hea, when there ought to have been no bor-
der sacrifice. The use of f^ before <^ is
singular, and has given rise to much spectdation.
Many critics, after Kung-yang, would make a
canon, that B| is always used to indicate dis-
approbation of that to which it is applied

Cffl^^lCffl-tfc)- Some, e.pecUUy
Lew Ch'ang, think that it indicates the use of
a human victim at this sacrifice, and the
K'ang-he editors have needlessly given an
elaborate refutation of that view. Maou thinks
the text is defective.

Parr. 7,8,9. Foiled in its previous expedition,
Tsin makes another attempt, equally unsuccess-
ful, to regain its authority over Ching. The
(liuen says: — 'In winter, the States invaded
Ch'ing; and in the 10th month, on Kftng-woo,
they laid siege to its capital. Kung-tsze Shin
of Ts'oo came to its relief, and took post, with
his army, on the Joo, on which [the forces of]
the States withdrew.

Par. 10. For Q^ Kung-yang has ^, and

Kuh-l€ang has >S. Where Le-shin was has
not been ascertamed. There is a difficulty about

the day Jin-shin, which cannot have been in the
11th month of this year. Jin-shin is only two
days after Kftng-woo, when, according to the
last Chuen, the allies laid siege to the capital of
Ching; — some time in the 10th month. Calcu-
lating back from Ting-tsze, as the 1st day of the

12th month, we must conclude likewise that
the 11th month contained no Jin-shin day.
The critics, since Kung and Kuh and their earli-
est editors, make Jin -shin to have been the 15th
day of the 10th month; but this is in conffict
with the *■ 1 1th' month of the previous paragraph.
Too says that 'the day is wrong ( Q ^||)/

meaning that either the -^ or the B3 is
wrong; — in the 11th month of this year there
were the days -^ J^, -^ J^, and -^ -4p-,

and also 1^ ^ toid ff^ ^.

The Chuen says : — 'Before this, Shing-pih (the
Kung-suii Ting-ts^e) dreamt that he was cross-
ing the Hwan, when some one gave him a k^hmg
gem and a fine pearl, which he ate. He then
fell a-crying, and his tears turned to li^eung gema
and fine pearls, till his breast was filled with
them. After this he sang: —

" Crossing the waters of the Hwan,
They gave me a pearl and a gem.
Home let me go I Home let me go I
My breast with pearls and gems is fulL"

[When he awoke], he was afraid and did not
venture to have the dream interpreted. Be-
tuming [now] from Ch*ing, on Jin-shin he ar-
rived at Le-smn, and had the dream interpreted,
*aying, *'I was afraid it indicated my death,
and did not venture to have it interpreted*
Now the multitude with me is great, and the
dream has followed me three years. It cannot
hurt me to tell it." He did so; and in the even-
ing of that day he died.'

[The Chuen here returns to the affkirt td
Ts*e in p. 6 :— ' The marquis of Ts'e sent Ts'uy
Ch'oo [See the Chuen on VH. x. 6.] as great offi-
cer in command, with King Kih under him, to
lead a force and besiege "Loo, Kwoh Tso wat
then with the States at the 8l^;e of the capital
of Ch'ing, but leave was asked and obtained for
him to return to Ts'e, on account of the diffi-
culties of the State. He then went to the army
at Loo, and put King K'ih to death, revolting
also from the nmrquis in [his own d^ of] Kulk
The marquis made a covenant with him at Sea-
kwan, and restored him. In the 12th month,
Loo surrendered, and the marquis sent Kwoh
[Tso's son] Shing to inform Tsin of the troubles,
having charged him to wait [for his ftirther]
orders in Ts'ing.*]

Par. 11. This eclipse took place 17th Oct.,
B. C. 67d, and was visikde in Loo in the moni-
ing.

Par. 12. This was duke Ting. He had been
viscount of Choo for 40 years. As fh>m the 7th
year of Ch4ng we find the troops of Choo, when
engaged in expeditions with other States, al-
ways led by an officer or minister, we may prs-
sume that Keoh-tseu was too old to take the
field in person.

Par. 13. The Chuen says :^' Duke Le of
Tsin was extravagant, and had many favourites
besides Uie ladies of his harem. When he rs-
tumed from Ten-ling, he wished to put out of
their situations all the great officers, and to iq>-
point in their room the individuals who wers
always about him. One of his favourites was

ybjlr xvn.

DUKE CHTOG.

405

Sen T'lmg, who cheriihed resentment agiinBt
the Keoh family, because of the dismissal from
office of [his father] Sen Kih [See the Chuen
after VI 1 . viii. 8] . Another of them was E-yang
Woo, from whom Keoh £ had taken away some
fields. A third was Keaou of Ch^ang-yu, with
whom, at a former time, Keoh Ch*ow had had
a quarrel iU>out some fields ; and Ch^ow had also
seized and hand-cuffed liim, and bound him with
his parents, wife, and children to one of the
thills of a carriage.

' [These three were all enemies of the Keohs,
andj Lwan Shoo also resented the conduct of
Keoh Che, who had opposed him, thereby leading
to the defeat oi the army of Ts*oo [When Lwan
Shoo wished that the army of Tsin should keep
within its entrenchments, Che insisted that
they should go forth and fight which brought
on the battle of Ten-ling.] He wanted to
procure Che's dismissal from office, and got Fei,
the son of the viscount of TsHx) (who hsd been
taken prisoner], to inform the duke, saying, '*My
ruler was really called to that battle [of Ten-ling]
by Keoh Che, on the ground that the eastern
armies had not arrived, and that the commanders
of your own difft. armies were not all there. He
said, " We are sure to be defeated, and I will
then raise Sun-chow [A great-grandson of duke
Seang of Tsin] to the rule of Tsin, and serve
you?" The duke told this to Lwan Shoo, who
said, ** It is the truth. If it were not so^ how
should he have been so regardless of death [in
the battle], and have received a message from
the enemy ? Why should not your lordship try
the thing by sending him on a mission to Chow,
and examining his conduct there?*' [Accord-
ingly], K^h Che went on a friendly mission to
Chow, where Lwan Shoo had sent word to Sun-
ehow to see him. This was spied out by an
agent of the duke, who concluded that the whole
charge against him was true, and cherished
resentment against Keoh Che.

* When the duke was hunting, he would let his
women shoot and drink first, and then make the
great officers come after them. [Once], Kgoh
Che was bringing [to the duke] a boar [which
he had shot], when MAng-chang, the chief of
the eimuchs, snatched it away, and was shot to
death by Keoh Che in consequence, [irritating]
the duke, [who] said, '* Ke-tsze despises me."

* When diikeLe wanted to take action a^^nst
[the great officers], Sea Timg said to him,
**Tou must begin with the three Keoh. Their
clan is large, but they have many enemies.
Bemoving so large a dan will reUoTC you of
pressure, and your action will be etusy against
those who have so many enemies." The duke
approved of this plan. The Keoh heard of it,
and £ proposed to attack the duke, saying,
"Thougli we may die, he will be put in peril."
Keoh Che, however, said, ** The things which set
a man up are fidelity, wisdom, and valour.
A faithftu man will not revolt against his
ruler; a wise man will not injure the people;
a valiant man will not raise disorder. If we
lose those three qualities, who will be with us ?
If by our death we increase the number of our
enemies, of what use will it be? When a ruler
puts a minister to death, what can the latter
say to him ? I( we are really guilty, our death
oomes late ; if he put us to death, being innocent,
he will lose the people, and have no repose
afterwards, however much he may wish it. Let

us simply wait our fate. We have received
emoluments from our ruler, and by means of
them have collected a party; but what offence
could be greater than if with that party we
should strive against his order [for our death]?"

'On Jin-woo, Sen T'ung and E-yang Woo
wished to lead eight hundred men-at-arms to
attack the Keoh; but Keaou of Ch*ang-ya
begged leave [to attempt their death] without
using many rollowers, and the marquis sent
Tsing Fei-t*uy with him to help him. Taking
their spears and tucking up their skirts, they
pretended to have some dispute together^JTand
went on to where the three Keoh were]. Tliese
had planned to take coimsel together in the
archery hall, and there Keaou with his spear
killed Keu-pih (Keoh E^ and Ch'ing-shuh of K'oo
(Keoh Ch'owX where tney were sitting. Ke of
Wftn said, "Let me flee from the danger," and
ran off. Keaou, however, overtook his caniage,
killed him with his spear, took his body and those
of the two others, and exposed them in the court.
In the meantime Seu T*ung with the men-at-
arms seized Lwan Shoo and Chung-hang Ten
(Seun Heen-tsze) in the court, and Keaou asked
that they might be put to death, or sorrow
would come to the marquis. The marquis,
however, said, *' I have exposed the corpses of
three ministers in one morning, and I cannot
bear to add more to them." Keaou replied,
''They will bear to deal with you. I have
heard that disorder occasioned by another State
is hostility, while that which takes its origin
within the State is treason. Hostility is to be
met with virtue; treason with punishment.
When you put [your enemy] to death without
showing [any leniency], it cannot be said there
is virtue m such a course ; when your ministers
exercise a pressure on you, and you do not cut
them off, it cannot be said that there is punish-
ment. There being neither virtue nor punish-
ment, hostility and treason will come together.
I beg to be allowed to leave the State." Ao-
cordingly he fled to the Teih.

' The duke then sent to the two officers that
they were at liberty to go, saying, "I have pun-
ished the Keoh, and they have suiTered for
their guilt. No disgrace is intended you. Re-
sume your offices and places." The two bowed
twice witii their heads to the ground, and re-
plied, "Tour lordship has puniued the guilty;
and that you have further granted us an escape
from death, — ^this is your kindness. Till death
we shall not foiget it" They then went to
their homes.

'The duke made Seu THing a high minister;
and [not long after], he was rambling and en*
joving himseS in the neighbourhood of the family
or TsSang-le, when Lwan Shoo and Chung-
hang Ten seized and kept him prisoner. Thev
call^ Sze K'ae to join them, but he refused.
They called Han Keueh, but he also refiised,
saying, "Formerly I was brought up in the
Chaou family; and during the slanders of Mtog
Ke [See the Chuen on VIII. 6], I declined to use
my sword. There is a saying of the ancients,
that " no one likes to preside at the slaying of
an old ox;" how much less would one do so at
the slaying of a ruler! Ton, gentlemen, are
not able to serve our ruler; what use could yoa
make of me?"'

Par. 14. The State of Shoo-ynng was near
that of Shoo-lSaou;— see on VILviii.7. The

406

THE CH*UN TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

BOOK VIII.

Chnen says: — * The people of Shoo-yung, in
consequence of the defeat of the anny of Ts'oo
[at Yen-ling], led the people of Woo to besiege
Ch*aou, to attack Kea, and to besiege Le and
Hwuy. Tmsting in Woo, they made no pre-
parations against Ts^oo, and the Kung-tsze
T'oh-tsze surprised their city, and extinguished
their State.'

[The Chuen adds here: — *In the intercalary
month, on Yih-maou, the last day of it, Lvran
Shoo and Chung-hang Yen put to death Sou
TMirg. The people were not for the [three
Keoh], and Seu T*ung had led on his ruler to
commit disorder; and the text therefore says la
both cases that ** Tsin put its great officers to
death." *]

Eighteenth year.

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THE CH'IIS TS*EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

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191 jji.

XVIII. 1

In the duke's [eighteenth] year, in spring, in the king's
first month, Tsin put to death its great officer, Seu
T*ung.

2 On K&ng-shin, Tsin murdered its ruler, Chow-p*oo.

3 Ts*e put to death its great officer, Kwoh Tso.

4 The duke went to Tsin.

5 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo and the earl of Ch4ng

invaded Sung; [when] Yu Shih of Sung again en-
tered P'ang-shing.

6 The duke arrived from Tsin.

7 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze E'ae to Loo on a mission

of friendly enquiries.

8 In autumn, the earl of Ee paid a court-visit to Loo.

9 In the eighth month, the viscount of Choo paid a court-

visit to Loo.

10 We enclosed the deer park.

11 On Ke-ch*ow, the duke died in the state-chamber.

12 In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo and one from

ChHng made an incursion into Sung.

13 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze Fang to ask the help of

an army.

Ykau XVIIL

DUKE CII*IXG.

409

In winter, in the twelfth month, Chung-sun Miieh had
a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung,
the marquis of Wei, the viscount of Choo, and Ts'uy
Ch'oo of Ts'e, when they made a covenant together in

Heu-ting.

15 On Ting-we, we buried our ruler, duke Ch'ing.

Par. 1. The death of Seu T*ung, as related
in tlie last Chuen, took place in the 12th month,
intercalary, of the last year. It appears now,
ace. to Too, because it was only now announced
to Loo. Tsin followed the calendar of Hea,
instead of that of Cliow.

Par. 2. See the Chuen on par. 18 of last year.
The (Hiuen here says: — 'This spring, in the 1st
month, on Kftng-shin, Lwaii Shoo and Chung-
hang Yen made Ch-iiig Hwah murder dulce I^
whom they buried outside the east gate of Yih,
with a single carriage in atteninnce. They
then sent Seun Ying and Sze Fang to the
capital to meet Ciiow-tsze, and declared him
duke Le*8 successor. Chow-tsze was [only] 14
years old ; but when the great oflScers met him
in Ts'ing-yuen, he said, "At first, 1 had no wish
to arrive at this estate; and [now], though I
hare arrived at it, is it not to be ascribed to
Heaven ? Wlien men seek a ruler, it is to have
one who shall give out his orders. If, when
they have called him to the head of the State,
they do not follow his orders, what use have
they for him? If you mean to obey me, say
so to-day ; if not, say so to-day. If you will
reverently follow your ruler, then the Spirits
will bless us." 'J'hey replied, "It is your
servants* desire. We dare not but hearken
to your commaniis." He then made a covenant
with them on Kftng-woo, and entered [the capi-
tal], lodging in the house of Pih T8ze-t*ung.
On Sin-sze he presented himself in the temple
of [duke] Woo, and banished seven men, who
were unworthy to be uiinisterM.

Chow-tsze had a brother who was devoid of
intelligence, so that he could not distinguish
beans from wheat, and consequently could not
be made marquis.'

The K*ang-he editors enter hero again on the
subject which they discussed on VI. xvi. 7.
Tlie murder of duke Le is ascribed to Tsin,
while it was really the work of two of the great
officers of the 8tate. Kuh-leang thought the
style of the record intimated that the ruler had
been very bad. The general view of the critics
is, that the style of the entry does in a measure
distribute the guilt of the murder among the
people, to whom Le was an object of abhorrence.
The editors demmnce this attempt to screen the
deed of the two rascal ministers, and share their
guilt among the people. The entry is given in
consequence of the nature of the announcement
from Tsin, where there was now no inflexible his-
toriographer like Tung Hoo, who recorded the
guilt of Chaou Tun. The announcement must
have concealed the real criminals by attributing
the deed to other parties; but the Ch'uii Ts-ew
would not so cover the guilt, and therefore attri-
buted the deed to the State itself, that so curiosi-
ty might be excited, inquiry made, and the true
criminals not escape from the net !' It is impos-
sible to lay down any * canons,* or offer any
satisfactory explanation of the phraseology in

cases like the present. We have the 13th par. of
last year, and the first three paragraphs of this
year, all occupied with executions or murders
thqt cannot be judged of by the same standard,
and yet the record of them is identical.

Par. 8. See the Chuen on par. 5 of last year,
and that after par. 10. The (/liuen says : — ' Be-
cause of the troubles about K*ing [K'ih] in Ts'e,
on Keah-shin, the last day of the moon, the
marquis of Ts'e made the judge Hwh Meen kill
Kwoh Tso with a spear, at an audience which
he gave him in the inner palace, there being
soldiers concealed in the psdace of the mar-
chioness. The language of the text, ^* Ts'e put to
death its great officer Kwoh 'i so,'* is because he
had paid no respect to his ruler's charge, and had
taken it on himself to kill [K'ing K*ih], and had
held Kuh in rebellion. [At the same time],
the marquis made the people of Ts4ng kill
Kwoh Shing. Kwoh Job [A younger brother
of Shing] then fled to Loo, and Wang Tseaou to
Lae. King Fung was made a great officer, and
K4ng Tso minister of Crime [Both these were
sons of KHh]. After this the marquis recalled
Kwoh Job, and appointed him heir and repre-
sentative of the Kwoh family ; — which was ac-
cording to rule.*

[The Chuen continues here the narrative in
that on p. 2: — *In the 2d month, on Yih-yew, on
the Ist day of the moon, duke Taou [Sun-chow]
of Tsin took the place of Le in the court, and for
the first time gave their charges to the various
officers. He bestowed [favours], remitted

f burdensome requirements], and forgave debts
due to the govt.]; he extended his kindness to
the solitary and to widows; he redressed the
cause of officers who had been dismissed from
employment, and of those who had been kept
back ; he delivered the needy and distressed ; he
relieved the sufferers from calamity and misfor-
tune; he laid prohibitions on dissoluteness and
wickedness ; he lightenerl taxes ; he dealt gently
with ofienders; he employed the people at the
proper times, endeavouring not to interfere with
the seasons. He appointed Wei Scang, Sze
Fang, Wei Keeh, and Chaou Woo, to be higli
ministers; Seun Kea, Seun Hwuy, Lwan Yin,
and Han Woo-ke, to be great officers over the
diflerent branches of the ducal kindred, requir-
ing them to leach the sons and younger brothers
of the ministers the duties of reverence, economy,
filial piety, and fraternal submissiuu. He ap-
pointed Sze Uh-chuh [Sze Ching-tsze] to be
grand-master, requiring hin; to revise and revive
the laws of Fan Woo-tsze; and Yew-hang Siu
to be minister of Works, requiring him to revise
and revive the laws of Sze Wei. Kew of Peen
was principal charioteer, with all the head
grooms uniler him, and was required to instruct
all the charioteers in the principles of righte-
ousness. Seun Pin was principal spearman on the
right, with all the other spearmen under him, and
was requ Ired to instruct those strong men*at-arms

VOL. V.

"13

410

THE CH*UN TS'EW, WITH THE TSO CHUEN.

Teak XVIII.

in the service at any time required of tliom.
Ministers [Beinf? generals] were n«»t allowiil a
special charioteer, his duty bein.? disclmrgec) by
one of the ordinary officers. K'e He was tran-
quillizer of the army of the centre, with Yaiip-
sheh Chih under him; Wei Keang wa9 marshal,
and Chang Laou was scuut-master. Toh N^Tuh-
k*o\v was tranquillizer of the Ist army, with
Tsih Yen as marshal, and was required to teach
the soldiers and chariot-men to aid one another
in obeying the commands) which they received.
Ch'ing -Ch»ing was chief equerry, with the
grooms of the six studs under him, whom he
was required to instruct in tlie rules of propriety.
The chiefs of all the six otficial departments
were the objects of the people's praise. Not
one was unequal to the office to which he was
raised; no one interfered with the duties of
another's department. Their dignities did not
surpass their virtues. The assistant-command-
ers did not trench on the authority of the
generals, nor did their suboiniinates press upon
them. No word of dissatisfaction or reviling
vas heard among the people, and thus the place
of Tsiu as the leader of the other States was
restoreti.']

Parr. 4, 6. *Tlie duke,* says Tso-she, *went

to Thiu, to appear at the court of the new ruler.'

Par. 5. P'ftng-shing was in the pres. dis. of

T^ung-shan (^j|I [±\)j dep. Seu-chow, Keang-

soo. The Chuen says: — *In summer, in the 9th
month, tile earl of Ch'ing made an incursion
into Sunj;, and proceeded as far as the outride
of the Ts'aou gate. He then joined the viscount
of Ts'oo who was invading Sung, and they took
Ciieaou-keah. Tisze-sin of Ts'oo and Hwang
Shin of Ching made an incursion to Shing-
kaou, antl took Yew-k'ew. They then joined
in attacking P*fing-shing. in which they placed
Y'uSliih, Hean;; Wei-jin, Lin Choo, Heang Tae,
and Yu Foo [See the Clmen on XV., pp. 8.9.], left
SOO chariots to guard the country, and returned.
The text says thai [Yu Shih] "again entered"
[P*&ng-sliing]. Now, in the case of parties
who have left their State, when the State sends
and meets them [to bring them hack], they are
said "to enter it." When tiiey have the places
^'hich they formerly held rest<)red to them, they
are said "to be restored again." When they
are re-instnted by the prince of afiother State,
they are said "to be restored." When their
restoration is elfecled by violence, they are said
" to enter again."

• The people of Sung were afflicted by these
proceedings, but 8e Ts'oo-woo said, "Why be
afflicted? If the people of Ts'oo had regarded
those wicked men as we do, [and dealt with
them] so as to do us a favour, then we should
have served T8*oo without daring to waver in
our adherence. Then thai great State, in its
insatiable ambition would have treated us as a
border of its own, and still been angry [that
our State was not lar;^er]. This would have
been a cau<«e [for affliction]. Or if in another
way it ha<I received those objects of our detes-
tation, and n)ade them help it in its measures,
BO as to spy out the opportunities which we
might affoni it [to attack us], this also would
have been an affliction. Bui now, Ts'oo has
exalted these traitors to their prince, and ap-
portioned to them a part of our territory, so as
to stop the plain route [of communication be-

tween Tsin and Woo]; — it has satisfied the
traitors* wishes, and will thereby separate firom
itself its own adherents; it has poisoned the
States against itself, and filled with apprehen-
sion Woo and Tsin Our course becomes much
easier. Tliis should be no sorrow to us. And
for wliat have we served Tsin? It will be sure
to pity us." '

Par. 7. The Chuen says : — ' When the duke
arrived from Tsin, Fan Seuen-tsze (Sze Kae)
came to Loo with friendly inquiries, and to ac-
knowledge the duke*s visit to the court of Tsin.
The superior man will say that in this Tsin
behaved with propriety.'

Par. 8. The Chuen says:— 'The earl of K*e
now came to congratulate the duke on the ac-
complishment of his journey, and to ask about
Tsin. 'ilie duke in consequence told bim all
about the [new] marquis. The earl on tliis
went off quickly on a court-visit to Tiiin, and
begged an alliance of marriage with it.

[There is a note here about Sung : — * In the
7tli month, Laou Tso of Sung and Hwa He laid
siege to P*ftng-shing, when the former died.*]

Tar. 9. Tso-she says ihis visit was ma4]e by
duke Seuen of Choo, on occasion of his succeed-
ing to the State, to have an interview with
duke Oh'ing.

Par. 10. Tso-she says this entry is made be-
cause of the unseasonablcness of the proceeding.

Par. 11. SeeVII.xviii. 7;e<a/. *Tlie record,'
says Tso, * sliows that he died where he should
have done.*

Par. 12. The Chuen says:— * In the llth
month, Tsze-chung of Ts'oo came to relieve
P'ftng-shtng, and invaded Sung. Hwa Yuen of
Sung went to Tsin to report the urgency of
their distress. Han Heen-tsze was then T&in*a
chief minister, and said, "It we wish to win
men, we nmst first be earnest in their behalf.
To establish our leadership, and secure our
strength, we must begin with Sung." The mar-
quis of Tsin then took post with an arnty at
T*ae-kuh, to relieve Sung, and [his generals]
met with the army of Ts'oo in the valley or
Me-koh. Ii withdrew before them.*

Par. 13. For ^ Kung has ^. Tlie Chuen

says: — *When Sze Fang asked fi»r the help of
an army, Ke Wiln-tsze asked Tsang Woo-chung
what should be its numbers. Tsang relied, "In
tiie exi)editirm against Ch'ing, Che pih [Seun
Ying] came to us, the assistant-commander of
the 3d army. Now Che Ke [Sze Fang, a son of
Sze Hwuy] is in the same position. Send the
same number of troops which we did to the in-
vasion of Clring. In seiving a great State, we
must not fail to observe the rank and titles of
its envoys, and to be very respectfuL" Ke
Wftn-tsze followed this counsel.*

Par. 14. lieu- ting was probably in Sung;
but its situation is not known. The Chuen
says: — 'In the 12th month, Mftng Heen-tsze
[Mceh] joined [the other commanders] in Heu-
ting, to consult about the relief of Sung, llie
people of Sung declined tlie presence of the
princes, and begged the service of their armies
ro besiege P*ftng-slung. M&ng Heen-tsze asked
leave of the princes, and returned to Loo, to be
present at the duke*s burial.**

Par. 16. *Thia entry,' says Tso-she, •intimates
that everything [about the death, burial, aiid
succession] was natural and proper.*

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